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^1 


V 


HISTORY 


^y^m^J(^(UK 


EARLY  PART  OF  THE  REIGN 

OF 

JAMES  THE  SECOND; 

WITH  AN 

INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

BY  THE  RIGHT  HON.  CHARLES  JAMES  FOX 


To  which  is  added, 

AN  APPENDIX 


PHILADELPHLV  : 

PRINTED  BV  ABHAHAM  SMALL, 

FOS   BIRCH  AND  SMALL,  C.  AND  A.  CONltAD  AND  CO.  MATHEW  CAREV 

BRADFORD  AND  INSKEEP,  HOPKINS  AND  EARLE  ;    AND   FOR 

E.  MORFORD,  CHARLESTON,  SOUTH  CAROLINA 

1808. 


h\€\^,  »\ 


10  THE  REx\DER 


^%rw^ 


MR.  FOX  was  for  some  years  engaged  in  an  historical 
Work,  which  he  did  not  live  to  complete.  The  curiosity 
excited  by  the  knowledge  that  he  was  so  employed,  would 
be  sufficient  to  justify  the  publication  of  any  Fragment  of 
his  labours,  even  if  it  had  been  found  in  a  more  unfinished 
state  than  the  chapters  which  compose  the  body  of  this 
volume.  It  is,  therefore,  conceived,  that  although  the  work 
is  incomplete,  any  apolog)'  would  be  misplaced,  and  that  in 
fact,  I  only  fulfil  the  wishes  of  the  public,  in  laying  before 
them  all  that  can  now  be  obtained  of  a  history  so  earnestly 
expected  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Fox. 

An  explanation,  however,  of  the  circumstances  attending 
a  posthumous  publication,  if  not  necessary  for  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  reader,  is  due  to  the  memory  and  reputation  of 
the  author  himself.  Some  notion  of  what  he  projected, 
seems  requisite  towards  forming  an  estimate  of  what  he 
performed ;  and  in  this  instance,  the  rumours  formerly  cir- 
culated concerning  the  nature  of  his  undertaking,  and  the 
materials  which  he  had  collected,  render  indispensable,  a 
short  statement  of  his  intentions,  and  of  the  manner  in 
which  he  prosecuted  his  researches.  It  will  be  yet  more 
necessary  to  explain  the  state  in  which  the  manuscript  was 
found,  and  the  com-se  which  had  been  pursued  in  printing 
a  work,  respecting  wluch  no  positive  injunctions  were  ever 
received  from  the  author. 

A 


II  TO  THE  READER. 

The  precise  period  at  which  Mr.  Fox  first  formed  the 
design  of  writing  a  history,  cannot  be  ascertained.  In  the 
year  1797,  he  announced  publicly  his  intention  of  devoting 
"  a  greater  *  portion  of  his  time  to  his  private  pursuits :" 
He  was  even  on  the  point  of  relinquishing  his  seat  in  Par- 
liament, and  retiring  altogether  from  public  life,  a  plan 
which  he  had  formed  many  years  before,  and  to  the  execu- 
tion of  which  he  always  looked  forward  with  the  greatest 
delight.  The  remonstrances,  however,  of  those  friends,,  for 
whose  judgment  he  had  the  greatest  deference,  ultimately 
prevailed.  He  consequently  confined  his  scheme  of  retreat 
to  a  more  uninterrupted  residence  in  the  countrj^,  than  he 
had  hitherto  permitted  himself  to  enjoy.  During  his  retire- 
ment, that  love  of  literature,  and  fondness  for  poetry,  which 
neither  pleasure  nor  business  had  ever  extinguished,,  re- 
vived with  an  ardour,  such  as  few  in  the  eagerness  of 
youth,  or  in  pursuit  of  fame  or  advantage,  are  capable  of 
feeling.  For  some  time,  however,  his  studies  were  not 
directed  to  any  particular  object.  Such  was  the  happy  dis- 
position of  his  mind,  that  his  OM'n  reflections,  whether  sup- 
plied by  conversation,  desultory  reading,  or  die  common 
occurrences  of  a  life  iu  the  country,  were  always  sufficient 
to  call  forth  the  vigour  and  exertion  of  his  faculties.  Inter- 
course with  the  world  had  so  little  deadened  in  him  the 
sense  of  the  simplest  enjoyments,  that  even  in  the  hours  of 
apparent  leisure  and  inactivity,  he  retained  that  keen  relish 
of  existence,  which,  after  the  first  impressions  of  life,  is  so 
rarely  excited  but  by  great  interests  and  strong  passions. 
Hence  it  was,  that  in  the  interval  between  his  active  atten- 
dance in  Parliament,  and  the  undertaking  of  his  History^ 

'  Vide  Paiiiamciitary  Debates,  May  26, 1797. 


TO  THE  READER.  5ii 

tit  never  felt  the  tedium  of  a  vacant  day.  A  verse  in  Cow- 
■per,  which  he  frequently  repeated, 

How  various  his  employments  whom  the  world 
Calls  idle  ! 

was  an  accm-ate  description  of  the  life  he  was  then  leading ; 
imd  I  am  persuaded,  that  if  he  had  consulted  his  own  grati- 
fications only,  it  would  have  continued  to  be  so.  The  cir- 
cumstances which  led  him  once  more  to  take  an  active  part 
in  public  discussions,  are  foreign  to  the  purposes  of  this 
Preface.  It  is  sufficient  to  remark,  that  they  could  not  be 
foreseen,  and  that  his  notion  of  engaging  in  some  literary 
vmdertaking  was  adopted  during  his  retii-ement,  and  with 
the  prospect  of  long  and  uninterrupted  leisure  before  him. 
When  he  had  determined  upon  employing  some  part  of  it 
in  writing,  he  was,  no  doubt,  actuated  by  a  variety  of  con- 
siderations, in  the  choice  of  the  task  he  should  undertake. 
His  philosophy  had  never  rendered  him  insensible  to  the 
gratification  Avhich  the  hope  of  posthumous  fame  so  often 
produces  in  great  minds ;  and,  though  criticism  might  be 
more  congenial  to  the  habits  and  amusements  of  his  retreat, 
an  historical  work  seemed  more  of  a  piece  with  the  tenour 
of  his  former  life,  and  might  prove  of  greater  benefit  to  the 
public,  and  to  posterity.  These  motives,  together  with  his 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  English  Constitution,  naturally 
led  him  to  prefer  the  histor}'  of  his  o^\^l  country,  and  to 
select  a  period  favourable  to  the  illustration  of  the  great 
general  principles  of  freedom,  on  which  it  is  founded ;  for 
his  attachment  to  those  principles,  the  result  of  practical 
observation,  as  well  as  philosophical  reflection,  far  from 
having  abated,  had  acquired  new  force  and  fresh  vigour 
in  his  retirement. 


iV  TO  THE  READER. 

With  these  views,  it  was  almost  impossible  that  he  should 
not  fix  on  the  Revolution  of  1688.  The  event  was  cheer- 
ing and  animating.  It  was  the  most  signal  triumph  of  that 
cause  to  which  his  public  life  had  been  devoted ;  and  in  a  re- 
view of  its  progress,  he  could  not  fail  to  recognize  those  prin- 
ciples which  had  regulated  his  own  political  conduct.  But 
the  choice  of  that  period  was  recommended  by  yet  higher 
considerations ;  the  desire  of  rescuing  from  misrepresenta- 
tion, the  most  glorious  transaction  of  our  history ;  the  op- 
portunity of  instructing  his  countrymen  in  the  real  nature 
of  their  Constitution  j  and  the  hope  of  impressing  on  man- 
kind those  lessons  applicable  to  all  times,  which  are  to  be 
flrawn  from  that  memorable  occurrence. 

The  manner  in  which  the  most  popular  historians,  and 
other  writers  of  eminence,  had  treated  the  subject,  was 
likely  to  stimulate  him  more  strongly  to  such  an  undertak- 
ing. It  could  not  escape  the  observation  of  Mr.  Fox,  that 
some,  from  the  bias  of  their  individual  opinions,  had  given 
a  false  colour  to  the  whole  transaction ;  that  others  had  wil- 
fully distorted  the  facts  to  serve  some  temporary  purpose ; 
and  that  Bolingbroke,  in  particular,  had  confounded  the 
distinct  and  even  opposite  views  of  the  two  leading  parties, 
who,  though  they  concurred  in  the  measure,  retained  even 
in  their  union,  all  their  respective  tenets  and  fundamental 
distinctions. 

According  to  his  first  crude  conceptions  of  the  work,  it 
would,  as  far  as  I  recollect,  have  begun  at  the  Revolution ; 
but  he  altered  his  mind,  after  a  careful  perusal  of  the  latter 
part  of  Hume's  histor}%  An  apprehension  of  the  false  im- 
pressions which  that  great  historian's  partiality,  might  have 
left  on  the  mind  of  his  readers,  induced  him  to  go  back  to 
the  accession  of  King  James  the  Second,  and  even  to  prefix 


TO  THE  READER.  V 

an  Introductor}'  Chapter,  on  the  character  and  leading 
events,  of  the  times  immediately  preceding. 

From  the  moment  his  labour  commenced,  he  generally 
spoke  of  his  plan  as  extending  no  further  than  the  settle- 
ment at  the  Revolution.  His  friends,  however,  were  not 
without  hopes,  that  the  habit  of  composition  might  engage 
him  more  deeply  in  literary  undertakings,  or  that  the  differ- 
ent views  which  the  course  of  his  enquiries  would  open, 
might  ultimately  allure  him  on  further  in  the  histoiy  of  his 
country.  Some  casual  expressions,  both  in  conversation 
and  correspondence,  seemed  to  imply  that  the  possibility  of 
such  a  result  was  not  entirely  out  of  his  o^\'n  contemplation. 
He  acknowledged  that  some  papers  which  I  had  the  good 
fortune  to  procure  in  Spain,  "  though  they  did  not  relate  to 
"  his  period  exactly,  might  be  very  useful  to  him,  and  at  all 
*'  events  entertaining;  nay,  possibly,  that  they  might  make 
"  him  go  on  further  than  he  intended."*.. ..As  his  work 
advanced,  his  allusions  to  various  literary  projects,  such  as 
an  edition  of  Dryden,  a  Defence  of  Racine  and  the  French 
Stage,  Essay  on  the  Beauties  of  Euripides,  Sec.  &c.  be- 
came more  frequent,  and  were  more  confidently  expressed. 
In  a  letter  written  to  me  in  1803,  after  observing  that  a 
modem  ^vriter  did  not  sufficiently  admire  Racine,  he  adds 
...."  It  puts  me  quite  in  a  passion.  Je  veux  contre  eux 
''^  fair e  wi  jour  un gr OS  livre^^s  Voltaire  says.  Even  Dry- 
*'  den,  who  speaks  with  proper  respect  of  Comeiile  vili- 
"/>^w</*f  Racine.  If  ever  I  publish  my  edition  of  his 
"  works,  I  will  give  it  him  for  it,  you  may  depend.  Oh 
'•'•  how  I  wish  that  I  could  make  up  my  mind  to  think  it 
"  right,  to  devote  all  the  remaining  part  of  my  life  to  such 

*  MS.  Correspondence, 
t  Mr.  Fox  often  used  this  word  in  ridicule  of  pedianlic  expressions. 


VI  TO  THE  READER. 

"  subjects,  and  such  only!  Indeed  I  rather  think  I  shall, 
"  and  yet,  if  there  M'^ere  a  chance  of  re-establishing  a  strong 
"  Whig  party,  (however  composed,) 

"  Non  adeo  has  exosa  manus  victoria  fugit 
"  Uttanta  quicquam  pro  spe  tentare  recuse  m 

Even  while  his  undertaking  was  yet  fresh,  in  the  course 
of  an  enquiry  into  some  matters  relating  to  the  trial  of 
Somerset,  in  King  James  the  First's  reign,  he  says  to  his 
correspondent,  "  But  what  is  all  this,  you  will  say,  to  my 
"  history  ?  Certainly  nothing ;  but  one  historical  enquiry 
"  leads  to  another ;  and  I  recollect  that  the  impression  upon 
"  my  mind  was,  that  there  was  more  reason  than  is  gene- 
"  rally  allowed,  for  suspecting  that  Prince  Henry  was  poi- 
"  soned  by  Somerset,  and  that  the  King  knew  of  it  after 
"  the  fact.  This  is  not,  to  be  sure,  to  my  present  purpose ; 
"  but  I  have  thought  of  prefixing  to  my  work,  if  it  ever 
"  should  be  finished,  a  disquisition  upon  Hume's  History 
"  of  the  Stewarts,  and  in  no  part  of  it  would  his  partiality 
"  appear  stronger,  than  in  James  the  First."* 

About  the  same  time  he  talked  of  writing,  eidier  in  the 
form  of  a  dedication,  or  dialogue,  a  treatise  on  the  three 
arts  of  Poetiy,  History,  and  Oratory;  which,  to  my  sur- 
prise, he  classed  in  the  order  I  have  related.  The  plan  of 
such  a  work  seemed,  in  a  great  measure,  to  be  digested  in 
his  head,  and  from  the  sketch  he  drew  of  his  design  to  me, 
it  would,  if  completed,  have  been  an  invaluable  monument 
of  the  great  originality  of  thought,  and  singular  philosophi- 
cal acuteness,  with  which  he  was  accustomed  to  treat  of 
such  subjects  in  his  most  careless  conversations.  But 
though  a  variety  of  literary  projects  might  occasionally 
*  AIS.  Correspondence  to  Lord  Lauderdale. 


TO  THE  READF.R.  VII. 

corae  across  him,  he  was  very  cautious  of  promising  too 
much;  for  he  was  aware  that  whatever  he  undertook,  his 
progress  in  it  would  necessarily  be  extremely  slow.  He 
could  not  but  foresee,  that  as  new  events  arose,  his  friends 
would  urge  him  to  return  to  politics;  and  though  his  own 
inclinations  might  enable  him  to  resist  tlieir  entreaties,  the 
verj'  discussion  on  the  propriety  of  yielding,  would  produce 
an  attention  to  the  state  of  public  affairs,  and  divert  him  in 
some  degree  from  the  pursuit  in  which  he  was  engaged. 
But  it  was  yet  more  difficult  to  fortify  himself  against  the 
seductions  of  his  own  inclination,  ^\■hich  was  continually 
drawing  him  off  from  his  historical  researches,  to  critical 
enquiries,  to  the  study  of  the  classics,  and  to  works  of  ima- 
gination and  poetiy.  Abundant  proof  exists  of  the  effect 
of  these  interruptions,  both  on  his  labours  and  on  his  mind. 
His  letters  are  filled  with  complaints,  of  such  as  arose  from 
politics,  while  he  speaks  with  delight  and  complacency  of 
whole  days  devoted  to  Euripides  and  Virgil. 

The  scale  which  his  various  pursuits  occupied  in  his  esti- 
mation, is  very  naturaUy  described  in  several  of  his  letters. 
And  as  it  is  not  entirely  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  this 
Preface,  my  readers  may  not  be  displeased  witli  the  inser- 
tion of  one,  as  a  specimen  of  his  familiar  correspondence. 

"  Dear  Grey. 
"  In  defence  of  my  opinion  about  the  nightingales,  I  find 
"  Chaucer,  who  of  all  poets  seems  to  have  been  the  fond- 
"  est  of  the  singing  of  birds,  calls  it  a  jncrnj  note ;  and 
*'  though  Theocritus  mentions  nightingales  six  or  seven 
"  times,  he  never  mentions  their  note  as  plaintive  or  melan- 
"  choly.  It  is  true,  he  does  not  call  it  any  vrliere  merrv, 
•'  as  Chaucer  does  ;  but  by  mentioning  it  •',\  ith  the  song  of 


Vin  TO  THE  READER. 

*'  the  blackbird,  and  as  answering  it,  he  seems  to  imply, 
*'  that  it  was  a  cheerful  note.  Sophocles  is  against  us ;  but 
"  even  he  says,  lamenting  Itys^  and  the  comparison  of  her 
"  to  Electra,  is  rather  as  to  perseverance  day  and  night, 
"  than  as  to  sorrow.  At  all  events,  a  tragic  poet  is  not 
"  half  so  good  authority  in  this  question,  as  Theocritus  and 
"  Chaucer.  I  cannot  light  upon  the  passage  in  the  Odyssey, 
"  where  Penelope's  restlessness  is  compared  to  the  night- 
"  ingale ;  but  I  am  sure  that  it  is  only  as  to  restlessness 
"  and  watchfulness,  that  he  makes  the  comparison.  If  you 
*'  will  read  the  last  twelve  books  of  the  Odyssey,  you  will 
"  certainly  find  it,  and  I  am  sure  you  will  be  paid  for  youi' 
"  hunt,  whether  you  find  it  or  not.  The  passage  in  Chau- 
"  cer  is  in  the  Flower  and  Leaf,  p.  99.  The  one  I  particu- 
"  larly  allude  to  in  Theocritus,  is  in  his  Epigrams,  I  think 
"  in  the  fourth.  Dryden  has  transferred  the  word  merry 
"  to  the  goldfinch,  in  the  Flower  and  the  Leaf;  in  defer- 
*'  ence,  may  be,  to  the  vulgar  error ;  but  pray  read  his  de- 
"  scription  of  the  nightingale  there  :  It  is  quite  delightful. 
"  I  am  afraid  I  like  these  researches  as  much  better  than 
"  those  that  relate  to  Shaftesbury,  Sunderland,  &c.  as  I  do 
"  those  better  than  attending  the  House  of  Commons. 

"  Your's,  affectionately, 

"  C.  J.  FOX." 

The  fact  is,  he  struggled  so  little  against  such  inclina- 
tions, that  when  pressed  to  sacrifice  his  Greek  studies  for  a 
time,  he  answers,  "  I  have  no  thoughts  of  throwing  away 
"  my  Greek  books,  and  would  give  up  the  whole  plan  if  I 
"  thought  it  incompatible  with  my  giving  a  little  time  to 
"  them."* 

•  MS.  Correspondence 


TO  THE  READER.  IX 

But  it  was  not  merely  the  interference  of  other  occupa- 
tions, whether  of  business  or  amusement,  that  impeded  the 
progress  of  his  work. 

He  knew  by  experience,  that  he  was  as  slow  in  compo- 
sition, as  he  was  rapid  in  public  speaking.  He  had  employ- 
ed many  daj's  in  writing  his  Letter  to  tlie  Electors  of 
Westminster,  in  1793:  and  even  the  publication  of  his 
Speech*  on  the  late  Duke  of  Bedford,  (the  only  instance 
in  which  he  ever  revised  what  he  had  delivered  in  public,) 
occupied  a  greater  portion  of  his  time  than  could  be  easily 
imagined,  by  those  who  were  unacquainted  with  his  scru- 
pulous attention  to  all  the  niceties  of  language.  In  addition 
to  these  circumstances  he  soon  perceived  that  his  scrupu- 
lous exactness,  with  respect  to  all  the  circumstances  of  any 
fact  which  he  was  obliged  either  to  relate  or  advert  to, 
would  retard  him  by  the  multiplicity  and  minuteness  of 

the  researches  it  would  occasion "  History  goes  on,  (he 

"  remarked,)  but  it  goes  on  very  slowly.  The  fact  is,  I  am. 
"  a  very  slow  writer,  but  I  promise  I  v/ill  persevere.  I  be- 
"  lieve  I  am  too  scrupulous  both  about  language  and  facts  ; 
"  though  with  respect  to  the  lattet,  it  is  hardly  possible.  It 
"  is  astonishing  how  many  facts  one  finds  related,  for  which 

*  Having  mentioned  these  works,  I  take  this  oppoiliuiity  of  adding", 
that,  with  the  exception  of  the  14th,  16th,  and  perhaps  a  few  other  nmn- 
bers  of  a  periodical  publication  in  1779,  called  the  Eng-lisliman,  and  ap 
Epitaph  on  the  late  Bishop  of  Downe,  tliey  are  the  only  pieces  of  prose 
he  ever  printed  ;  unless  indeed,  one  were  to  reckon  his  Advertisements 
lo  Electors,  and  the  parliamentary  Papers  which  he  may  have  dra-.vn  up. 

There  are  several  specimens  of  his  composition  in  versCj  in  difilrent 
)an}^uages  :  but  the  lines  on  Mrs.  Crewe,  and  those  to  Mrs.  Fox,  on  hi* 
birthday,  are,  as  far  as  I  recollect,  all  that  have  been  printed.  An  Ode  to 
Poverty,  and  an  Epigram  upon  Gllibon,  tliough  very  generally  attributed 
to  him,  are  certainly  not  his  compositions. 

B 


X  TO  THE  READER. 

"  there  is  no  authority  whatever.    Tradition,  you  will  say, 
"  does  in  some  cases,  but  it  will  not  apply  to  others."* 

Even  while  he  was  employed  in  the  Introduction,  in 
which,  "  as  it  was  rather  a  discussion  alluding  to  known 
"  facts,  than  a  minute  enquiry  into  disputed  points,"  f  he 
acknowledged  that  "  it  was  not  so  important  to  be  exact  to 
"  a  nicety  ;"  he  nevertheless  fonnrl  snme  difficulty  in  tracing 
the  information  of  historians  to  their  original  sources.  Up- 
on this,  as  upon  all  other  occasions,  where  he  stood  in  need 
of  active  assistance,  he  had  recourse  to  the  advice  and 
friendship  of  Lord  Lauderdale  j  and  the  following  letter 
was  the  first  step  he  took  in  those  researches,  which,  after 
a  long  series  of  enquiries,  enabled  him  both  to  ascertain  the 
nature,  and  the  fate  of  the  Scotch  College  Manuscripts,  and 
to  procure  a  valuable  collection  of  papers  from  the  Depot 
of  Foreign  Affairs  at  Paris. 

TO  THE  EARL  OF  LAUDERDALE.t 

"  Dear  Lauderdale, 
"  I  am  seriously  thinking  of  becoming  an  historian,  and 
"  have  indeed  begun  ;  but  my  progress  hitherto  is  so  little, 
"  that  it  is  not  worth  mentioning,  except  upon  the  principle 
*'  of  dimidium  qui  cepit.  As  to  what  people  may  expect,  I 
"  know  not.  If  much,  they  will  be  disappointed  ;  but  I 
*^  certainly  do  not  intend  to  decline  the  labour  of  any  search, 
"  which  1  am  able  to  make,  and  much  less  to  refuse  any 
*'  assistance  I  can  have  in  such  research.  I  hope,  therefore, 
"  you  will  not  be  satisfied  with  merely  recommending  to 
*'  me  to  make  use  of  assistance,  but  give  me  some  hint  O'f 

*  MS.  Correspondence.         f  MS.  Correspondence. 
:;  This  letter  was  written  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1800. 


TO  THE  READER.  xi 

'^  what  nature,  aiid  from  whom  I  may  get  it.  To  enaljle 
"  you  to  do  this  better,  it  is  necessary  to  inform  you,  that 
"  the  death  of  Charles  the  Second  is  the  period  from  which 
"  I  commence  my  history ;  though  in  my  Introduction,  I 
"  take  a  pretty  full  view  of  his  reign,  and  consequent!}-, 
"  should  be  glad  enough  to  get  new  lights  with  regard  to 
"  it.  F-ven  this  Tntrodnrtory  Chnpter,  hnwfver,  is  not  yet 
"  finished.  Next,  it  is  fit  you  should  know,  that  so  far  from 
"  having  as  yet  examined,  or  even  looked  into  any  manu- 
"  script  papers,  or  other  documents  not  generally  known, 
"  I  do  not  even  know  where  any  such  exist,  and,  there- 
"  fore,  any  information  on  that  head  will  be  very  welcome. 
"  I  find  one  of  my  greatest  difficulties  to  be,  how  to  disco- 
'^  ver  the  authorities  upon  which  historians  advance  their 
"  facts,  for  they  very  often  do  not  refer  to  them.  Hither- 
"  to,  where  I  am  only  taking  a  cursory  review,  this  is  of  no 
"  great  importance.  But  in  regard  to  the  Popish  and 
"  Rye-House  plots  particularly,  I  find  both  Rapin  and 
^  Hume  advancing  so  many  facts,  for  which  I  cannot  guess 
"  their  authorities,  that  if  I  were  to  give  a  regular  history 
"  of  these  transactions,  I  should  be  much  puzzled.  Now, 
*'  when  I  am  under  difficulties  of  this  sort,  can  you  either 
"  direct  me  to  w^hom  I  can  apply  for  a  solution  of  them  ? 
"'  or  if  I  send  queries  to  you,  can  you  give  me  answers  to 
''  them  r" 

With  both  the  above  requests  Lord  Lauderdale  com- 
plied ;  and  by  his  own  diligence,  and  the  assistance  of  Mr. 
Laing,  was  enabled  to  transmit  to  Mr.  Fox  much  useful 
information.  In  a  very  short  time  afterwards  that  Gentle- 
maii  published  his  History  of  Scotland,  a  work  which  Mr. 
Fox  emphatically  termed  "  a  treasure,"  and  which  so  ani- 
mated his  labours,  by  opening  new  sources  of  information, 


XII  TO  THE  READER. 

and  new  vie^v^  of  transactions,  that  at  no  period  was  he  so 
ardent  in  the  prosecution  of  his  plan,  as  when  fresh  from 
the  perusal  of  that  valuable  performance.  The  advantages 
he  derived  from  it  he  frequently  declared  to  be  incalcula- 
ble ;  and  it  certainly  was  not  among  the  least,  that  it  afford- 
ed him  an  opportunity  of  cultivating  the  friendship  of  the 
Author,  and  consulting  him  on  many  points  connected  with 
his  own  undertaking.  As  the  early  part  of  his  correspond- 
ence is  of  a  general  nature,  I  subjoin  his  first  letter,  and 
an  extract  from  the  second. 

TO  MALCOLM  LAING,  ESQ. 

"  Sir, 

"  I  ought  long  since  to  have  acknowledged  the  receipt 
"  of  your  History  of  Scotland,  and  to  have  returned  you 
'■'■  my  thanks  for  your  early  communication  to  me  of  that 
''  excellent  woi^k.  It  has  given  me  the  greatest  satisfaction  ; 
"  and  there  are  several  points  relating  to  English  history  in 
"  it,  which  you  appear  to  me  to  have  cleared  up  much  more 
*'  than  any  other  of  those  historians  who  have  professedly 
"  treated  of  them. 

"  What  you  say  in  answer  to  Hume,  upon  the  subject  of 
"  Glamorgan's  powers,  is  quite  conclusive ;  but  I  rather 
"  regret  that  you  have  not  taken  notice  of  that  part  of  his 
"  argument  which  is  built  upon  what  he  calls  Glamorgan's 
"  defeazance,  and  which  is  the  most  plausible  part  of  it. 

*'  In  Charles  the  Second's  reign,  I  observe  that  you  do 
"  not  mention  the  atrocious  case  of  Wier,  which  Hume 
"  details ;  but  that  which  you  say  of  Laurie  of  Blackwood 
"  is  very  like  what  he  relates  of  Wier.  Would  it  be  too 
"  much  trouble  to  ask  of  you  to  let  me  know  whether 
"  Hume's  statement  of  Wier  is  a  correct  one  ? 


TO  THE  READER.  Xlll 

"  I  had  detected  the  trick  of  Hume's  theatrical  and  false 
''  representation  of  Charles  the  First  hearing  the  noise  of 
"■  his  scaffold,  but  did  not  know  that  he  had  had  Herbert's 
"  authentic  account  so  lately  under  his  eye.  In  general,  I 
"  think  you  treat  him  (Hume)  too  tenderly.  He  was  an 
"  excellent  man,  and  of  great  powers  of  mind,  but  his  par- 
"  tiality  to  kings  and  princes  is  intolerable.  Nay,  it  is,  in 
"  my  opinion,  quite  ridiculous,  and  is  more  like  the  foolish 
"  admiration  which  women  and  children  sometimes  have 
"  for  kings,  than  the  opinion,  right  or  wrong,  of  a  philosopher. 

"  I  wanted  no  conviction  on  the  point  of  Ossian  ;  but  if 
"  I  had,  you  afforded  abundance. 

"  Whether  your  book,  coming  out  at  a  period  when  the 
"  principles  upon  which  it  appears  to  be  written  are  becom- 
"  ing  so  unfashionable,  will  be  a  popular  one  or  not,  I  know 
"  not ;  but  to  all  who  wish  to  have  a  true  knowledge  of  the 
"  history  of  your  country,  it  is  a  most  valuable  acquisition, 
"  and  Avill  sei've  to  counteract  the  mischief  which  Hume, 
"  Daliymple,  Macpherson,  Somervile,  and  others  of  your 
"  countiymen  have  done.  You  Avill  easily  believe  that  I 
"  do  not  class  Hume  with  the  Others,  except  as  to  the  bad 
"  tendency  of  their  representations. 

"  I  shall  desire  my  friend,  Lord  Lauderdale,  to  trans- 
■'  mit  this  to  you. 

"  I  am,  with  great  regard, 
"  Sir, 

"  Your  most  obedient  ser\'ant, 

"  C.  J.  FOX. 
Ht.  Antie's  Hill,  Sept  24,  1800 


XlV  TO  THE  READER, 

Extract  from  a  Second  Letter  to  Mr.  Laing. 

"  Many  thanks  to  you,  my  dear  Sir,  for  yours  of  the 
"  10th.  I  have  found  the  place  in  Ralph,  and  a  great  deal 
"  more  important  matter  relative  to  the  transactions  of 
"  those  times,  which  is  but  slightly  touched  by  other  his- 
"  torians.  I  am  every  day  more  and  more  surprised,  that 
"  Ralph  should  have  had  so  much  less  reputation  as  an  his- 
"  torian  than  he  seems  to  deserve. 

"  I  will  trouble  you  freely  when  I  shall  have  farther  ques- 
"  tions  to  ask  ;  but  I  should  take  it  very  ill  if  you  were  so 
"  to  confine  your  answer  to  mere  matters  of  reference,  as 
"  not  to  give  me  your  opinion,  when  you  form  any,  upon 
"  the  points  in  question." 

A  correspondence  ensued,  from  which  it  appears  that  he 
took  indefatigable  pains  to  investigate  the  authority  for 
every  assertion  in  the  writers  he  consulted,  and  to  correct 
the  slightest  variation  in  their  accounts,  though  apparently 
of  little  importance.  Before  he  drew  any  inference  what- 
ever, the  weight  of  evidence  was  so  carefully  balanced  in 
his  mind,  that  the  authority  for  each  particular  circumstance 
was  separately  examined,  and  distinctly  ascertained.  In- 
deed the  necessity  and  even  use  of  such  extreme  circum- 
spection, such  scrupulous  sifting  of  his  most  minute  ma- 
terials, might  at  first  sight  appear  questionable.  But  many 
parts  of  the  vrork  are  sufficient  to  prove  that  such  labours 
were  far  from  being  fruitless.  An  instance  is  easily  selected. 
His  enquiries  concerning  the  seizure  and  execution  of  the 
Earl  of  Argylc,  are  contained  in  the  correspondence  Avith 
?vlr.  Laing,  and  tliey  are  of  the  nature  I  have  described  ; 
but  on  reading  his  narrative  of  those  events,  the  advantages 
he  derived  from  the  circumstantial  minuteness  of  his  mate- 


TO  THE  READER.  XV 

rials,  will  not  be  found  less  striking,  than  his  diligence  in 

procuring  and  analyzing  them. 

One  of  the  earliest  and  greatest  difficulties  that  he  en- 
countered in  the  course  of  his  labours,  arose  from  the 
manner  in  which  Mr.  Macpherson  and  Sir  J.  Dahymple 
had  explained  and  conducted  their  respective  publications, 
and  which  he  always  considered  as  unsatisfactory.  His 
complaints  of  both  these  authors  were  frequent  ;  and  the 
more  he  examined  and  studied  their  books,  the  more  he 
perceived  the  necessity  of  making  some  further  researches. 
He  was  anxious,  if  possible,  to  consult  the  original  docu- 
ments from  which  their  extracts  were  made  ;  and  he  was 
at  first  apprehensive,  that  nothing  short  of  an  examination 
of  all  the  manuscripts  of  the  Scotch  College  at  Paris,  could 
enable  him  to  determine  the  degree  of  credit  due  to  the 
extracts  of  Macpherson.  But  he  must  verj^  soon  have  des- 
paired of  obtaining  that  satisfaction,  for  he  had  strong  rea- 
sons to  suspect,  even  before  his  journey  to  Paris  in  1802, 
that  the  most  valuable  part,  if  not  the  whole  of  them,  had 
been  destroyed.  Three  important  points  however,  might 
yet  be  ascertained  :....lst,  Of  what  the  manuscripts,  so  long 
presei"ved  in  the  Scotch  College  at  Paris,  actually  consisted ; 
....2ndly,  To  what  part  of  them  either  Carte  or  Macpher- 
son had  access  ;....3dly,  whether  any  portion,  copies,  or 
fragments,  of  the  papers  were  still  in  existence.  The  re- 
sult of  his  enquiries  will  be  best  given  in  his  own  words, 
though  upon  the  first  point  he  had  ascertained  *  something 
more  than  appears  from  the  following  extract  of  his  letter 
to  Mr.  Laing. 

*  Among  Mr.  Fox's  papers  was  found  a  list  of  "  the  works  which 
"  were  placed  in  the  Scotch  College  at  Palis,  soon  after  the  deatli  of 


XVI  TO  THE  READER. 

"  With  respect  to  Carte's  extract,  I  have  no  doubt  but 
"  it  is  faithfully  copied ;  but  on  this  extract  it  is  necessary 
"  to  make  an  observation,  which  applies  to  all  the  rest,  both 
"  of  Carte's  and  Macpherson's,  and  which  leads  to  the  de- 
"  tection  of  an  imposture  of  the  latter,  as  impudent  as 
"  Ossian  itself.  The  extracts  are  evidently  made,  not  from 
"  a  journal,  but  from  a  narrative  ;  and  /  have  now  ascer- 
"  tained  beyond  all  doubt.,  that  there  were  in  the  Scotch  Col- 
"  lege  txvo  distinct  manuscripts,  one  in  James's  own  hand, 
"  consisting  of  papers  of  different  sizes  bound  up  together, 
"  and  the  other  a  sort  of  historical  narrative,  compiled  from 
"  the  former.  The  narrative  was  said  to  have  been  revised 
"  and  rorrected,  as  to  style,  by  Dryden*  the  poet,  (mean- 
"  ing  probably  Charles  Dryden,  the  great  poet's  son,)  and 
"  it  was  not  known  in  the  College  whether  it  was  drawn  up 
"  in  James's  life,  or  by  the  direction  of  his  son,  the  Pre- 
"  tender.  I  doubt  whether  Carte  ever  saw  the  original 
"  journal ;  but  I  learn,  from  undoubted  authority,  that  Mac- 
"  pherson  never  did ;  and  yet  to  read  his  Preface,  page  6 

"  James  the  Second,  and  were  there  at  the  time  of  the  French  Revolu- 
"  tion."  It  is  us  follows  : 

Four  volumes  folio,  six  volumes  ^f'^"?«"•^"?  ■^^'"'f  ^  the  Second's  own 

quarto  \    .  ^^I'^^mg-,   beg-mning   from    the 

^  '  Ltime  that  he  was  sixteen  years  of  ag'c. 

rContaining-  letters  from  Charles  the 

Two  thin  quarto  volumes,  \  Second's  ministers  to  James  the  Se- 

'■  j  cond  (then  Duke  of  lork,)  wjicn  he 

(.was  at  Brussels  and  in  Scotland,  MS 

{Containing  Letters  from  Charles  the 
Second  to  his  brother,  James  Duke 
of  York,  MS. 

*  It  is  the  opinion  of  the  present  possessor  of  the  narrative,  that  it 
was  compiled  from  the  original  documents  by  Thomas  Inncs,  one  of  the 
Superiors  of  tlie  Collcg'c,  and  author  of  a  work  entitled,  A  Critical Ec- 
saij  on  the  ancient  Inhabitants  of  Scotland. 


TO   THF,    RFADrU.  Xvli 

"  and  r,  (which  pray  advert  to,)  one  would  have  supposed, 
"•  not  only  that  he  had  inspected  it  accurately,  but  that  all 
"  his  extracts  at  least,  if  not  Carte's  also,  were  taken  from 
'*  it.  Macpherson's  impudence  in  attempting  such  an  im- 
"•  position,  at  a  time  when  almost  any  man  could  have  de- 
"  tected  him,  would  have  been  in  another  man,  incredible, 
"  if  the  internal  evidence  of  the  extracts  themselves  against 
"  him  were  not  corroborated  by  the  testimony  of  the  prin- 
"  cipal  persons  of  the  College.  And  this  leads  me  to  a 
"  point  of  more  importance  to  me.  Principal  Gordon 
"  thought,  when  I  saw  him  at  Paris,  in  October  1 802,  that 
"  all  the  papers  were  lost.  I  now  hear  from  a  well-inform- 
"  ed  person,  that  the  most  material,  viz.  those  written  in 
"  James's  own  hand-writing,  were  indeed  lost,  and  in  the 
"  way  mentioned  by  Gordon,  but  that  the  Narrative,  fi-om 
"  which  only  Macpherson  made  his  extracts,  is  still  exist- 
"  ing,  and  that  Mr.  Alexander  Camei-on,  Bluckfriars  Wynd, 
"  Edinburgh,  either  has  it  himself,  or  knows  v/here  it  is  to 
"  be  found." 

The  above  information  was  correct.  There  is  strong 
presumptive  evidence,  that  the  Manuscripts  of  King  James 
the  Second  were  destroyed,  but  the  Narrative,  as  described, 
was  then,  and  is  now,  in  the  hands  of  Dr.  Cameron,  Roman 
Catholic  Bishop  in  Edinburgh.  It  could  not  be  in  posses- 
sion of  a  person  who  is  better  qualified  to  judge  of  it3 
merits,  and  on  whose  fidelity,  should  he  be  induced  to  print 
it,  the  public  might  more  implicitly  rely.  I  am  indebted 
to  his  accuracy  and  friendship,  for  some  additional  infor- 
mation respecting  the  manner  in  which  the  Manuscripts  of 
the  Scotch  College  were  lost.  As  the  facts  are*5n  them- 
selves curious,  I  lay  before  the  reader  his  succinct  and  in- 

r 


XVIU  TO  THE  READER. 

teresting  relation  of  them,  contained  in  a  letter  to  me,  dated 
Edinburgh,  March  2,  180^. 

"  Before  LordGower,  the  British  Embassador,  left  Paris, 
"  in  the  beginning  of  the  French  Revolution,  he  wrote  to- 
"  Principal  Gordon,  and  offered  to  take  charge  of  those 
"  valuable  papers,  (King  James's  Manuscripts,  &c.)  and 
"  deposit  them  in  some  place  of  safety  in  Britain.  I  know 
"  not  what  ansAver  was  returned,  but  nothing  was  done. 
"  Not  long  thereafter,  the  Principal  came  to  England,  and 
'^  the  care  of  every  thing  in  the  College  devolved  on  Mr. 
'^  Alexander  Innes,  the  only  British  subject  who  remained 
"  in  it.  About  the  same  time,  Mr.  Stapleton,  then  Presi- 
"  dent  of  the  English  College  of  St.-  Omen,  afterwards 
"  Bishop  in  England,  Avent  to  Paris,  previously  to  his  re- 
*'  tiring  from  France,  and  Mr.  Innes,  Avho  had  resolved  not 
"  to  abandon  his  post,  consulted  with  him  about  the  means 
"  of  preserving  the  manuscripts.  Mr.  Stapleton  thought,  if 
*•*•  he  had  them  at  St.  Omer,  he  could,  with  small  risk  con- 
"  vey  them  to  England.  It  was  therefore  resolved,  that  they 
"  should  be  carefully  packed  up,  addressed  to  a  French- 
'•'  man,  a  confidential  friend  of  Mr»  Stapleton,  and  remitted 
"  by  some  public  carriage.  Some  other  things  were  put 
*■'  up  with  the  Manuscripts.  The  whole  airived  without  any 
"  accident,  and  was  laid  in  a  cellar.  But  the  patriotism  of 
"  the  Frenchman  becoming  suspicious,  perhaps  upon  ac~ 
'■'•  count  of  his  connection  v/ith  the  English  College,  he  was 
"  put  in  prison;  and  his  wife  apprehensive  of  the  conse- 
"  quences  of  being  found  to  have  English  manuscripts . 
"  richly  bound  and  ornamented  with  Royal  arms,  in  her 
"  house,  "^cut  off  the  boards,,  and  destroyed  them.  The 
"  Manuscripts  thus  disfigured,  and  more  easily  huddled  up 
"  in  a  sort  of  bundle,  were  secretly  carried,  with  papers  be- 


TO  THE  READER.  xix 

"  longing  to  the  Frenchmun  himself,  to  his  country-house  ; 
*'  and  buried  in  the  garden.  They  were  not,  however, 
*'  permitted  to  remain  long  there ;  the  lady's  fears  increased, 
"*  and  the  Manuscripts  were  taken  up  and  reduced  to  ashes. 

"  This  is  the  substance  of  the  account  given  to  Mr.  Innes, 
'"'  and  reported  by  him  to  me  in  June,  1802,  in  Paris.  I 
"  desired  it  might  be  authenticated  by  VLproces  vcrhale.  A 
"  letter  was  therefore  written  to  St.  Omer,  either  by  Mr. 
"  Innes,  or  by  Mr.  Cleghorn,  a  lay  gentleman,  who  had  re- 
"  sided  in  the  English  College  of  St.  Omer,  and  was  per- 
"  sonally  acquainted  with  the  Frenchman,  and  happened  to 
'*  be  at  Paris  at  this  time.  The  answer  given  to  this  letter 
"  was,  that  the  good  man,  under  the  pressure  of  old  age  and 
"  other  infirmities,  was  alarmed  by  the  proposal  of  a  dis- 
"  cussion  and  investigation,  which  revived  in  his  memory 
"  past  sufferings,  and  might,  perhaps,  lead  to  a  renewal  of 
"  them.  Any  further  correspondence  upon  the  subject 
"  seemed  useless,  especially  as  I  instructed  Mr.  Innes  to 
"  go  to  St.  Omer,  and  clear  up  every  doubt,  in  a  formal  and 
"  legal  manner,  that  some  authentic  document  might  be 
"  handed  down  to  posterity  concerning  those  valuable  Ma- 
'•'  nuscripts.  I  did  not  foresee  that  war  was  to  be  kindled 
''  up  anew,  or  that  my  friend  Mr.  Innes  was  to  die  so  soon. 

"  Mr.  Cleghorn,  whom  I  mentioned  above,  is  at  present 
"  in  the  Catholic  seminary  of  Old  Hall  Green,  Puckeridge, 
"  Hertfordshire.  He  can  probably  name  another  gentleman 
"  who  saw  the  Manuscripts  at  St.  Omer,  and  saved  som.e 
'•'  small  things,  (but  unconnected  with  the  Manuscripts,) 
''  which  he  carried  away  in  his  pocket,  and  has  still  in  his 
■■'  possession. 

"  I  need  not  trouble  your  Lordship  with  my  reflexions 
**  upon  this  relation :  but  I  ought  not  to  omit  that  I  was 


XX  TO  THE  READER. 

'*  told,  sometimes,  that  all  the  Manuscripts,  as  well  as  their 
"  boards,  were  consumed  by  fire  in  the  cellar  in  which  they 
"  had  been  deposited  upon  their  arrival  at  St.  Omer." 

The  gentleman  alluded  to  in  the  latter  part  of  the  above 
letter,  is  Mr.  Mostyn,  from  v/honi  Mr.  Butler  of  Lincoln's 
Inn  very  kindly  procured  a  statement  of  the  particulars  re- 
lating to  this  subject,  in  the  year  1804,  and  transmitted  it  to 
Mr.  Fox.  It  contains  in  substance,  though  with  some  ad- 
ditional circumstances,  and  slight  variations,  the  same  ac- 
count as  Mr.  Cameron's,  up  to  the  period  of  the  writer's 
leaving  St.  Omer,  which  was  previous  to  the  imprisonment 
of  the  Frenchman.* 

Mr.  Fox,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Laing,  remarks,  that,  "  to 
"  know  that  a  paper  is  lost,  is  next  best  to  getting  a  sight 
"  of  it,  and  in  some  instances  nearly^  as  good."  So  many 
rumours  have  been  circulated,  and  so  many  misapprehen- 
sions prevailed,  respecting  the  contents  and  the  fate  of  the 
manuscripts  formerly  deposited  in  the  Scotch  College  at 
Paris,  that  it  is  hoped  the  above  account,  the  result  of  the 
Historian's  researches,  will  not  be  deemed  out  of  it's  place 
in  a  Preface  to  a  History  of  the  times  to  Avhich  those  manu- 
scripts related. 

The  Scotch  College  papers  were  not,  however,  the  only, 
nor  even  the  chief  object  of  Mr.  Fox's  historical  enquiries 
at  Paris.  He  had  remarked,  that  Sir  John  Dalrymple  fre- 
quently "  quotes,  or  rather  refers  to,|"  documents  in  the 
Depot  des  Affaires  Etrangeres^  without  printing  the  letter, 
or  extracting  the  passage  from  which  his  statements  are  ta- 

*  Ml'.  MosUti's  letter  to  Mr.  Butler  was  published  iu  one  of  the  Maga- 
zines, it  would  therefore  be  superfluous  to  reprint  it.  The  name  of  the 
Frenchman  was  Mr.  Charpentier  and  bis  country  hoiisc  wns  at  St.  Mo- 
nicVm,  near  St.  Omtr. 

;  M  S,  rorrcspor.dence 


TO  THE  RLADER.  XXl 

ken,  and  his  inferences  drawn.  This  made  him  particularly 
desirous  of  examining  the  Original  letters  of  Barillon  ;  and 
he  was  not  without  hopes  that  many  other  papers  in  the 
Depot  des  Affaires  Etrangcres^  might  prove  equally  inter- 
esting and  important.  It  was  obvious,  however,  that  dur- 
ing war,  he  could  not  have  personal  access  to  such  docu- 
ments. He  was  therefore  on  the  point  of  applying,  through 
some  private  friend  at  Paris,  for  a  copy  of  such  letters  as 
he  could  distinctly  describe  to  his  correspondent,  Avhcn  the 
restoration  of  peace  enabled  him  to  repair  thither ;  and  the 
liberality  of  the  French  Government  opened  to  him  the 
archives  of  the  Foreign  Affairs  without  reserve,  and  affor- 
ded him  every  facility  and  convenience  for  consulting  and 
copying  such  papers  as  appeared  to  him  to  be  material.  He 
los*t  no  time  in  availing  himself  of  this  permission,  and 
while  he  remained  at  Paris,  he  passed  a  great  part  of  eve- 
ry morning  at  the  Depot  des  Affaires  Etrangeres^  accompa- 
nied by  his  friends  Lord  St.  John,  Mr.  Adair,  and  Mr. 
Trotter,  who  assisted  him  in  examining  and  transcribing 
the  original  papers. 

The  correspondence  of  Barillon  did  not  disappoint  his 
expectations.  He  thought  the  additional  information  con- 
tained in  those  parts  of  it,  which  Sir  John  Dalrymple  had 
omitted  to  extract  or^to  publish,  so  important,  that  he  pro- 
cured copies  of  them  all ;  he  observed  to  one  of  his  corres- 
pondents, "  my  studies  in  Paris  have  been  useful  beyond 
"  what  I  can  describe :"  and  his  expression  to  me  was, 
that  "  Barillon's  letters  were  worth  their  weight  in  gold."* 
It  should  seem  that  he  discovered  some  curious  circum- 
stances from  the  correspondence  of  D' Avaux,  for  he  copied 

'  AfS.  CorrcRpcndencP 


XXll  TO  THE  READER. 

out  those  letters  also  at  length,  though  a  large  collection  or 
abstract  of  them  had  been  tonnerly  published. 

The  correspondence  of  the  above  mentioned  French  Mi- 
nisters with  their  Court,  formed  the  chief  materials  which 
he  brought  over  with  him  from  France.  He  was  disap- 
pointed at  my  failing  to  procure  him  that  of  the  Spanish 
Ambassador,*  resident  in  London  during  the  same  period, 
"  which,  he  said,  would  have  given  him  advantages  of  the 
"  greatest  consequence  over  all  other  historians."  The 
papers,  however,  of  which  he  was  already  in  possession 
were,  in  his  judgment,  sufficient  to  throw  new  light  upon 
many  transactions  of  the  reign  of  King  James  the  Second. 
If,  therefore,  unforeseen  circumstances  had  not  occurred, 
soon  after  his  return,  to  retard  the  progress  of  his  work, 
there  can  be  little  doubt,  but  he  would  have  composed 
more  during  that  year,  than  he  had  been  able  to  complete 
since  the  commencement  of  the  undertaking.  He  was  at 
first  occupied  in  inserting  into  the  parts  he  had  finished, 
such  additional  information  as  he  had  drawn  from  the 
sources  opened  to  him  by  his  researches  at  Paris.  This 
was  to  him  a  task  of  greater  labour  than  at  first  sight  might 
be  expected.  "  I  find,"  he  says,  "  piecing  in  the  bits 
"  which  I  have  written  from  my  Parisian  materials,  a  trou- 
"  blesome  job."  f  It  is  indeed  probable,  that  his  diffi- 
culties upon  this  occasion,  were  greater  than  any  other 
modern  historian  would  ha\'e  had  to   encounter.     I  have 

*  Don  Pedro  Ronqtiillo.  Mr.  Fox  coniimissioneJ  me  to  obtain  for  him, 
copies  of  his  Letters  from  1685  to  1688  inchisivc.  By  a  perverse  pjt;ce 
of  luck,  I  fell  in  with  and  piu'cliused  his  original  Letters  from  1689  to 
1691;  but  could  never  tind  any  traces  whatever  of  his  previous  cov- 
respondence. 

t  MS.  Correspondence. 


VO   THE   RKADFR.  XXUi 

mentioned  them  morq  particularly,  because  tliey  in  some 
measure  arose  from  his  scrupulous  attention  to  certain  no- 
tions he  entertained  on  the  nature  of  an  historical  compo- 
sition. If  indeed  the  work  were  finished,  the  nature  of 
his  design  would  be  best  collected  from  his  execution  of  it, 
but  as  it  is  unfortunately  in  an  incomplete  and  unfinished 
state,  his  conception  of  the  duties  of  an  historian  may  very 
possibly  be  misunderstood.  The  consequence  would  be, 
that  some  passages,  which,  according  to  modern  taste,  must 
be  called  peculiarities,  might  with  superficial  critics,  pass 
for  defects  which  he  had  overlooked,  or  imperfections 
which  he  intended  to  correct.  It  is,  therefbre,  necessary 
to  observe,  that  he  had  formed  his  plan  so  exclusively  on 
the  model  of  ancient  writers,  that  he  not  only  felt  some 
repugnance  to  the  modern  practice  of  notes,  but  he  thought 
that  all  which  an  historian  wished  to  say,  should  be  intro- 
duced as  part  of  a  continued  narration,  and  never  assume 
the  appearance  of  a  digression,  much  less  of  a  dissertation 
annexed  to  it.  From  the  period  therefore  that  he  closed 
his  Introductor}'  Chapter,  he  defined  his  duty  as  an  author, 
to  consist  in  recounting  the  facts  as  they  arose,  or  in  his 
simple  and  forcible  language,  in  telling'  the  story  of  those 
times.  A  conversation  which  passed  on  the  subject  of  the 
literature  of  the  age  of  James  the  Second,  proves  his  rigid 
adherence  to  these  ideas,  and  perhaps  the  substance  of  it 
may  ser\"e  to  illustrate  and  explain  them.  In  speaking  of 
the  writers  of  that  period,  he  lamented  that  he  had  not  de- 
vised a  method  of  interweaving  any  account  of  them  or 
their  works,  much  less  any  criticism  on  their  style,  into  his 
History.  On  my  suggesting  the  example  of  Hume  and 
Voltaire,  who  had  discussed  such  topics  at  some  length, 
either  at  the  end  of  each  reign,  or  in  a  separate  chapter. 


XXIV  TO  THE  READER. 

he  observed,  with  much  commendation  of  their  execution  of 
it,  that  such  a  contrivance  might  be  a  good  mode  of  writ- 
ing critical  essays,  but  that  it  was,  in  his  opinion,  incom- 
patible with  the  nature  of  his  imdertaking,  which,  if  it 
ceased  to  be  a  narrative,  ceased  to  be  a  history. 

Such  restraints  undoubtedly  operated  as  taxes  upon  his 
ingenuity,  and  added  to  that  labour  which  the  observance 
of  his  general  laws  of  composition  rendered  sufficiently 
great.  On  the  rules  of  writing  he  had  reflected  much,  and 
deeply.  His  own  habits  naturally  led  him  to  compare 
them  with  those  of  public  speaking,  and  the  different,  and 
even  opposite  principles  upon  which  excellence  is  to  be  at- 
tained in  these  two  great  arts,  were  no  unusual  topics  of 
his  conversation.  The  difference  did  not,  in  his  judgment, 
consist  so  much  in  language  or  diction,  as  in  the  arrange- 
ment of  thoughts,  the  length  and  construction  of  sentences, 
and,  if  I  may  borrow  a  phrase  familiar  to  public  speakers, 
in  the  mode  of  putting  an  argument.  A  writer,  to  preserve 
his  perspicuity,  must  keep  distinct  and  separate  those  parts 
of  a  discourse,  which  the  orator  is  enabled  by  modulation 
of  voice  and  with  the  aid  of  action,  to  bring  at  once  into 
view,  without  confounding  or  perplexing  his  audience. 
Frequency  of  allusion,  which  in  speaking  produces  the 
happiest  effect,  in  writing  renders  the  sense  obscure,  and 
interrupts  the  simplicity  of  the  discourse.  Even  those  sud- 
den turns,  those  unforeseen  flashes  of  wit  which,  struck 
out  at  the  moment,  dazzle  and  delight  a  public  assembly, 
appear  cold  and  inanimate,  when  deliberately  introduced 
into  a  written  composition. 

A  perusal  of  the  Letter  to  the  Electors  of  Westminster, 
will  shew  how  scrupulously  Mr.  Fox  attended  to  these  dis- 
tinctions.   That  work  was  written  in  the  heat  of  a  Session 


lO  THE  READER.  X3W 

ot"  Parliament.  It  treated  professedly  of  subjects  upon 
which  the  writef  was  daily  in  the  habit  of  speaking,  with 
his  usual  force  of  argument  and  variety  of  illustration. 
Notwithstanding  these  circumstances,  no  political  tract  of 
any  note  in  our  language,  is  in  form  or  style  less  oratori- 
cal, or,  with  the  exception  of  one  passage,  more  free  from 
those  peculiarities,  which  the  practice  of  public  speaking 
seems  calculated  to  produce.  Such  a  strict  observance  of 
these  principles  must  have  cost  him  great  trouble  and  at- 
tention. He  was  so  apprehensive  that  his  writings  might 
retain  some  traces  of  that  art,  in  the  exercise  of  which  he 
had  employed  the  greater  part  of  his  life,  that  he  frequently- 
rejected  passages,  which  in  any  other  author  would  not 
have  appeared  liable  to  such  an  objection.  He  seems  even 
to  have  distrusted  his  own  judgment  upon  this  subject ;  and 
after  having  taken  the  greatest  pains,  he  was  never  suffi- 
ciently satisfied  of  his  own  success.  If  we  except  the  ac- 
count of  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  the  Introductory  Chapter  is 
unquestionably  the  most  correct  and  finished  part  of  the 
present  publication.  He  did  not,  however,  conceive  it  to 
be  entirely  exempt  from  a  defect  to  which  he  apprehended 
that  his  works  must  be  peculiarly  exposed.  He  says  to 
his  correspondent,  "  I  have  at  last  finished  my  Introduc- 
"  tion,  which  after  all  is  more  like  a  sj^eech  than  it  should 
"  be." 

Simplicity,  both  in  expression  and  construction.  Was  the 
quality  in  style  which  he  most  admired,  and  the  beauty  he 
chiefly  endeavoured  to  attain.  He  was  the  most  scrupulously 
anxious  to  preserve  this  character  in  his  writings,  because  he 
thought  that  the  example  of  some  gi-eat  writers  had,  in  his 
OAs^n  time,  perverted  the  taste  of  the  public,  and  that  their 
imitators  had  corrupted  the  purity  of  the  English  language. 


XXVI  TO  THE  READER. 

Though  he  frequently  commended  both  Hume's  and  Black  ■ 
stone's  style,  and  always  spoke  of  Middleton's  with  admi- 
ration, he  once  assured  me,  that  he  would  admit  no  word 
into  his  book,  for  which  he  had  not  the  authority  of  Dryden. 
He  was  scarcely  less  nice  about  phrases  and  expressions. 
It  is  indeed  possible,  that  those  of  his  readers,  who  have 
formed  their  taste  upon  Johnson  or  Gibbon,  or  taken  their 
notions  of  style  from  the  criticisms  of  late  years,  may  dis- 
cover, in  the  course  of  the  work,  some  idioms  which  are 
now  seldom  admitted  into  the  higher  classes  of  composi- 
tion. To  speak  without  reserve  upon  a  subject  in  which 
his  judgment,  as  an  author,  may  be  called  in  question,  it 
appears  to  me  more  likely,  that  such  phrases  should  have 
been  introduced  upon  sj^stem,  than  that  they  should  have 
escaped  his  observation,  and  crept  in  through  inadvertence. 
The  work  is  indeed,  "  incomplete  and  unjinished ;''''  but  it  is 
not  with  reference  to  any  phrases,  which  may  be  supposed 
to  be  too  familiar,  or  colloquial,  that  such  a  description  has 
been  given  of  it.  Such  was  the  Author's  abhorrence  of  any 
thing  that  savoured  of  pedantry  or  affectation,  that  if  he 
was  ever  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  an  inflated  or  homely 
expression,  I  have  no  doubt  but  he  preferred  the  latter. 
This  persuasion,  in  addition  to  many  other  considerations, 
has  induced  me  religiously  to  preserve,  in  the  publication 
of  this  Work,  every  phrase  and  word  of  the  Original  Ma- 
nuscript. Those  who  are  disposed  to  respect  his  authority, 
may  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing,  that  there  is  not  one 
syllable  in  the  following  Chapters,  which  is  not  the  genuine 
production  of  Mr-  Fox.  That  there  are  several  passages, 
(especially  in  the  latter  end  of  the  text,)  which  he  might 
that  there  are'  some,  which  he  obviously  ivoidd^  have  correct- 
f  d,  is  unquestionable ;  but,  with  the  knowledge  of  such 


TO  THF.  READF.Tl.  XXvii 

scrupulous  attention  to  language  in  an  author,  to  have  sub- 
stituted any  word  or  expression,  for  that  which  he  had 
written,  would  not  have  been  presumption  only  but  in- 
justice. 

The  manuscript  book  from  which  this  Work  has  been 
printed  is,  for  the  most  part,  in  die  hand-^VTiting  of  Mrs. 
Fox.  It  was  written  out  under  the  inspection  of  Mr.  Fox, 
and  is  occasionally  corrected  by  him.  His  habit  was  sel- 
dom or  ever  to  be  alone,  when  employed  in  composition. 
He  was  accustomed  to  write  on  covers  of  letters  or  scraps 
of  paper,  sentences  which  he,  in  all  probability,  had  turned 
in  his  mind,  and,  in  some  degree  formed  in  the  course  of 
his  walks,  or  during  his  hours  of  leisure.  These  he  read 
over  to  Mrs.  Fox ;  she  wrote  them  out  in  a  fair  hand  in  the 
book ;  and  before  he  destroyed  the  original  paper  he  ex- 
amined and  approved  of  the  copy.  In  the  course  of  thus 
dictating  from  his  o^vn  writing,  he  often  altered  the  lan- 
guage, and  even  the  construction  of  the  sentence.  Though 
he  generally  tore  the  scraps  of  paper  as  soon  as  the  passa- 
ges were  entered  in  the  book,  several  have  been  preserved ; 
and  it  is  plain,  from  the  erasures  and  alterations  in  them, 
that  they  had  undergone  much  revision  and  correction  be- 
fore they  were  read  to  his  Amanuensis. 

It  is  necessary  to  obsei've,  that  I  am  indebted  to  Mr. 
Laing  both  for  advice  and  assistance  in  the  division  of  the 
paragi-aphs,  the  annexing  of  marginal  notes  and  references, 
the  selection  of  the  Appendix,  and  the  superintendance  of 
the  press.  From  his  judgment  and  experience,  I  have  de- 
rived great  benefit ;  and  his  friendship  in  undertaking  the 
task  has  afforded  me  the  further  satisfaction  of  reflecting, 
that  I  have  been  guided  throughout  by  that  advice  to  which 


XX**lll  TO  THE  READER. 

the  Author  himself  would  have  wished  me  on  such  an  oc* 
casion  to  have  recourse. 

The  Appendix  consists,  with  some  few  exceptions,  of 
such  part  of  Barillon's  correspondence  from  the  death  of 
Charles  the  Second  to  the  Prorogation  of  Parliament  in 
1685,  as  Sir  John  Dalrymple  omitted  to  publish,  As  the 
letters  of  a  subsequent  date,  however  curious  and  interest^ 
ing,  have  no  relation  to  the  short  period  of  history  included 
in  the  following  Chapters,  they  have  not  been  annexed  to 
the  present  publication. 

This  account  will  be  sufficient  to  explain  all  the  circum- 
stances attending  the  design,  progress,  and  state  of  the 
Work,  as  well  as  the  manner  in  which  it  is  now  brought  be- 
fore the  public.  If  any  should  object  to  my  having  enter- 
ed into  so  much  detail  respecting  those  points,  I  have  no 
other  excuse  to  offer,  than  the  nature  of  the  task  I  had  un-^ 
dertaken,  and  the  extreme  anxiety,  that  no  fault  or  omission 
of  the  Editor  should  by  any  possibility  be  attributed  to  the 
Author,  Perhaps  it  may  be  necessary  to  forestall  an  ob- 
servation of  ^  veiy  different  description.  Those  who 
admired  Mr.  Fox  in  public,  and  those  who  loved  him  in 
private,  must  naturally  feel  desirous  that  some  memorial 
should  be  preserved  of  the  great  and  good  qualities  of  his 
head  and  heart.  Some  among  them  may  think  that  the 
present  account  should  not  have  been  confined  to  such  mat- 
ters only  as  relate  to  the  unfinished  work  to  which  it  is  pre- 
fixed. It  is  true  that,  at  the  melancholy  period  of  his  death, 
advantage  was  taken  of  the  interest  excited  by  all  that  con- 
cerned him,  to  impose  upon  the  public  a  variety  of  memoirs 
and  anecdotes,  (in  the  form  of  pamphlets,)  as  unfounded 
in  fact,  as  they  v/erc  painful  to  his  friends,  and  injurious  to 


TO  THE  READER.  XXIX 

his  memory.  The  confident  pretensions  with  which  many 
of  those  publications  were  ushered  into  the  world,  may  have 
given  them  some  little  circulation  at  the  time  ;  but  the  in- 
ternal evidence  of  their  falsehood  was  sufficiently  strong  to 
counteract  any  impression  which  their  contents  might  be 
calculated  to  produce.  It  is  not,  therefore,  with  a  view  of 
exposing  such  misrepresentations,  that  any  authentic  ac- 
count of  the  life  of  Mr.  Fox  can  be  deemed  necessary.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  objections  to  such  an  undertaking  at 
present  are  obvious ;  and  after  much  reflection,  they  have 
appeared  to  those  connected  with  him  to  be  insuperable. 
A  compilation  of  his  speeches,  or  of  such  transactions  of  his 
public  life  as  are  well  known,  might  be,  and  probably  has 
already  been,  executed  with  as  much  fidelity  and  success 
by  others,  as  it  could  be  by  those  who  had  the  advantage  of 
a  closer  intimacy  or  nearer  connection  with  him.  If  more 
were  attempted,  either  many  interesting  passages  of  his 
life  must  be  omitted,  and  truth  in  some  instances  suppres- 
sed, or  circumstances  which  might  wound  the  feelings  of 
individuals  yet  living,  must  be  unnecessarily  and  wantonly 
disclosed  to  the  public.  No  allusion  is  here  made  to  any 
particular  period,  transaction,  or  person.  The  observation 
is  general ;  it  applies  to  the  memoirs  of  every  public  mar^^ 
and  must  therefore  be  true  in  the  instance  of  Mr.  Fox. 

These  considerations  have  induced  his  family  and  friends 
to  relinquish,  for  the  present,  any  such  design.  It  is,  how- 
ever a  duty  to  the  public,  as  well  as  to  the  memory  of  an) 
great  and  good  man,  to  preserve  with  the  utmost  diligence. 
all  the  materials  which  may  enable  a  future  biographer  to 
do  justice  to  the  events  of  his  life,  and  the  merits  of  his 
character.  With  this  view,  the  private  letters  of  Mr.  Fox 
hav$  been  carefully  collected ;  and  I  am  already  indebted 


XXX  TO  THE  READER. 

to  several  of  his  correspondents  for  the  originals  or  copies 
of  such  as  were  in  their  possession.  It  is  hoped,  that  by 
these  and  further  communications,  the  means  will  be  se- 
cured of  perpetuating  the  remembrance  of  his  public  and 
private  virtues,  and  of  conveying  a  faint,  but  just  notion  of 
his  character  to  posterity. 

In  the  mean  while,  his  friends  will  contemplate  with 
some  satisfaction  this  monument,  however  imperfect,  of  his 
genius  and  acquirements  ;  they  will  recognize  throughout 
the  work  those  noble  and  elevated  principles,  which  ani- 
mated his  own  conduct  in  life,  and  in  the  simplicity  of  the 
thoughts,  as  well  as  in  the  nature  of  the  reflections,  they 
cannot  fail  to  discover  a  picture  of  his  candid  and  amiable 
mind. 

VASSALL  HOLLAND. 

Holland  House,  April  25th,  1808. 


POSTSCRIPT. 

MAY  4. 

SINCE  the  preceding  pages  were  printed,  Serjeant  Hey- 
wood  has  obligingly  communicated  to  me  copies  of  several 
letters  which  he  received  from  Mr.  Fox,  on  subjects  con- 
nected with  his  History.  They  evince  the  same  anxiety 
about  facts,  and  the  same  minuteness  of  research,  which 
have  been  remarked  in  his  correspondence  with  Mr.  Laing, 
But  some  of  his  readers  may  be  gratified  with  the  perusal 
of  the  following,  as  it  contains  his  view  of  the  character  of 
Lord  Shaftesbury,  upon  which  so  much  difference  of  opinion 
has  existed  among  historians. 


to  the  reader.  xx»1 

"  Dear  Heywood, 

"  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  lor  your  letter ;  of  the  hints 
"  in  which  I  shall  avail  myself,  when  I  return  to  this  place, 
*'  (as  I  hope,)  before  the  end  of  the  week.  I  go  to  tovm 
*'  to-morrow,  and  shall  be  in  the  House  on  Tuesday. 

"  I  remember  most  of  the  passages  in  Madame  de  Se* 
"  vigne,  and  will  trouble  you  or  Mrs.  Heywood  to  hunt 
"  for  another,  which  I  also  rememht- r,  and  which  in  some 
"  views  is  of  importance.  If  my  memory  does  not  deceive 
"  me,  in  one  of  the  early  volumes,  while  Barillon  is  in 
"  England,  she  mentions  the  reports  of  his  being  getting  a 
"  great  deal  of  money  there  ;  but  I  have  not  lately  been 
"  able  to  find  the  passage.  Pray  observe,  that  notwith- 
"  standing  the  violence  against  the  Prince  of  Orange,  Ma- 
"  dame  de  Sevigne's  good  sense  and  candor  make  her  allow, 
"  that  there  is  another  view  of  the  matter,  in  which  the 
"  Prince  of  Oraiage,  fighting  and  conquering  for  a  religion, 
"  ^11*11  croit  la  vraye^  &c.  &c.  appears  a  hero.  Her  account 
"  of  James,  both  for  insensibility  and  courage,  is  quite  at 
"  variance  with  his  apparent  conduct  before  he  went  oflT. 
"  Here  he  appears  to  have  been  deficient  in  courage,  and 
"  by  no  means  in  sensibility. 

"  I  am  quite  glad  I  have  little  to  do  with  Shaftesbury  ; 
"  for  as  to  making  him  a  real  patriot,  or  friend  to  our  ideas 
"  of  libert)',  it  is  impossible,  at  least  in  my  opinion.  On  the 
"  other  hand,  he  is  ver\'  far  from  being  the  devil  he  is  de- 
"  scribed.  Indeed,  he  seems  to  have  been  strictly  a  man 
"  of  honour,  if  that  praise  can  be  given  to  one  destitute  of 
"  public  virtue,  and  who  did  not  consider  Catholics  as  fel- 
"  low-creatures  ;  a  feeling  very  common  in  those  times. 
"  Locke  was  probably  caught  by  his  splendid  qualities,  his 
"  courage,  his  openness,  his  party  zeal,  his  eloquence,  his 


X3tXll  TO  THE  READER 

"  fair  dealing  with  his  friends,  and  his  superiority  to 
"  vulgar  corruption*  Locke's  partiality  might  make  him, 
"■  on  the  other  hand,  blind  to  the  indifference  with  which 
**  he  (Shaftesbury,)  espoused  either  Monarchical,  Arbitra- 
"  ry,  or  Republican  principles,  as  best  suited  his  ambition  ; 
"  but  could  it  make  him  blind  to  the  relentless  cruelty  with 
"  which  he  persecuted  the  Papists  in  the  affair  of  the  Po- 
"  pish  Plot,  merely,  as  it  should  seem,  because  it  suited 
"  the  purposes  of  the  party  with  which  he  was  then  enga- 
"  ged  ^..-You  know  that  some  of  the  imputations  against 
"  him  are  certainly  false  ;  the  shutting  up  the  Exchequer, 
*'  for  instance.  But  the  two  great  blots  of  sitting  on  the 
*'  Regicides,  and  his  conduct  in  the  Popish  Plot,  can  never 
*'  be  wiped  off.  The  second  Dutch  war  is  a  bad  business, 
"  in  which  he  engaged  heartily,  and  in  which  (notwith- 
"  standing  all  his  apologists  say,)  he  would  have  persever- 
"  ed,  if  he  had  not  found  the  King  was  cheating  him. 

Your's  ever, 

"  C.  J.  FOX." 

Sunday,  St.  Ann's  Hill, 
Cheitsey,  November  30,  1803. 

Serjeant  Heijxvood^  Harpur  Street, 


A  HISTORY,  &c. 


n 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

Introductory  Observations First  Pcrioil,  from  Henry  VII.  to  tlie 

year  1588 Second   Period,   from  1588  to  1640 Meetings  of 

Parliament Redress  of  Grievances Strafibrd's  Attiiinder 

The  commencement  of  the  Civil  War Treaty  from  the  Isle  of 

Wight The  King's  Execution....Cromwcirs  Power;. ...his  clia- 

ractev.... Indifference  of  the  Nation  respecting  Forms  of  Govern- 
ment....The  Restoration. ...Ministry  of  Clarendon  and  Southamp- 
ton  Cabal Dutch  War De  Witt The  Prince  of  Orange.... 

The  Popish  Plot The  Habeas'  Corpus  Act The  Exclusion 

Bill. ...Dissolution  of  Charles  the  Second's  last  Parliament. ..Ills 

Power  ; his  Tyranny  in  Scotland  ;  in  England Exorbitant 

Fines. ...Executions.. ..Forfeitures  of  Charters. ...Despotism  estab- 
lished  Despondency   of  good   Men Charles's  Death Hi.s 

Character.. ..Reflcclions  upon  the  probable  Consequences  of  his 
Reign  and  Death. 

1 N  reading  the  history  of  every  country,  there  are    cHAP.  I. 
certain  periods  at  which  the  mind  naturally  pauses,  to  introductory 
meditate  upon,  and  consider  them,  with  reference,  not  9*^^^"'^" 
only  to  their  immediate  effects,  but  to  their  more  re- 
mote consequences.     After  the  wars  of  Marius  and 
Sylla,  and  the  incorporation,  as  it  were,  of  all  Italy 
with  the  city  of  Rome,  we  cannot  but  stop,  to  consi- 
der the  consequences  likely  to  result  from  these  im- 
portant events ;  and  in  this  instance  we  find  them  to 
be  just  such  as  might  have  been  expected. 

The  reign  of  our  Henry  the  Seventh,  affords  a  field  First  Period, 
of  more  doubtful  speculation.  Every  one  who  takes  a  cession  of 

retrospective  view  of  the  wars  of  York  and  Lancas-  i^^^nry  ^~^- 
,  ,  ,  ,     .  /Y-         1   1        1  to  the  year 

ter,  and  attends  to  the  regulations  effected  by  the  po-  153,4 


I  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP.  I.    licy  of  that  prince,  must  see  they  would  necessarily 


#t 


lead  to  great  and  important  changes  in  the  govern- 
ment ;  but  what  the  tendency  of  such  changes  would 
be,  and  much  more,  in  what  manner  they  would  be 
produced,  might  be  a  question  of  great  difficulty.  It 
is  now  the  generally  received  opinion,  and  I  think  a 
probable  opinion,  that,  to  the  provisions  of  that  reign, 
we  are  to  refer  the  origin,  both  of  the  unlimited  power 
of  the  Tudors,  and  of  the  liberties  wrested  by  our  an- 
cestors from  the  Stuarts ;  that  tyranny  was  their  im- 
mediate, and  liberty  their  remote,  consequence ;  but 
he  must  have  great  confidence  in  his  own  sagacitj^, 
who  can  satisfy  himself,  that,  unaided  by  the  know- 
ledge of  subsequent  events,  he  could,  from  a  conside- 
ration of  the  causes,  have  foreseen  the  succession  of 
effects  so  different. 
Second  Pe-  Another  period,  that  affords  ample  scope  for  spe- 
158810  1640  culation  of  this  kind,  is  that  which  is  comprised  be- 
tween the  years  fifteen  hundred  and  eighty-eight,  and 
sixteen  hundred  and  forty ;  a  period  of  almost  unin- 
terrupted tranquillity  and  peace.  The  general  im- 
provement in  all  arts  of  civil  life,  and  above  all,  the 
astonishing  progress  of  literature,  are  the  most  striking 
among  the  general  features  of  that  period ;  and  are 
in  themselves  causes  sufficient  to  produce  effects  of 
the  utmost  importance.  A  country  whose  language 
was  enriched  by  the  works  of  Hooker,  Raleigh,  and 
Bacon,  could  not  but  experience  a  sensible  change  in 
its  manners,  and  in  its  style  of  thinking ;  and  even  ta 
speak  the  same  language  in  which  Spenser  and  Shakes- 
peare had  written,  seemed  a  sufficient  plea  to  rescue 
the  Commons  of  England  from  the  appellation  of 
Brutes,  with  which  Henry  the  Eighth  had  addressed 
them.  Among  the  more  particular  effects  of  this, 
general  improvement,  the  most  material,  and  worthy 
to  be  considered,  appear  to  me  to  have  been  the  fre- 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER.  ; 

quency  of  debate  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the    CHAP.  I. 
additional  value  that  came  to  be  set  on  a  seat  in  that 
assembly. 

From  these  circumstances,  a  sagacious  observer  may 
be  led  to  expect  the  most  important  revolutions ;  and 
from  the  latter,  he  may  be  enabled  to  foresee  that  the 
House  of  Commons  will  be  the  principal  instrument 
in  bringing  them  to  pass.  But  in  what  manner  will 
that  House  conduct  itself?  Will  it  content  itself  with 
its  regular  share  of  legislative  power,  and  with  the 
influence  which  it  cannot  fail  to  possess,  whenever  it 
exerts  itself  upon  the  other  branches  of  the  legislative, 
and  on  the  executive  power  ?  or  w'ill  it  boldly  (perhaps 
rashly)  pretend  to  a  power  commensurate  with  the 
natural  rights  of  the  representative  of  the  people?  If 
it  should,  will  it  not  be  obliged  to  support  its  claims 
by  military  force?  And  how  long  will  buch  a  force  be 
under  its  controul?  How  lonfj  before  it  follows  the 
usual  course  of  all  annies,  and  ranges  itself  under  a 
single  master  ?  If  such  a  master  should  arise,  will  he 
establish  an  hereditary,  or  an  elective  government?  If 
the  first,  what  will  be  gained  but  a  change  of  dynasty  ? 
If  the  second,  will  not  the  military  force,  as  it  chose 
the  first  king  or  protector  (the  name  is  of  no  impor- 
tance) choose  in  effect  all  his  successors  ?  or  will  he 
fail,  and  shall  we  have  a  restoration,  usually  the  most 
dangerous  and  worst  of  all  revolutions  ?  To  some  of 
these  questions  the  answers  may  from  the  experience 
of  past  ages,  be  easy,  but  to  many  of  them  far  other- 
wise ;  and  he  will  read  history  with  most  profit,  who 
the  most  canvasses  questions  of  this  nature,  especially 
if  he  can  divest  his  mind  for  the  time,  of  the  recol- 
lection of  the  event  as  it  in  fact  succeeded. 

The  next  period,  as  it  is  that  which  immediately  Tliird  Pe- 
precedes  the  commencement  of  this  History,  requires 
a  more  detailed  examination ;  nor  is  there  anv  more 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER 


CHAP.  I. 


1640. 


Redress  of 
gi'ievances. 


fertile  of  matter,  Avhether  for  reflection  or  speculation. 
Between  the  year  sixteen  hundred  and  forty,  and  the 
death  of  Charles  the  Second,  we  have  the  opportunity 
of  contemplating  the  state  in  almost  every  variety  of 
circumstances.  Religious  dispute,  political  contest  in 
all  its  forms  and  degrees,  from  the  honest  exertions 
of  party,  and  the  corrupt  intrigues  of  faction,  to  vio- 
lence and  civil  war ;  despotism,  first  5n  the  person  of 
an  usurper,  and  afterwards  in  thai  of  an  hereditary 
king  J  the  most  memorable  and  salutary  improvements 
in  the  laws,  the  most  abandoned  administration  of 
them  J  in  fine,  whatever  can  happen  to  a  nation,  whe- 
ther of  glorious  or  calamitous,  makes  a  part  of  this 
astonishing  and  instructive  picture. 

The  commencement  of  this  period  is  marked  by 
exertions  of  the  people,  through  their  representatives 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  not  only  justifiable  in  their 
principle,  but  directed  to  the  properest  objects,  and 
in  a  manner  the  most  judicious.  IVIany  of  their  leaders 
were  greatly  versed  in  ancient  as  well  as  modern  leaini- 
ing,  and  were  even  enthusiastically  attached  to  the 
great  names  of  antiquity ;  but  they  never  conceived 
the  v/iid  project  of  assimilating  the  government  of 
England  to  that  of  Athens,  of  Sparta,  or  of  Rome. 
They  were  content  with  applying  to  the  English  con- 
stitution, and  to  the  English  laws,  the  spirit  of  liberty 
which  had  animated,  and  rendered  illustrious,  the  an- 
cient republics.  Their  first  object  was  to  obtain  re- 
dress of  past  gilevances  with  a  proper  regard  to  the 
individuals  who  had  suffered  ;  the  next,  to  prevent  the 
recurrence  of  such  grievances,  by  the  abolition  of  ty- 
ranical  tribunals,  acting  upon  arbitrary  maxims  in  cri- 
minal proceedings,  and  most  improper!}'  denominated 
courts  of  justice.  They  then  proceeded  to  establish 
that  fundamental  principle  of  all  free  government,  the 
preserving  of  the  purse  to  the  people  and  their  reprc- 


INTnODtJCTOKY  CHArfER.  5 

sentatives.  And  though  there  may  be  more  difference  cilAP.  I. 
of  opinion  upon  their  proposed  regulations  in  regard 
to  the  militia,  yet  surely,  when  a  contest  was  to  be 
foreseen,  they  could  not,  consistently  with  prudence, 
leave  the  power  of  the  sword  altogether  in  the  hands 
of  an  adverse  party. 

The  prosecution  of  Lord  Strafford,  or  rather  the  Lord  Straf- 
manner  in  which  it  was  carried  on,  is  less  justifiable.  ^^^'^'^  aUain- 
He  was  doubtless  a  great  delinquent,  and  well  deserved 
the  severest  punishment ;  but  nothing  short  of  a  clearly 
proved  case  of  self-defence  can  justify,  or  even  excuse, 
a  departure  from  the  sacred  rules  of  criminal  justice. 
For  it  can  rarely  indeed  happen,  that  the  mischief  to 
be  apprehended  from  suffering  any  criminal,  however 
guilty,  to  escape,  can  be  equal  to  that  resulting  from 
the  violation  of  those  rules  to  which  the  innocent  owe 
the  security  of  all  that  is  dear  to  them.  If  such  cases 
have  existed,  they  must  have  been  in  instances  where 
trial  has  been  wholly  out  of  the  question,  as  in  that  of 
Csesar,  and  other  tj-rants  ;  but  when  a  man  is  once  in 
a  situation  to  be  tried,  and  his  person  in  the  power  of 
his  accusers  and  his  judges,  he  can  no  longer  be  for- 
midable in  that  degree  which  alone  can  justify,  (if  any 
thing  can,)  the  violation  of  the  substantial  rules  of  cri- 
minal proceedings. 

At  the  breaking  out  of  the  civil  war,  so  intemper-  Commence- 
ately  denominated  a  rebellion  by  Lord  Clarendon  and  ^vi^-^ar  *^ 
other  Tory  writers,  the  material  question  appears  to 
me  to  be,  whether  or  not  sufficient  attempts  were  made 
by  the  Parliament  and  their  leaders,  to  avoid  bringing 
affairs  to  such  a  decision  ?  That  according  to  the  ge- 
neral principles  of  morality,  they  had  justice  on  their 
side,  cannot  fairly  be  doubted  ;  but  did  they  sufficiently 
attend  to  that  gi-eat  dictum  of  TuUy,*  in  questions  of 

•  Iniquissimam  pacem  justissimo  bello  antefero. 


6  INTRODUCTORY  CHAl^fEK. 

CHAP.  I.  civil  dissention,  wherein  he  declares  his  preference 
of  even  an  unfair  peace  to  the  most  just  war  ?  Did 
they  sufficiently  weigh  the  dangers  that  might  ensue 
even  from  victory  ?  dangers,  in  such  cases,  little  less 
formidable  to  the  cause  of  liberty  than  those  which 
might  follow  a  defeat  ?  Did  they  consider  that  it  is 
not  peculiar  to  the  followers  of  Pompey,  and  the  civil 
wars  of  Rome,  that  the  event  to  be  looked  for  is,  as 
the  same  TuUy  describes  it,  in  case  of  defeat,.... pro- 
scription ;  in  that  of  victory,... .servitude  ?  Is  the  fai- 
Uie^lsf  *^  f  ^^^^  °^  *^^  negotiation  when  the  King  was  in  the  Isle 
Wight.  of  Wight  to  be  imputed  to  the  suspicions  justly  enter- 

tained of  his  sincerity  ?  or  to  the  ambition  of  the 
parliamentary  leaders  ?  If  the  insincerity  of  the  King 
was  the  real  cause,  ought  not  the  mischief  to  be  ap- 
prehended from  his  insincerity,  rather  to  have  been 
guarded  against  by  treaty,  than  alleged  as  a  pretence 
for  breaking  off  the  negotiation  ?  Sad  indeed  will  be 
the  condition  of  the  world,  if  we  are  never  to  make 
peace  with  an  adverse  party  whose  sincerity  we  have 
reason  to  suspect.  Even  just  grounds  for  such  suspi- 
cions will  but  too  often  occur,  and  when  such  fail,  the 
proneness  of  man  to  impute  evil  qualities  as  well  as  evil 
designs  to  his  enemies,  will  suggest  false  ones.  In  the 
present  case,  the  suspicion  of  insincerity  was,  it  is  true, 
so  just,  as  to  amount  to  a  moral  certainty.  The  exam- 
ple of  the  Petition  of  Right  was  a  satisfactory  proof 
that  the  King  made  no  point  of  adhering  to  concessions 
which  he  considered  as  extorted  from  him  ;  and  if  a 
philosophical  historian,  writing  above  a  century  after 
the  time,  can  deem  the  pretended  hard  usage  Charles 
met  with,  as  a  sufficient  excuse  for  his  breaking  his 
faith  in  the  first  instance,  much  more  must  that  prince 
himself,  with  all  his  prejudices,  and  notions  of  his 
divine  right,  have  thought  it  justifiable  to  retract  con- 
cessions, which  to  him,  no  doubt,  appeared  far  more 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER 
unreasonable  than  die  Petition  of  Right,  and  which,    CHAP.  I. 


widi  more  colour,  he  might  consider  as  extorted. 
These  considerations  were  probably  the  cause  why  the 
Parliament  so  long  delayed  their  determination  of 
accepting  the  King's  offer  as  a  basis  for  treaty  ;  but 
unfortunately,  they  had  delayed  so  long,  that  when  at 
last  they  adopted  it,  they  found  themselves  without 
power  to  carry  it  into  execution.  The  army  having 
now  ceased  to  be  the  servants,  had  become  the  mas- 
ters of  the  Parliament,  and  being  entirely  influenced  by 
Cromwell,  gave  a  commencement  to  what  may,  pro- 
perly speaking,  be  called  a  new  reign.  The  subsequent 
measures,  therefore,  the  execution  of  the  King,  as  well 
as  odaers,  are  not  to  be  considered  as  acts  of  the  Par- 
liament, but  of  Cromwell  ;  and  great  and  respectable 
as  are  the  names  of  some  who  sat  in  the  high  court, 
they  must  be  regarded,  in  this  instance,  rather  as  mini- 
sters of  that  usurper,  than  as  acting  from  themselves. 

The  execution  of  the  King,  though  a  far  less  vio-  Iving's  Exe- 
lent  measure  than  that  of  Lord  Sti-afford,  is  an  event  of  ^^  ''^"' 
so  singular  a  nature,  that  we  cannot  wonder  that  it 
should  have  excited  more  sensation  than  any  other  in 
the  annals  of  England.  Tliis  exemplary  act  of  sub- 
stantial justice,  as  it  has  been  c?dled  by  some,  of  enor- 
mous wickedness  by  others,  must  be  considered  in  two^ 
points  of  view.  First,  was  it  not  in  itself  just  and  ne- 
cessary ?  Secondly,  was  the  example  of  it  likely  to  b*; 
salutary  or  pernicious?  In  regard  to  the  first  of  these 
questions,  Mr.  Hume,  not  perhaps  intentionally,  makes 
the  best  justificatiou  of  it,  by  saying,  that  while  Charles 
lived,  the  projected  republic  could  never  be  secure. 
But  to  justify  taking  away  the  life  of  an  individual, 
upon  the  principle  of  self-defence,  the  danger  must  be 
not  problematical  and  remote,  but  evident  and  imme- 
diate. The  danger  in  this  instance  was  not  of  such  a 
nature ;  and  tb.e  imprisonment,  or  even  banishment,  of 


t  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP,  I.  Charles,  might  have  given  to  the  republic  such  a  de- 
gree of  security  as  any  government  ought  to  be  con- 
tent with.  It  must  be  confessed  however  on  the  other 
side,  that  if  the  republican  government  had  suffered 
the  King  to  escape,  it  would  have  been  an  act  of  jus- 
tice and  generosity  wholly  unexampled  ;  and  to  have 
granted  him  even  his  life,  would  have  been  one  among 
the  more  rare  efforts  of  virtue.  The  short  interval 
between  the  deposal  and  death  of  princes  is  become 
proverbial ;  and  though  there  may  be  some  few  exam- 
ples on  the  other  side,  as  far  as  life  is  concerned,  I 
doubt  whether  a  single  instance  can  be  found,  where 
liberty  has  been  granted  to  a  deposed  monarch. 
Among  the  modes  of  destroying  persons  in  such  a 
situation,  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  adopted  by 
Cromwell  and  his  adherents  is  the  least  dishonoura- 
ble. Edward  the  Second,  Richard  the  Second,  Henry 
the  Sixth,  Edward  the  Fifth,  had  none  of  them  long 
survived  their  deposal ;  but  this  was  the  first  instance, 
in  our  history  at  least,  where,  of  svich  an  act,  it  could 
be  truly  said,  that  it  was  not  done  in  a  corner. 

As  to  the  second  question,  whether  the  advantage 
to  be  dsrived  from  the  example  was  such  as  to  justify 
an  act  of  such  violence,  it  appears  to  me  to  be  a  com- 
plete solution  of  it  to  observe,  that  with  respect  to 
England,  (and  I  know  not  upon  what  ground  we  are 
to  set  examples  for  other  nations,  or  in  other  words, 
to  take  the  criminal  justice  of  the  world  into  our 
hands,)  it  was  wholly  needless,  and  therefore  unjusti- 
fiable, to  set  one  for  kings,  at  a  time  when  it  was  in- 
tended the  office  of  King  should  be  abolished,  and  con- 
sequently, that  no  person  should  be  in  the  situation  to 
make  it  the  rule  of  his  conduct.  Besides,  the  mise- 
ries attendant  upon  a  deposed  monarch,  seem  to  be 
sufficient  to  deter  any  prince,  who  thinks  of  conse- 
quences, from  running  the  risk  of  being  placed  in  such 


IXTUOULCTOKV  CU.VPTKR,  9 

a  situation ;  o;-,  if  death  be  the  only  evil  that  can  de-  cHAP.  I. 
ter  him,  the  fate  of  former  tyrants  deposed  by  their 
subjects,  would  b\'  no  means  encoiu-age  him  to  hope 
he  could  avoid  e\en  that  catastrophe.  As  far  as  \vc 
can  judge  from  the  event,  the  example  was  certainly 
not  very  eflfectual,  since  both  the  sons  of  Charles, 
though  having  their  father's  fate  before  their  eyes,  yet 
feared  not  to  violate  the  liberties  of  the  people  even 
jcnore  than  he  had  attempted  to  do. 

If  we  consider  the  question  of  example  in  a  more 
extended  view,  and  look  to  the  general  eftect  produced 
upon  the  minds  of  men,  it  cannot  be  doubted  but  the 
opportunity  thus  given  to  Charles,  to  display  his  firm- 
ness  and  piety,  has  created  more  respect  for  his  memo- 
ry than  it  could  otherv.ise  have  obtained.  Respect 
and  pity  for  the  sufferer  on  one  hand,  and  hatred  to 
his  enemies  on  the  other,  soon  produce  favour  and 
aversion  to  their  respective  causes;  and  thus  even 
though  it  should  be  admitted,  (which  is  doubtful,) 
that  some  advantage  may  have  been  gained  to  the 
cause  of  liberty,  by  the  terror  of  the  example  ope- 
rating upon  the  minds  of  princes,  such  advantage  is 
far  outweighed  by  the  zeal  which  admiration  for  vir- 
tue, and  pity  for  sufferings,  the  best  passions  of  the 
human  heart,  have  excised  in  favour  of  the  royal 
cause.  It  has  been  thought  dangerous  to  the  morals 
of  mankind,  even  in  fiction  and  romance,  to  make  us 
sympathize  with  characters  whose  general  conduct  is 
blameable  ;  but  how  much  greater  must  the  effect  be, 
when  in  real  history  our  feelings  are  interested  in  fa- 
vour of  a  monarch  with  whom,  to  say  the  least,  his 
subjects  were  obliged  to  contend  in  arms  for  their  li- 
berty? After  all,  however,  notwithstanding  what  the 
more  reasonable  part  of  mankind  may  think  upon  this 
question,  it  is  much  to  be  dottbted  m  hether  this  sin- 
gular procc{xling  has  not,  as  much  as  any  other  cir- 

B 


10  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP.  1.    cumstance,  served  to  raise  the  character  of  the  Eng- 
"  lish  nation  in  the  opinion  of  Europe  in  general.     He 

who  has  read,  and  still  more  he  who  has  heard  in 
conversation,  discussions  upon  this  subject,  by  fo- 
Sentiments  reigners,  must  have  perceived,  that,  even  in  the  minds 
on  the 'act  ^^  those  who  condemn  the  act,  the  impression  made 
by  it  has  been  far  more  that  of  respect  and  admira- 
tion, than  that  of  disgust  and  horror.  The  truth  is, 
that  the  guilt  of  the  action,  that  is  to  say,  the  taking 
away  the  life  of  the  King,  is  what  most  men  in  the 
place  of  Cromwell  and  his  associates  would  have  in- 
curred ;  what  there  is  of  splendor  and  of  magnanimity 
in  it,  I  mean  the  publicity  and  solemnit}'-  of  the  act,  is 
what  few  would  be  capable  of  displaying.  It  is  a  de- 
grading fact  to  human  nature,  that  even  the  sending 
away  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  was  an  instance  of 
generosity  almost  unexampled  in  the  history  of  trans- 
actions of  this  nature. 
CromweU's  From  the  execution  of  the  King  to  the  death  of 
goAeuiraen.  Qj-om well,  the  government  was,  with  some  variation 
of  fomis,  in  substance  monarchical  and  absolute,  as  a 
government  established  by  a  military  force  will  almost 
invariably  be,  especially  when  the  exertions  of  such  a 
force  are  continued  for  any  length  of  time.  If  to  this 
general  rule  oiu-  own  age,  and  a  people  whom  their 
origin  and  near  relation  to  us  would  almost  warrant  us 
to  call  our  own  nation,  have  afforded  a  splendid  and 
perhaps  a  solitary  exception,  we  must  reflect  not  only, 
that  a  character  of  virtues  so  happily  tempered  by  one 
another,  and  so  wholly  unalloyed  with  any  vices,  as 
tliat  of  Washington,  is  hardly  to  be  found  in  the  pages 
of  history,  but  that  even  Washington  himself  might 
not  have  been  able  to  act  his  most  glorious  of  all  parts, 
without  the  existence  of  circumstances  uncommonly 
favourable,  and  almost  peculiar  to  the  country  which 
was  to  be  the  theatre  of  it.    Virtue  like  his  depends 


INTRODUCTORY  CIIAPTKH  11 

not  indeed  upon  time  or  place ;  but  although  in  no  ciIAP.  I. 
country  or  time  woidd  he  have  degraded  himself  into 
a  Pisistratus,  or  a  Ciesar,  or  a  Cromwell,  he  might 
have  shared  the  fate  of  a  Cato,  or  a  De  Witt ;  or,  like 
Ludlow  and  Sidney,  have  mouraed  in  exile  the  lost 
liberties  of  his  country. 

With  the  life  of  the  Protector  almost  immedi-  ^^''^  Charac- 
ately  ended  the  government  which  he  had  estab- 
lished. The  great  talents  of  this  extraordinary  per- 
son had  supported,  during  his  life,  a  system  con- 
demned equally  by  reason  and  by  prejudice  ;  by  rea^. 
son,  as  wanting  freedom;  by  prejudice,  as  an  usur- 
pation ;  and  it  must  be  confessed  to  be  no  mean 
testimony  of  his  genius,  that,  notwithstanding  the 
radical  defects  of  such  a  system,  the  splendor  of 
his  character  and  exploits  render  the  ?era  of  the  Pro- 
tectorship one  of  the  most  brilliant  in  English  his- 
tory. It  is  true  his  conduct  in  foreign  concerns,  is  set 
off  to  advantage,  b\' a  comparison  of  it  with  that  of 
those  who  preceded,  and  -who  followed  him.  If  he 
made  a  mistake  in  espousing  the  French  interest  in- 
stead of  the  Spanish,  we  should  recollect,  that  in  ex- 
amining this  question  we  must  divest  our  minds  en- 
tirely of  all  the  considerations  which  the  subsequent 
relative  state  of  those  two  empires  suggest  to  us,  be- 
fore we  can  become  impartial  judges  in  it ;  and  at  any 
rate,  we  must  allow  his  reign,  in  regard  to  European 
concerns,  to  have  been  most  glorious  when  contrasted 
with  the  pusillanimity  of  James  the  First,  with  the 
levity  of  Charles  the  First,  and  the  mercenary  mean- 
ness of  the  two  last  Princes  of  the  House  of  Stuart. 
Upon  the  whole,  the  character  of  Cromwell  must  ever 
stand  high  in  the  list  of  those,  who  raised  themselves 
to  supreme  power  by  the  force  of  their  genius ;  and 
among  such,  even  in  respect  of  moral  virtue,  it  would 
be  found  to  be  one  of  the  least  exceptionable,  if  it  had 


12  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER 

CHAP.  I.     not  been  tainted  with  that  most  odious  and  degrading 
of  all  human  vices,  Hypocrisy. 
Iiidifierence        The   short  interval  between  Cromwell's  death  and 
forms  of  CO-  ^^e  Restoration,  exhibits  the  picture  of  a  nation  either 
vernment,       go  -wearied  with  changes  as  not  to  feel,  or  so  subdued 
by  military  power  as  not  to  dare  to  show,  any  care  or 
even  preference  with  regard  to  the  form  of  their  go- 
vernment.    All  was  in  the  army ;  and  that  army,  by 
such  a  concurrence  of  fortuitous  circumstances  as  his- 
tory teaches  us  not  to  be  surprised  at,  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  one,   than  whom  a  baser   could  not  be 
found  in  its  lowest  ranks.     Personal  courage  appears 
Character  of  to   have   been  Monk's  only  virtue ;  reserve  and  dis- 
'  simulation  made  up  the  whole  stock  of  his  wisdom. 

But  to  this  man  did  the  nation  look  up,  ready  to  re- 
ceive from  his  orders  the  form  of  government  he  should 
choose  to  prescribe.  There  is  reason  to  believe,  that, 
from  the  general  bias  of  the  Presbyterians,  as  well  as 
of  the  Cavaliers,  monarchy  v/as  the  prevalent  Avish : 
but  it  is  observable,  that  although  the  Parliament  was, 
contrary  to  the  principle  upon  which  it  was  pretended 
to  be  called,  composed  of  many  avowed  royalists,  yet 
none  dared  to  hint  at  the  restoration  of  the  King,  till 
they  had  Monk's  permission,  or  rather  command,  to 
receive  and  consider  his  letters.  It  is  impossible,  in 
reviewing  the  v/hole  of  this  transaction,  not  to  remark, 
that  a  general  who  had  gained  his  rank,  reputation, 
and  station  in  the  service  of  a  republic,  and  of  what 
he,  as  well  as  others,  called,  however  falsely,  the  cause 
of  liberty,  made  no  scruple  to  lay  the  nation  prostrate 
at  the  feet  of  a  monarch,  without  a  single  provision  in 
favour  of  that  cause ;  and  if  the  promise  of  indemnity 
may  seem  to  argue  that  there  was  some  attention,  at 
least,  paid  to  the  safety  of  his  associates  in  arms,  his 
subsequent  conduct  gives  reason  to  suppose,  that  even 
this  provision  was  owing  to  any  other  cause,  rather 


16G0. 


INTKODUCTOUY  ClIAPTKH  13 

ihan  to  any  generous  feeling  of  his  breast.  For  he  ciivi'.  I. 
afterwards  not  only  acquiesced  in  the  insults  so  meanly 
put  upon  the  ilKistrious  coi-psc  of  Blake,  under  whose 
auspices  and  command  he  had  performed  the  most 
creditable  services  of  his  life,  but  in  the  trial  of  Ar- 
g}le,  produced  letters  of  friendship  and  confidence,  to 
take  away  the  life  of  a  nobleman,*  the  zeol  and  cor- 
diality of  whose  co-operation  with  him,  proved  by 
such  documents,  was  the  chief  ground  of  his  execu- 
tion ;  thus  gratuitously  surpassing  in  infamy  those 
miserable  wretches  who,  to  save  their  own  lives,  are 
sometimes  persuaded  to  impeach,  and  swear  away,  the 
lives  of  their  accomplices. 

The  reign  of  Charles  the  Second  forms  one  of  the  Restoration, 
most  singular,  as  well  as  of  the  most  important  periods 
of  historv.  It  is  the  sera  of  good  laws  and  bad  go- 
vernment. The  abolition  of  the  Court  of  Wards,  the 
repeal  of  the  Writ  De  Heretico  Comburendo,  the 
triennial  Parliament  Bill,  the  establishment  of  the 
rights  of  the  House  of  Commons  in  regard  to  impeach- 
ment, the  expiration  of  the  License  Act,  and  above 
all,  the  glorious  statute  of  Habeas  Corpus,  have  there- 
fore induced  a  modem  writer  of  great  eminence  to  fix 
the  year  1679  as  the  period  at  which  our  constitution 
had  arrived  at  its  greatest  theoretical  perfection ;  but 
he  owns,  in  a  short  note  upon  the  passage  alluded  to, 
that  the  times  immediately  following  were  times  oi 
great  practical  oppression.  What  a  field  for  medita- 
tion does  this  short  observation,  from  such  a  man, 
furnish!  What  reflections  does  it  not  suggest  to  a 
thinking  mind,  upon  the  inefficacy  of  human  laws,  and 
the  imperfection  of  human  constitutions  !  We  are  call- 
ed from  the  contemplation  of  the  progress  of  our  con. 
stjtution,  and  our  attention  fixed  with  the  most  minute 

•  Burnpt.     Baillio's  Letters,  II.  43!, 


14  INTKODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP.  I.    accuracy  to  a  particular  point,  when  it  is  said  to  have 
~  risen  to  its  utmost  perfection.     Here  we  are  then  at 

the  best  moment  of  the  best  constitution  that  ever  hu- 
man wisdom  framed.  What  follows  ?  A  time  of  op- 
pression and  misery,  not  arising  from  external  or 
accidental  causes,  such  as  war,  pestilence,  or  famine, 
nor  even  from  any  such  alteration  of  the  laws  as  might 
be  supposed  to  impair  this  boasted  perfection,  but  from 
a  corrupt  and  wicked  administration,  which  all  the  so 
much  admired  checks  of  the  constitution  v/ere  not  able 
to  prevent.  How  vain  then,  how  idle,  how  presump- 
tuous, is  the  opinion,  that  laAvs  can  do  every  thing ! 
and  how  weak  and  pernicious  the  maxim  founded  up- 
on it,  that  measures,  not  men,  are  to  be  attended  to ! 
AdminLstra-  The  first  years  of  this  reign,  under  the  administra- 
Southamp-  ^'^°^  °^  Southampton  and  Clarendon,  form  by  far  the 
ton  and  cla-  least  exceptionable  part  of  it,  and  even  in  this  period, 
the  executions  of  Argyle  and  Vane,  and  the  whole 
conduct  of  the  government  with  respect  to  church 
matters,  both  in  England  and  in  Scotland,  were  gross 
instances  of  tyranm^  With  respect  to  the  execution 
of  those  who  were  accused  of  having  been  more  im- 
mediately concerned  in  the  King's  death,  that  of 
Scrope,  who  had  come  in  upon  the  proclamation,  and 
of  the  military  officers  who  had  attended  the  trial,  was 
a  violation  of  every  principle  of  law  and  justice.  But 
the  fate  of  the  others,  though  highly  dishonourable  to 
Monk,  whose  whole  power  had  arisen  from  his  zeal 
in  their  service,  and  the  favour  and  confidence  with 
v/hich  they  had  rewarded  him,  and  not  perhaps  very 
creditable  to  the  nation,  of  which  many  had  applaud- 
ed, more  had  supported,  and  almost  all  had  acquiesced 
in  the  act,  is  not  certainly  to  be  imputed  as  a  crime 
to  the  King,  or  to  those  of  his  advisers  who  were  of 
the  Cavalier  party.  The  passion  of  revenge,  though 
properly  condemned  both, by  philosophy  and  religion, 


INTRODUCTORY  CIIAPTEI4  15 

yet  when  it  is  excited  by  injurious  treatment  of  per-  ciiAr.  I 
sons  justly  dear  to  us,  is  among  the  most  excusable  of  ^ 
human  frailties ;  and  if  Charles,  in  his  general  con- 
duct, had  shown  stronger  feelings  of  gratitude  for  ser- 
vices performed  to  his  father,  his  character,  in  the  eyes 
of  many,  would  be  rather  raised  than  lowered  by  this 
example  of  severity  against  the  regicides.  Clarendon 
is  said  to  have  been  privy  to  the  King's  receiving 
money  from  Lewis  the  Fourteenth ;  but  what  proofs 
exist  of  this  charge,  (for  a  heavy  charge  it  is,)  I  know 
not.  Southampton  was  one  of  the  very  few  of  the 
royalist  partv'^  who  preserved  any  just  regard  for  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  and  the  disgust  which  a  person 
possessed  of  such  sentiments  must  imavoidably  feel, 
is  said  to  have  determined  him  to  quit  the  King's  ser- 
vice, and  to  retire  altogether  from  public  affairs.  Whe- 
ther he  would  have  acted  upon  this  determination,  his 
death,  which  happened  in  the  year  sixteen  hundred 
and  sixtv-seven,  prevents  us  noAV  from  ascertaining. 

After  the  fall  of  Clarendon,  v.hich  soon  followed,  The  King's 
the  King  entered  into  that  career  of  mis-government,  ^t-nf  ^*^'" 
which,  that  he  was  able  to  pin-sue  it  to  its  end,  is  a 
disgrace  to  the  history  of  our  country.  If  any  thing 
can  add  to  our  disgust  at  the  meanness  with  which  he 
solicited  a  dependence  upon  Lewis  the  Fourteenth,  it 
is  the  h)-pocritical  pretence  upon  which  he  was  con- 
tinually pressing  that  monarch.  After  having  passed 
a  law,  making  it  penal  to  affmn,  (whatvras  true,)  that 
he  was  a  Papist,  he  pretended,  (which  was  certainly 
not  true,)  to  be  a  zealous  and  bigoted  Papist ;  and  the 
uneasiness  of  his  conscience  at  so  long  delaying  a  pub- 
lic avowal  of  his  conversion,  was  more  than  once 
urged  by  him,  as  an  argument  to  increase  the  pension, 
and  to  accelerate  the  assistance  he  was  to  receive  from 
France.*  In  a  later  period  of  his  reign,  when  his  in- 

*  Dalrymple's  Memoirs,  II.  "1  See. 


16  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP.  I.  terest,  us  he  thought,  lay  the  other  way,  that  he  might 
~  at  once  continue  to  earn  his  wages,  and  yet  put  off  a 
public  conversion,  he  stated  some  scruples,  contracted, 
no  doubt,  by  his  affection  to  the  Protestant  churches, 
in  relation  to  the  Popish  mode  of  giving  the  sacra- 
ment ;  and  pretended  a  wish,  that  the  Pope  might  be 
induced  bv  Lewis,  to  consider  of  some  alterations  in 
that  respect,  to  enable  him  to  reconcile  himself  to  the 
Roman  church  with  a  clear  and  pure  conscience.* 
Cabal.  The  ministry,  known  by  the  name   of  the  Cabal, 

seems  to  have  consisted  of  characters  so  unprincipled, 
as  justly  to  deserve  the  severity  with  which  they  have 
been  treated  by  all  writers  who  have  mentioned  them ; 
but  if  it  is  probable,  that  they  were  ready  to  betray 
their  King,  as  well  as  their  country,  it  is  certain  that 
the  King  betrayed  them ;  keeping  from  them  the  real 
state  of  his  connection  with  France,  and,  from  some 
pf  them,  at  least,  the  secret  of  what  he  was  pleased  to 
call  his  religion.  Wliether  this  concealment  on  his 
part,  arose  from  his  habitual  treachery,  and  from  the 
incapacity  which  men  of  that  character  feel,  of  being 
open  and  honest,  even  when  they  know  it  is  their  in- 
terest to  be  so ;  or  from  an  apprehension  that  they 
might  demand  for  themselves  some  share  of  the  French 
money,  which  he  was  unwilling  to  give  them,  cannot 
now  be  determined.  But  to  the  want  of  genuine  and 
reciprocal  confidence  between  him  and  those  minis- 
ters, is  to  be  attributed,  in  a  great  measui-e,  the  escape 
which  the  nation  at  that  time  experienced;  an  escape, 
however,  which  proved  to  be  only  a  reprieve  from  that 
servitude  to  which  they  were  afterwards  reduced  in 
the  latter  years  of  the  reign. 
Dutch  War.  The  first  Dutch  war  had  been  undertaken  against 
all  maxims  of  policy,  as  well  as  of  justice  ;  but  the  su- 
perior infamy  of  the  second,  aggravated  by  the  disnp- 

'  Dalrvmplc's  ISIemoirs,  H.  84. 


IXTRODUCTOUV  CHAI'TKK  17 

pointmcnt  of  all  the  hopes  entertained  by  good  men,  chap,  r 
from  the  triple  alliance,  and  by  the  treacherous  attempt 
at  piracy  with  which  it  was  commenced,  seems  to  have 
effaced  the  impression  of  it,  not  only  from  the  minds 
of  men  living  at  the  time,  but  from  most  of  the  wri- 
ters who  have  treated  of  this  reign.  The  principle,  1672. 
however,  of  both  was  the  same,  and  arbitraiy  power 
at  home  was  the  object  of  both.  The  second  Dutch 
war  rendered  the  King's  system  and  views  so  apparent 
to  all  who  were  not  determined  to  shut  their  eves  a- 
gainst  conviction,  that  it  is  difhcult  to  conceive  how 
persons,  who  had  any  real  care  or  regard,  either  for 
the  liberty  or  honour  of  the  countrj',  could  trust  him 
afterwards.  And  yet  even  Sir  William  Temple,  who 
appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  honest,  as  well 
as  of  the  most  enlightened,  statesmen  of  his  time,  could 
not  believe  his  treachery-  to  be  quite  so  deep,  as  it  was 
in  fact ;  and  seems  occasionally  to  have  hoped,  that  he 
was  in  earnest  in  his  professed  intentions  of  following 
the  wise  and  just  system  that  was  recommended  to 
him.  Great  instances  of  credulity  and  blindness  in 
wise  men  are  often  liable  to  the  suspicion  of  being 
pretended,  for  the  purpose  of  justifying  the  continuing 
in  situations  of  power  and  employment  longer  than 
strict  honour  would  allow.  But  to  Temple's  sincerity 
his  subsequent  conduct  gives  abundant  testimony. 
When  he  had  reason  to  think  that  his  services  could.  ♦ 

no  longer  be  usefid  to  his  country,  he  withdrew  whol- 
ly from  public  business,  and  resolutely  adhered  to  the 
preference  of  philosophical  retirement,  which,  in  his 
circumstances,  was  just,  in  spite  of  every  temptation 
which  occurred  to  bring  him  back  to  the  more  active 
scene.  The  remainder  of  his  life  he  seems  to  have 
employed  in  the  most  noble  contemplations,  and  the 
most  elegant  amusements  ;  every  enjoyment  height- 
ened, no  doubt,  by  reflecting  on  the  honourable,  part  he 

C 


18  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER, 

CHAP.  I.  had  acted  in  public  affairs,  and  without  any  regret  on, 
his  own  account,  (whatever  he  might  feel  for  his  c(?Un- 
try,)  at  having  been  driven  from  them. 
De  Witt.  Besides  the  important  consequences  produced  by 
this  second  Dutch  war  in  England,  it  gave  birth  to  two 
great  events  in  Holland ;  tlie  one  as  favorable,  as  the 
other  was  disastrous,  to  the  cause  of  general  liberty. 
The  catastrophe  of  De  Witt,  the  wisest,  best,  and  most 
truly  patriotic  minister  that  ever  appeared  upon  the 
public  stage,  as  it  was  an  act  of  the  most  crying  injus- 
tice and  ingratitude,  so  likewise  is  it  the  most  com- 
pletely disencouraging  example,  that  history  affords  to 
the  lovers  of  liberty.  If  Aristides  was  banished,  he 
was  also  recalled:  if  Dion  was  repaid  for  his  services 
to  the  Syracusans  by  ingratitude,  that  ingratitude  was 
more  than  once  repented  of:  if  Sidney  and  Russel  died 
upon  the  scaffold,  they  had  not  the  cruel  mortification 
of  falling  by  the  hands  of  the  people  :  ample  justice 
was  done  to  their  memory,  and  the  very  sound  of 
their  names  is  still  animating  to  every  Englishman 
attached  to  their  glorious  cause.  But  with  De  Witt 
fell  also  his  cause  and  his  party  ;  and  although  a  name 
GO  respected  by  all  who  revere  virtue  and  wisdom, 
when  employed  in  their  noblest  sphere,  the  political 
service  of  the  public,  must  undoubtedly  be  doubly 
dear  to  his  countrymen,  yet  I  do  not  know  that,  even 
to  this  day,  any  public  honours  have  been  paid  by 
them  to  his  memor\'. 
Prince  of  On  the  other  hand^  the  circumstances  attending  the 

first  appearance  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  public  af- 
fairs, were  in  eveiy  respect  most  fortunate  for  himself, 
for  England,  for  Europe.  Of  an  age  to  receive  the 
strongest  impressions,  and  of  a  character  to  render 
such  impressions  durable,  he  entered  the  world  in  a 
!i„  '  moment  when  the  calamitous  situation  of  the  United 

Provinces,  could  not  but  excite,  in   every  Dutchman, 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER.  19 

the  strongest  detestation  of  the  insolent  ambition  of  cn.M'.  i. 
Lewis  the  Fourteenth,  and  the  greatest  contempt  of 
an  English  government,  Avhich  could  so  far  mistake, 
or  betray,  the  interests  of  the  countiy,  as  to  lend  itself 
to  his  projects.  Accordingly,  the  circumstances  at- 
tending his  outset  seem  to  have  given  a  lasting  bias 
to  his  character ;  and  through  the  whole  course  of  his 
life,  the  prevailing  sentiments  of  h's  mind  seem  to  have 
been  those  which  he  imbibed  at  this  early  period. 
These  sentiments  were  most  peculiarly  adapted  to  the 
positions  in  which  this  great  man  was  destined  to  be 
placed.  The  light  in  which  he  viewed  Lewis  rendered 
■him  the  fittest  champion  of  the  independence  of  Eu- 
rope ;  and  in  England,  French  influence  and  arbitrary 
power  were  in  those  times  so  intimately  connected, 
that  he  who  had  not  only  seen  with  disapprobation,  but 
had  so  sensibly  felt,  the  baneful  effects  of  Charles's 
connection  with  France,  seemed  educated,  as  it  were, 
to  be  the  defender  of  English  liberty.  This  prince's 
struggles  in  defence  of  his  country,  his  success  in 
rescuing  it  from  a  situation  to  all  appearance  so  des- 
perate, and  the  consequent  failure  and  mortification 
of  Lewis  the  Fourteenth,  form  a  scene  in  history  upon 
which  the  mind  dwells  with  unceasing  delight.  One 
never  can  read  Lewis's  famous  Declaration  against 
the  Hollanders,  knowing  the  event  which  is  to  follow, 
without  feeling  the  heart  dilate  with  exultation,  and  a 
kind  of  triumphant  contempt,  which,  though  not  quite 
consonant  to  the  principles  of  pure  philosophy,  never 
fails  to  give  the  mind  inexpressible  satisfaction.  Did 
the  relation  of  such  events  form  the  sole,  or  even  any 
considerable  part  of  the  historian's  task,  pleasant  in- 
deed Avould  be  his  labours  ;  but,  though  far  less  agree- 
able, it  is  not  a  less  useful  or  necessary  part  of  his 
business,  to  relate  the  triumphs  of  successful  wicked- 
ness, and  the  oppression  of  truth,  justice  and  liberty.. 


20  introductohy  chapter. 

CHAP.  I.         The  interval  from  the  separate  peace  between  Eng- 
,17         j    "  land  and  the  United  Provinces,  to  the  peace  of  Nime- 
and  designs   guen,  was  chiefly  employed  by  Charles  in  attempts  to 
1674^^     obtain  money  from  France  and  other  foreign  powers, 
1678.        in  which  he  was  sometimes  more,  sometimes  less  suc- 
cessful ;  and  in  various  false  professions,  promises,  and 
other  devices  to  deceive  his  parliament  and  his  peo- 
ple, in  which  he  uniformly  failed.  Though  neither  the 
nature  and  extent  of  his  connection  with  France,  nor 
his  design  of  introducing  Popery  into  England,  were 
known  at  that  time,  as  they  now  are,  yet  there  were 
not  wanting  many  indications  of  the  King's  disposi- 
tion, and  of  the  general  tendency  of  his  designs.  Rea- 
sonable persons  apprehended  that  the  supplies  asked 
were  intended  to  be  used,  not  for  the  specious  purpose 
of  maintaining  the  balance  of  Europe,  but  for  that  of 
subduing  the  parliament  and  people  who  should  grve 
Disposition    them  ;  ^nd  the  great  antipathy  of  the  bulk  of  the  na- 
tien^^  *^^"  ^°  Popery  caused  many  to  be  both  more  clear- 

sighted in  discovering,  and  more  resolute  in  resisting, 
the  designs  of  the  court,  than  they  Avould  probably 
have  shown  themselves,  if  civil  liberty  alone  had  been 
concerned. 
Popish  Plot.  When  the  minds  of  men  were  in  the  disposition 
which  such  a  state  of  things  was  naturally  calculated 
to  produce,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  a  ready, 
and  perhaps  a  too  facile,  belief  should  have  been  ac- 
corded to  the  rumour  of  a  Popish  plot.  But  with  the 
largest  possible  allowance  for  the  just  apprehensions 
which  were  entertained,  and  the  consequent  irritation 
of  the  countr}-,  it  is  wholly  inconceivable  how  such  a 
plot  as  that  brought  forward  by  Tongue  and  Oates 
could  obtain  any  general  belief.  Nor  can  any  stretch 
of  candor  make  us  admit  it  to  be  probable,  that  all 
who  pretended  a  belief  of  it  did  seriously  entertain  it. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  seems  an  absurdity,  equal  almost 


167i 


Uni- 


INTRODUCTOUY  CIIAPTEU.  21 

in  degree  to  the  belief  of  the  plot  itself,  to  suppose  that    cilAP.  I. 

it  was  a  ston"  fabricated  by  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury, 

and  the  other  leaders  of  the  Whig  party  ;    and  it 

xvould  be  highly  unjust,  as  well  as  uncharitable,  not  to 

admit,  that  the  generality  of  those  who  were  engaged 

in  the  prosecution  of  it  were  probably  sincere  in  their 

belief  of  it,  since  it  is  unquestionable  that  a^the  time 

very  many  persons,  whose  political  prejudices  were 

of  a  quite  different  complexion,  were  under  the  same 

delusion.  The  unanimous  votes  of  the  two  Houses  of  The  belief  of 

Parliament,  and  the  names,  as  well  as  the  number,  of  versal. 

those  who  pronounced  Lord  Stafford  to  be   guilty, 

seem  to  put  this  beyond  a  doubt.     Dryden,  writing 

soon  after  the  time,  says,  in  his  Absalom  and  Achi- 

tophel,  that  the  plot  was 

"  Bad  in  itself,  but  rcpi'escntcd  worse." 

that 

"  Some  truth  there  wjis,  but  dash'd  and  brew'd  with  lies  :" 

and  that 

"  Succeeding  times  did  equal  folly  call 
"  Believing  nothing-,  or  believing  all," 

and  Dryden  will  not,  by  those  who  are  conversant  in 
the  history  and  works  of  that  immortal  writer,  be  sus- 
pected cither  of  party  prejudice  in  favour  of  Shaftes- 
bury and  the  Whigs,  or  of  any  view  to  prejudice  the 
country  against  the  Duke  of  York's  succession  to  the 
crown.  The  king  repeatedly  declared  his  belief  of  it. 
These  declarations,  if  sincere,  would  have  some 
weight ;  but  if  insincere,  as  may  be  reasonably  sus- 
pected, they  afford  a  still  stronger  testimony  to  prove 
that  such  belief  was  not  exclusively  a  party  opinion, 
since  it  cannot  be  supposed,  that  even  the  crooked 
politics  of  Charles  could  have  led  him  to  countenance 
fictions  of  his  enemies,  which  were  not  adopted  by  his 


22  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER 

CHAP.  I.    own  party.     Wherefore,  if  this  question  were  to  be 
""  decided  upon  the  ground  of  authority,  the  reality  of 

the  plot  would  be  admitted  ;  and  it  must  be  confessed, 
that,  with  regard  to  facts  remote,  in  respect  either  of 
time  or  place,  wise  men  generally  diffide  in  their  own 
judgment,  and  defer  to  that  of  those  who  have  had 
a  nearer ^iew  of  them.  But  there  are  cases  where 
Its  absurdity  reason  speaks  so  plainly  as  to  make  all  argument 
drawn  from  authority  of  no  avail,  and  this  is  surely 
one  of  them.  Not  to  mention  correspondence  by  post 
on  the  subject  of  regicide,  detailed  commissions  from 
the  Pope,  silver  bullets,  &c.  he.  and  other  circum- 
stances equally  ridiculous,  we  need  only  advert  to  the 
part  attributed  to  the  Spanish  government  in  this  con- 
^spiracy,  and  to  the  alleged  intention  of  murdering  th^ 
King,  to  satisfy  ourselves  that  it  was  a  forgery. 
Disingcnu-  Rapin,  who  argues  the  v/hole  of  this  affair  with  a 
ous  justihca-  (Jegi'ee  of  weakness  as  well  as  disingenuity  very  un- 
usual to  him,  seems  at  last  to  offer  us  a  kind  of  com- 
promise, and  to  be  satisfied  if  we  will  admit  that  there 
was  a  design  or  project  to  introduce  Popery  and  ar- 
bitrary power,  at  the  head  of  which  w^re  the  King  and 
his  brother.  Of  this  I  am  as  much  convinced  as  he 
can  be;  but  how  does  this  justify  the  prosecution  and 
execution  of  those  who  suffered,  since  few,  if  any  of 
them,  were  in  a  situation  to  be  trusted  by  the  royal 
conspirators  with  their  designs  ?  When  he  says,  there- 
fore, that,  that  is  precisely  what  was  understood  by 
the  conspiracy,  he  bv  no  means  justifies  those  who 
were  the  principal  prosecutors  of  the  plot.  The  design 
to  murder  the  King,  he  calls  the  appendage  of  the 
plot:  a  strange  expression  this,  to  describe  the  pro- 
jected murder  of  a  king!  though  not  more  strange 
than  the  notion  itself  when  applied  to  a  plot,  the  ob- 
ject of  which  was  to  render  that  verj'  king  absolute, 
and  to  introduce  the  religion  which  he  most  favoured. 


1 


INTROnuCTOUY  CHAPTER.  23 

But  |c  is  to  be  observed,  tbat  though  in  considering     chap.  I. 

the  Bill  of  Exclusion,  the  Militia  Bill,  and  other  le- 

gislative  proceedings,  the  plot,  as  he  defines  it,  that  is 

to  say,  the  design  of  introducing  Popery  and  arbitrary 

power,  was  the  important  point  to  be  looked  to ;  yet 

in  courts  of  justice,  and  for  juries  and  judges,  that 

which  he  calls  the  appendage  was,  generally  speaking, 

the  sole  consideration. 

Although  therefore,  upon  a  review  of   this  truly  Tlic  pro- 

shockinp;  transaction,  we  ma^'  be  fairly  justified  in  ";^^."'"Ps  on 
o  '  •'  .    .  ^^  disgrace- 

adopting  the  milder  alternative,  and  in  imputing  to  the  ful  to  the 

greater  part  of  those  conceraed  in  it,  rather  an  ex-  "^^'''"• 
traordinary  degree  of  blind  credulity,  than  the  delibe- 
rate wickedness  of  planning  and  assisting  in  the  per- 
petration of  legal  murder ;  yet  the  proceedings  on  the 
Popish  plot  must  always  be  considered  as  an  indelible 
disgrace  upon  the  English  nation,  in  which  King,  Par- 
liament, judges,  juries,  witnesses,  prosecutors,  have 
all  their  respective,  though  certainly  not  equal,  shares. 
Witnesses,  of  such  a  character  as  not  to  deserve  credit 
in  the  most  trifling  cause,  upon  the  most  immaterial 
facts,  gave  evidence  so  incredible,  or,  to  speak  more 
properly,  so  impossible  to  be  true,  that  it  ought  not  to 
have  been  believed  if  it  had  come  from  the  mouth  of 
Cato ;  and  upon  such  evidence,  from  such  witnesses, 
were  innocent  men  condemned  to  death  and  executed* 
Prosecutors,  whether  attomies  aiid  solicitors-general, 
or  managers  of  impeachment,  acted  with  the  fur\^ 
which  in  such  circumstances  might  be  expected ;  juries 
partook  naturally  enough  of  the  national  ferment;  and 
judges,  whose  duty  it  Avas  to  guard  tliem  against  such 
impressions,  were  scandalously  active  in  confirming 
them  in  their  prejudices,  and  inflaming  their  passions. 
The  King,  who  is  supposed  to  have  disbelieved  thq 
whole  of  the  plot,  never  once  exercised  his  glorious 
prerogative  of  mercy.     It  is  said  he  dared  not.     Hi'-- 


24  mTROnTTCTORV  CHAPTKR 

CHAP.  I.  throne,  perhaps  his  life,  was  at  stake ;  and  history  does 
not  furnish  us  with  the  example  of  any  monarch  with 
whom  the  lives  of  innocent,  or  even  meritorious,  sub- 
jects ever  appeared  to  be  of  much  weight,  when  put 
in  balance  against  such  considerations. 
Habeas  Cor-  The  measures  of  the  prevailing  party  in  the  House 
^^^1^-  °^  Commons,  in  these  times,  appear,  (with  the  excep- 
tion of  their  dreadful  proceedings  in  the  business  of 
the  pretended  plot,  and  of  their  violence  towards  those 
who  petitioned  and  addressed  against  Parlian^ent,)  to 
have  been,  in  general,  highly  laudable  and  meritori- 
ous; and  yet  I  am  afraid  it  may  be  justly  suspected, 
that  it  was  precisely  to  that  part  of  their  conduct  Avhich 
related  to  the  plot,  and  which  is  most  reprehensible, 
that  they  were  indebted  for  their  power  to  make  the 
noble,  and  in  some  instances  successful,  struggles  for 
liberty,  which  do  so  much  honour  to  their  memor}'. 
The  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  military  force, 
being  always,  in  the  view  of  wise  men,  the  most  ur- 
gent, they  first  voted  the  disbanding  of  the  army,  and 
the  two  Houses  passed  a  bill  for  that  purpose,  to  which 
the  King  found  himself  obliged  to  consent.  But  to 
the  bill  which  followed,  for  establishing  the  regulav 
assembling  of  the  militia,  and  for  providing  for  their 
being  in  arms  six  weeks  in  the  year,  he  opposed  his 
royal  negative;  thus  making  his  stand  upon  the 
same  point  on  which  his  father  had  done ;  a  circum- 
stance which,  if  events  had  taken  a  turn  against  him, 
would  not  have  failed  of  being  much  noticed  by  his- 
torians. Civil  securities  for  freedom  came  to  be  after- 
wards considered;  and  it  is  to  be  remarked,  that  to 
these  times  of  heat  and  passion,  and  to  one  of  those 
parliaments,  which  so  disgraced  themselves  and  tlic 
nation,  by  the  countenance  given  to  Oates  and  Bedloe, 
and  by  the  persecution  of  so  many  innocent  victims, 
we  ai-e  indebted  for  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  the  most 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER.  25 

important  barrier  against  tyranny,   and  best  framed     cilAP.  I. 
protection  for  the  liberty  of  individuals,  that  has  ever 
existed  in  any  ancient  or  modem  commonwealth. 

But  the  incfficacy  of  mere  laws  in  favour  of  the  sub-  Exclusion  . 
jects,  in  the  case  of  the  administration  of  Uaem  falling  1679. 
into  the  hands  of  persons  hostile  to  the  spirit  in  which 
they  had  been  provided,  had  been  so  fatally  evinced 
b)^  the  general  histoiy  of  England,  ever  since  the  grant 
of  the  Great  Charter,  and  more  especially  by  the 
transactions  of  the  preceding  reign,  that  the  Parlia- 
ment justly  deemed  their  work  incomplete,  unless  the 
Duke  of  York  were  excluded  from  the  succession  to 
the  crown.  A  bill,  therefore,  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
cluding that  prince,  was  prepared,  and  passed  the 
House  of  Commons ;  but  being  vigorously  resisted  by 
the  court,  by  the  church,  and  by  the  Tories,  was  lost 
in  the  House  of  Lords.  The  restrictions  offered  by 
the  King  to  be  put  upon  a  Popish  successor  are  sup- 
posed to  have  been  among  the  most  powerful  of  those 
means  to  which  he  was  indebted  for  his  success. 

The  dispute  was  no  longer,  whether  or  not  the  dan-  Obscrva- 
gers  resulting  from  James's  succession  were  real,  and  ^^""^"P^'^^^ 
such  as  ought  to  be  guarded  against  by  parliamentary 
provisions ;  but  whether  the  exclusion,  or  restrictions, 
furnished  the  most  safe,  and  eligible  mode  of  com- 
passing the  object  v/hich  both  sides  pretended  to  have 
in  view.  The  argument  upon  this  state  of  the  ques- 
tion is  clearly,  forcibly,  and,  I  think,  convincingly, 
stated  by  Rapin,  who  exposes  very  ably  the  extreme 
folly  of  trusting  to  measures,  without  consideration  of 
the  men  who  are  to  execute  them.  Even  in  Hume's 
statement  of  the  question,  whatever  may  have  been 
his  intention,  the  arguments  in  favour  of  the  exclusion 
appear  to  me  greatly  to  preponderate.  Indeed  it  is 
not  easy  to  conceive  upon  what  principles  even  the 
Tories  could  justify  their  support  of  the  restriction^;. 
D 


26  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER 

CHAP.  I.  Many  among  them,  no  doubt,  saw  the  provisions  in 
the  same  light  in  which  the  Whigs  represented  them, 
as  an  expedient  admirably  indeed  adapted  to  the  real 
object  of  upholding  the  present  King's  power,  by  the 
defeat  of  the  exclusion,  but  never  likely  to  take  effect 
for  their  pretended  purpose  of  controuling  that  of  his 
successor ;  and  supported  them  for  that  very  reason. 
But  such  a  principle  of  conduct  \vas  too  fraudulent  to 
be  avowed;  nor  ought  it  perhaps,  in  candour,  to  be 
imputed  to  the  majority  of  the  party.  To  those  who 
acted  with  good  faith,  and  meant  that  the  restrictions 
should  really  take  place,  and  be  effectual,  surely  it 
ought  to  have  occurred,  (and  to  those  who  most  prized 
the  prerogatives  of  the  crown,  it  ought  most  forcibly 
to  have  occurred,)  that  iii  consenting  to  curtail  the 
powers  of  the  crown,  rather  than  to  alter  the  succes- 
sion, they  were  adopting  the  greater,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  lesser  evil.  The  question  of,  what  are  to  be  the 
powers  of  the  crown,  is  surely  of  superior  importance 
to  that  of,  who  shall  wear  it  ?  Those,  at  least,  who 
consider  the  royal  prerogative  as  vested  in  the  King, 
not  for  his  sake,  but  for  that  of  his  subjects,  must  con- 
sider the  one  of  these  questions  as  much  above  the 
other  in  dignity,  as  the  rights  of  the  public  are  more 
valuable  than  those  of  an  individual.  In  this  view  the 
prerogatives  of  the  crown  are  in  substance  and  effect 
the  rights  of  the  people ;  and  these  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple were  not  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  purpose  of  pre- 
serving the  succession  to  the  most  favoured  prince, 
much  less  to  one  who,  on  account  of  his  religious  per- 
suasion, was  justly  feared  and  suspected.  In  truth, 
the  question  between  the  exclusion  and  restrictions 
seems  peculiai-ly  calculated  to  ascertain  the  different 
views  in  which  the  different  parties  in  this  countr}' 
have  seen,  and  perhaps  ever  will  see,  die  prerogatives 
of  the  crowii.     The  Whigs,  who  consider  them  as  a 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER.  37 

trust  lor  the  peopk-,  a  doctrine  which  the  Tories  them-  CIIAP.  T. 
selves,  when  pushed  in  argimient,  will  sometimes  ad- 
mit,  naturally  think  it  their  duty  rather  to  change  the 
manager  of  the  trust,  than  to  impair  the  subject  ot"  it; 
while  others,  who  consider  them  as  the  right  or  pro- 
perty of  the  King,  will  as  naturally  act  as  they  Avould 
do  in  the  case  of  any  other  property,  and  consent  to 
the  loss  or  annihilation  of  any  part  of  it,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  preserving  the  remainder  to  him,  whom  they 
style  the  rightful  owner.  If  the  people  be  the  sove- 
reign, and  the  King  the  delegate,  it  is  better  to  change 
the  bailiff"  than  to  injure  the  farm ;  but  if  the  King  be 
the  proprietor,  it  is  better  the  farm  should  be  impair- 
ed, nay,  part  of  it  destroyed,  than  that  the  whole  should 
pass  over  to  an  usurper-  The  royal  prerogative  ought, 
according  to  the  WTiigs,  (not  in  the  case  of  a  Popish 
successor  only,  but  in  all  cases,)  to  be  reduced  to  such 
powers  as  are  in  their  exercise  beneficial  to  the  peo- 
ple ;  and  of  the  benefit  of  these  they  will  not  rashly 
suffer  the  people  to  be  depri\ed,  whether  the  execu- 
tive power  be  in  the  hands  of  an  hereditary,  or  of  an 
elected  King  ;  of  a  regent,  or  of  any  other  denomina- 
tion of  magistrate  ;  while  on  the  other  hand,  they  who 
consider  prerogative  with  reference  only  to  royalty, 
will,  with  equal  readiness,  consent  either  to  the  exten- 
sion or  the  suspension  of  its  exercise,  as  the  occasional 
interests  of  the  prince  may  seem  to  require.  The 
senseless  plea  of  a  divine  and  iudefeasable  right  in 
James,  which  even  the  legislature  was  incompetent  to 
set  aside,  though  as  inconsistent  with  the  declarations 
of  Parliament  in  the  Statute  Book,  and  with  the  whole 
practice  of  the  English  Constitution,  as  it  is  repug- 
nant to  nature  and  common  sense,  was  jet  warmly 
insisted  upon  by  the  high-church  party.  Such  an  ar- 
gument, as  might  naturally  be  expected,  operated  rather  ■ 
to  provoke  the  Whigs  to  perseverance,  than  to  dissuade 


28  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP.  I.  them  from  their  measure :  it  was,  in  their  eyes,  an 
additional  merit  belonging  to  the  Exclusion  Bill,  that 
it  strengthened,  by  one  instance  more,  the  authority  of 
former  statutes,  in  reprobating  a  doctrine  which  seems 
to  imply,  that  man  can  have  a  property  in  his  fellow 
creatures.  By  far  the  best  argument  in  favour  of  the 
restrictions,  is  the  practical  one,  that  they  could  be 
obtained,  and  that  the  exclusion  could  not ;  but  the 
value  of  this  argument  is  chiefly  proved  by  the  event. 
The  Exclusionists  had  a  fair  prospect  of  success,  and 
their  plan  being  clearly  the  best,  they  were  justified 
in  pursuing  it. 

The  spirit  of  resistance  which  the  King  showed  in 
the  instance  of  the  Militia  and  the  Exclusion  Bills, 
seems  to  have  been  systematically  confined  to  those 
cases  where  he  supposed  his  power  to  be  more  imme- 
Prosecution  diately  concerned.  In  the  prosecution  of  the  aged  and 
pt  Staitord.  innocent  Lord  Stafibrd,  he  was  so  far  from  interfer- 
ing in  behalf  of  that  nobleman,  that  many  of  those 
most  in  his  confidence,  and,  as  it  is  affirmed,  the 
Dutchess  of  Portsmouth  herself,  openly  favoured  the 
prosecution.  Even  after  the  dissolution  of  his  ^ast 
Parliament,  when  he  had  so  far  subdued  his  enemies 
as  to  be  no  longer  under  any  apprehensions  from  them, 
he  did  not  think  it  worth  while  to  save  the  life  of 
Plunket,  the  Popish  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  of  v/hose 
innocence  no  doubt  could  be  entertained.  But  this  is 
not  to  be  wondered  ai,  since,  in  all  transactions  rela- 
tive to  the  Popish  plot,  minds  of  a  very  different  cast 
from  Charles's  became,  as  by  some  fatalit}',  divested 
of  all  their  wonted  sentiments  of  justice  and  humanity. 
Who  can  read  without  horror,  the  account  of  that  sa- 
vage murmur  of  applause,  which  broke  out  upon  one 
of  the  villains  at  the  bar,  swearing  positively  to  Staf- 
ford's having  proposed  the  murder  of  the  JKing? 
And  how  is  this  horror  deepened,  vrhen  we  reflect. 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER.  09 

that  in  that  odious  cn-^  were  probably  mingled  the  cilAP.  I. 
voices  of  men  to  whose  memory  every  lover  of  the 
English  constitution  is  bound  to  pay  the  tribute  of 
gratitude  and  respect!  Even  after  condemnation, 
Lord  Russel  himself,  whose  character  is  wholly  (this 
instance  excepted)  free  from  the  stain  of  rancour  or 
cruelty,  stickled  for  the  severer  mode  of  executing  the 
sentence,  in  a  manner  which  his  fear  of  the  King's  es- 
tablishing a  precedent  of  pardoning  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment, (for  this,  no  doubt,  was  his  motive,)  can- 
not satisfactorily  excuse. 

In  an  early  period  of  the  King's  difficulties,  Sir  Temple's 
William  Temple,  whose  life  and  character  is  a  refu-  ^  ^^^^' 
tation  of  the  vulgar  notion  that  philosophy  and  prac- 
tical good  sense  in  business  are  incompatible  attain- 
ments, recommended  to  him  the  plan  of  governing  by 
a  council,  which  was  to  consist  in  great  part  of  the 
most  popular  noblemen  and  gentlemen  in  the  kingdom. 
Such  persons  being  the  natural,  as  well  as  the  safest, 
mediators  between  princes  and  discontented  subjects, 
this  seems  to  have  been  the  best  possible  expedient, 
Hume  says  it  was  found  too  feeble  a  remedy ;  but  he 
does  not  take  notice  that  it  was  never  in  fact  tried,  in 
asmuch  as,  not  only  the  King's  confidence  was  with- 
held from  the  most  considerable  members  of  the 
council,  but  eveil  the  most  important  determinations 
were  taken  ^vithout  consulting  the  council  itself.  Nor 
can  there  be  a  doubt  but  the  King's  views,  in  adopt- 
ing Temple's  advice,  were  totally  different  from  those 
of  the  adviser,  whose  only  eiTor  in  this  transaction 
seems  to  have  consisted  in  recommending  a  plan, 
wherein  confidence  and  fair  dealing  were  of  necessity 
to  be  principal  ingredients,  to  a  prince  whom  he  well 
knew  to  be  incapable  of  either.  Accordingly,  having 
appointed  the  council  in  April,  with  a  promise  of  be- 
ing governed  in  importt^t  matters  by  their  advice,  he 


30 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPl-EK. 


CHAP.  I. 


Dissolution 
pf.Charles 
the  Second's 
last  Parlia- 
ment. 


in  July  dissolved  one  Parliament  without  their  con 
currence,  and  in  October,  forbade  them  even  to  give 
their  opinions  upon  the  propriety  of  a  resolution  which 
he  had  taken  of  proroguing  another.  From  that  time 
he  probably  considered  the  council  to  be,  as  it  was, 
virtually  dissolved ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  means 
presented  themselves  to  him,  better  adapted,  in  his 
estimation,  even  to  his  immediate  objects,  and  cer- 
tainly more  suitable  to  his  general  designs.  The  union 
between  the  court  and  the  church  party,  which  had 
been  so  closely  cemented  by  their  successful  resistance 
to  the  Exclusion  Bill,  and  its  authors,  had  at  length 
acqviired  such  a  degree  of  strength  and  consistency, 
that  the  King  ventured  first  to  appoint  Oxford,  instead 
of  London,  for  the  meeting  of  Parliament;  and  then, 
having  secured  to  himself  a  good  pension  from  France, 
to  dissolve  the  Parliament  there  met,  with  a  full  reso- 
lution never  to  call  another :  to  which  resolution,  in- 
deed, Lewis  had  bound  him,  as  one  of  the  conditions 
on  which  he  was  to  receive  his  stipend.*  No  measure 
was  ever  attended  with  more  complete  success.  The 
most  flattering  addresses  poured  in  from  all  parts  of 
the  kingdom ;  divine  right,  and  indiscriminate  obedi- 
ence, were  every  where  the  favourite  doctrines  ;  and 
men  seemed  to  vie  with  each  other  who  should  have 
the  honor  of  the  greatest  share  in  the  glorious  A\'ork  of 
slaver)/,  by  securing  to  the  King,  for  the  present,  and, 
after  him  to  the  Duke,  absolute  and  uncontroulable 
power.  They,  who,  either  because  Charles  had  been 
called  a  forgiving  prince  by  his  flatterers,  (upon  what 
ground  I  could  never  discover,)  or  from  some  sup- 
posed connection  between  indolence  and  good  nature, 
had  deceived  themselves  into  a  hope,  that  his  tyranny 


D.Jrymplc's  memoirs. 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTKU.  31 

would  be  of  the  milder  sort,  found  themselves  much    fiiAP.  I. 
disappointed  in  their  exjiectations.  ~ 

The  whole  history  of  the  remaining  part  of  his  reign  ''"!  P"^^'^'" 
exhibits  an  uninterrupted  series  of  attacks  upon  the 
liberty,  property,  and  lives  of  his  subjects.  The  cha- 
racter of  the  government  appeared  first,  and  with  the 
most  marked  and  prominent  features,  in  Scotland.  In  Scotland. 
The  condemnation  of  Argvle  and  \Veir,  the  one  for 
having  subjoined  an  explanation  when  he  took  the  test 
oath,  the  other  for  having  kept  company  with  a  rebel, 
whom  it  was  not  proved  that  he  knew  to  be  such,  and 
\who  bad  never  been  proclaimed,  resemble  more  the 
act  of  Tiberius  and  Domitian,  than  those  of  even  the 
most  arbitrary  modem  governments.  It  is  true,  the 
sentences  were  not  executed ;  Weir  was  reprieved ;  and 
whether  or  not  Argyle,  if  he  had  not  deemed  it  more 
prudent  to  escape  by  flight,  would  have  experienced 
the  same  clemency,  cannot  now  be  ascertained.  The 
terror  of  these  examples  would  have  been,  in  the 
judgment  of  most  men,  abundantly  sufficient  to  teach 
the  people  of  Scotland  their  dut}',  and  to  satisfy  them 
that  their  lives,  as  well  as  every  thing  else  they  had 
been  used  to  call  their  own,  were  now  completely  in 
the  power  of  their  masters.  But  the  government  did 
not  stop  here,  and  having  outlawed  thousands,  upon 
the  same  pretence  upon  which  Weir  had  been  con- 
demned, inflicted  capital  punishment  upon  such  cri- 
minals of  both  sexes  as  refused  to  answer,  or  answered 
otherwise  than  was  prescribed  to  them,  to  the  most 
ensnaring  questions. 

In  England,  the  City  of  London  seemed  to  hold  In  England. 
out  for  a  certain  time,  like  a  strong  fortress  in  a  con- 
quered country ;  and,  by  means  of  this  citadel,  Shaftes- 
bury and  others  were  saved  from  the  vengeance  of  the 
court.  But  this  resistance,  however  honourable  to  the 
corporation  who  made  it,  could  not  be  of  long  dura- 


32 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 


CHAP.  I. 


Exorbitant 
tines. 


Rye-house 
plot  1683. 


tion.  The  weapons  of  law  and  justice  were  found, 
feeble,  when  opposed  to  the  power  of  a  monarch,  who 
was  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  and  bigotted  party  of 
the  nation,  and  who,  which  was  most  material  of  all, 
had  enabled  himself  to  govern  without  a  Parliament. 
Civil  resistance  in  this  country,  even  to  the  most  ille- 
gal attacks  of  royal  tyranny,  has  never,  I  believe,  been 
successful,  unless  when  supported  by  Parliament,  or  at 
least  by  a  great  party  in  one  or  the  other  of  the  two 
Houses.  The  Court,  having  wrested  from  the  Livery 
of  London,  partly  by  corruption,  and  partly  by  vio- 
lence, the  free  election  of  their  mayor  and  sheriffs, 
did  not  wait  the  accomplishment  of  their  plan  for  the 
destruction  of  the  whole  corporation,  which,  from 
their  first  success,  they  justly  deemed  certain ;  but  im- 
mediately proceeded  to  put  in  execution  their  system 
of  oppression.  Pilkington,  Colt,  and  Oates  were  fined 
a  hundred  thousand  pounds  each  for  having  spoken 
disrespectfully  of  the  Duke  of  York;  Barnardiston 
ten  thousand,  for  having  in  a  private  letter  expressed 
sentiments  deemed  improper;  and  Sidney,  Russel, 
and  Armstrong,  found  that  the  just  and  mild  princi- 
ples which  characterise  the  criminal  law  of  England 
could  no  longer  protect  their  lives,  when  the  sacrifice 
was  called  for  by  the  policy  or  vengeance  of  the  King. 
To  give  an  account  of  all  the  oppression  of  this  peri- 
od, would  be  to  enumerate  every  arrest,  every  trial, 
every  sentence,  that  took  place  in  questions  between 
the  crown  and  the  subjects. 

Of  the  Rye-house  plot  it  may  be  said,  much  more 
truly  than  of  the  Popish,  that  there  was  in  it  some 
truth,  mixed  with  much  falsehood ;  and  though  many 
of  the  circumstances  in  Kealing's  account  are  nearly 
as  absurd  and  ridiciJous  as  those  in  Oates's,  it  seems 
probable  that  there  was  among  some  of  those  accused, 
a  notion  of  assassinating  the  King ;  but  whether  this 


INTRODUCTOUY  CHAPTER.  33 

notion  was  ever  ripened  into  what  may  be  called  a  de-  cHAP.  I. 
sign,  and,  much  more,  whether  it  were  ever  evinced  ' 
by  such  an  overt  act,  as  the  law  requires  for  conviction, 
is  very  doubtful.  In  regard  to  the  conspirators  of 
higher  ranks,  from  whom  all  suspicion  of  participation 
in  the  intended  assassination  has  been  long  since  done 
away^ there  is  un([ucslionably  reason  to  believe  that 
they  had  often  nut  and  consulted,  as  well  for  the  pur- 
pose of  ascertaining  the  means  they  actually  possessed, 
as  for  that  of  devising  others,  for  delivering  their 
country  from  the  di^eadful  servitude  into  which  it  had 
fallen ;  and  thus  far  their  conduct  appears  clearly  to 
have  been  laudable.  If  they  went  further,  and  did  any 
thing  which  could  be  fairly  construed  into  an  actual 
conspiracy,  to  levy  war  against  the  King,  they  acted, 
considering  the  disposition  of  the  nation  at  that  period, 
very  indiscreetly.  But  whether  their  proceedings  had 
ever  gone  this  length,  is  far  from  certain.  Mon- 
mouth's communications  with  the  King,  when  we  re- 
flect upon  all  the  circumstances  of  those  communica- 
tions, deserve  not  the  smallest  attention ;  nor  indeed, 
if  they  did,  does  the  letter  which  he  afterwards  with- 
drew, prove  any  thing  upon  this  point.  And  it  is  an 
outrage  to  common  sense  to  call  Lord  Grey's  nari-a- 
tive,  written,  as  he  himself  states  in  his  letter  to 
James  the  Second,  while  the  question  of  his  pardon 
was  pending,  an  authentic  account.  That  which  is 
most  certain  in  this  affair  is,  that  they  had  committed 
no  ov' ert  act,  indicating  the  imagining  of  the.  King's 
death,  even  according  to  the  most  strained  construc- 
tion of  the  statute  of  Edward  the  Third ;  much  less  was 
any  such  act  legally  proved  against  them.  And  the  Execution  of 
conspiring  to  le\y  war  was  not  treason,  except  by  a  ^"^^^ 
recent  statute  of  Charles  the  Second,  the  prosecutions 
upon  which  were  expressly  limited  to  a  certain  time, 

\shich  in  these  cases  had  elapsed ;  so  that  it  is  impos- 

F. 


34  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER 

CHAP.  I.     sible  not  to  assent  to  the  opinion  of  those  who  have 

ever  stigmatized  the  condemnation  and  execution  of 

Russel  as  a  most  flagi-ant  violation  of  law  and  justice. 

Trial  and  The  proceedings  in  Sidney's  case  were  still  more 

Execution  of   ,  t  i  rr.,  i        •  r 

Sidney.  detestable.      Ihe    production   oi    papers,    contammg 

speculative  opinions  upon  government  and  liberty, 
written  long  before,  and  perhaps  never  even  intended 
to  be  published,  together  with  the  use  made  of  those 
papers,  in  considering  them  as  a  substitute  for  the  se- 
cond witness  to  the  overt  act,  exhibited  such  a  com- 
pound of  wickedness  and  nonsense  as  is  hardly  to  be 
paralleled  rn  the  history  of  juridical  tj'ranny.  But 
the  validity  of  pretences  was  little  attended  to,  at  that 
time,  in  the  case  of  a  person  whom  the  court  had  de- 
voted to  destruction  and  upon  evidence  such  as  has 
been  stated,  was  this  great  and  excellent  man  con- 
demned to  die.  Pardon  was  not  to  be  expected.  Mr. 
Hume  says,  that  such  an  interference  on  the  part  of 
the  King,  though  it  might  have  been  an  act  of  heroic 
generosity,  could  not  be  regarded  as  an  indispensable 
duty.  He  might  have  said,  with  more  propriety, 
that  it  was  idle  to  expect  that  the  government,  after 
having  incurred  so  much  guilt  in  order  to  obtain  the 
sentence,  should,  by  remitting  it,  relinquish  the  object, 
just  when  it  was  within  its  grasp.  The  same  histo- 
rian considers  the  juiy  as  highly  blameable,  and  so 
do  I ;  but  what  was  their  guilt,  in  comparison  of  that 
of  the  court  who  tried,  and  of  the  government  who 
prosecuted,  in  this  infamous  cause  ?  Yet  the  jur}',  be- 
ing the  only  party  that  can  with  any  colour  be  stated 
as  acting  independently  of  the  government,  is  the  only 
one  mentioned  by  him  as  blameable.  The  prosecu- 
tor is  wholly  omitted  in  his  censure,  and  so  is  the 
court;  tliis  last,  not  from  any  tenderness  for  the 
judge,  (who,  to  do  this  author  justice,  is  no  favourite 
with  him,)  but  lest  the  odious  connection  between 


I\  riiOlJUCTOKY  CHAPTER  •35 

that  branch  of  the  judicature  and  the  government  CHAP.  I. 
should  strike  the  reader  too  forciblyvs  for  Jeflferies,  in 
this  instance,  ought  to  be  regarded  as  the  mere  tool 
and  instrument,  \ii  fit  one,  no  doubt,)  of  the  prince 
who  had  appointed  liim*  for  the  purpose  of  this  and 
similar  services.  Lastly,  the  Kin|f  is  gravely  intro- 
duced on  the  question  of  pardon,  as  if  he  had  had  no 
prior  concern  in  the  cause,  and  -w&re  now  to  decide 
upon  the  propriety  of  extending  mercy  to  a  ci-iminal 
condemned  by  a  coui-t  of  judicature  ;  nor  are  we  once 
reminded  what  that  judicature  Avas,  by  whom  ap- 
pointed, by  whom  influenced,  by  whom  called  upon, 
to  receive  that  detestable  evidence,  the  very  recollec- 
tion of  which,  even  at  this  distance  of  time,  fires 
every  honest  heart  with  indigiiation.  As  well  might 
we  palliate  the  murders  of  Tiberius,  v.ho  seldom  put 
to  death  his  victims  Avithout  a  previous  decree  of  his 
senate.  The  inoral  of  all  this  seems  to  be,  that  when- 
ei'cr  a  prince  can,  bv  intimidation,  corruption,  illegal 
evidence,  or  other  s-ich  means,  obtain  a  verdict  against 
a  subject  whom  he  dislikes,  he  may  cause  him  to  be 
executed  without  any  breach  of  indispensable  duty ; 
nav,  that  it  is  an  act  of  heroic  generosity,  if  he  spai^es 
him.  I  never  reflect  on  Mr.  Hume's  statement  of 
this  matter  but  with  the  deepest  regret.  Widely  as 
I  difler  from  him  upon  many  other  occasions,  this 
appears  to  me  to  be  the  most  reprehensible  passage  of 
his  whole  work.  A  spirit  of  adulation  towards  de- 
ceased princes,  though  in  a  good  measure  free  horn. 
the  imputation  of  interested  meanness,  which  is  justly 
attached  to  flatterv,  when  applied  to  living  monarchs  ; 
yet,  as  it  is  less  intelligible,  with  respect  to  its  mo- 
tives, than  the  other,  so  is  it  in  its  consequences,  still 
more  pernicious  to  the  general  interests  of  mankind. 
Fear  of  censure  from  contemporaries  will  seldom  have 
much  effect  upon  men  in  situations  of  unlimited  au- 


36 


INTRODUCTORY  ClIAP'I  ER. 


CHAP.  T.  thority ;  they  will  too  often  flatter  themselves,  that 
the  same  power 'which  enables  them  to  commit  the 
crime,  will  secure  them  from  reproach.  The  dread 
of  pospiiittious  infamy,  therefore,  being  the  only  re- 
straint j'*ikeir  consciences  ^except^d,  upon  the  passions 
of  such  persons,  iris  lamentable  *that  this  last  defence, 
(feeble  enough  at  best,)  should  in  any  degree  be  im- 
paired ;  and  impaired  it  must  be,  if  not  totally  de- 
stroyed, when  tyrants  can  hope  to  find  in  a  man  like 
Hume,  no  less  eminent  for  the  integrity  and  benevo- 
lence of  his  heart,  than  for  the  depth  and  soundness  of 
his  understanding,  an  apologist  for  even  their  foulest 
murders. 

Thus  fell  Russel  and  Sidney,  two  names  that  vtill, 
it  is  hoped,  be  for  ever  dear  to  every  English  heart. 
When  their  memory  shall  cease  to  be  an  object  of  re- 
spect and  veneration,  it  requires  no  spirit  of  prophecy 
to  foretell  that  English  liberty  will  be  fast  approach- 
ing to  its  final  consummation.  Their  deportment 
was  such  as  might  be  expected  from  men  M-ho  knew 
themselves  to  be  suffering,  not  for  their  crimes,  but 
for  their  virtues.  In  courage  they  were  equal,  but 
the  fortitude  of  Russel,  who  was  connected  v/ilh  the 
world  by  private  and  domestic  ties,  Avhich  Sidney  had 
not,  was  put  to  the  severer  trial ;  and  the  story  of  the 
last  da}'3  of  this  excellent  man's  life,  fills  the  mind 
with  such  a  mixture  of  tenderness  and  admiration, 
that  I  know  not  any  scene  in  history  that  more  pow- 
erfully excites  our  sympath}-,  or  goes  more  directly 
to  the  heart. 

The  very  day  on  v/liich  Russel  was  executed,  the 
University  of  Oxford  passed  their  famous  Decree, 
condemning  formally,  as  impious  and  heretical  propo- 
sitions, every  principle  upon  Avhich  the  constitution  oi 
this  or  any  other  free  countrjf  can  maintain  itself. 
Nor  was  this  learned  body  satisfied  with  stigmatizing 


Oxford  De- 
cree. 


IXTRODUCTORV CHAPTER  3- 

such  principles  as  contrary  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  to  chap  \ 
the  decrees  of  Councils,  to  the  writings  of  the  Fa- 
ihers,  to  the  faith  and  profession  of  the  primitive 
church,  as  destructive  of  the  kingly  government,  the 
safety  of  his  Majesty's  person,  the  public  peace,  the 
laws  of  nature,  and  bounds  of  human  society ;  but  af- 
ter enumerating  the  several  obnoxious  propositions, 
among  which  was  one  declaring  all  civil  authority  de- 
rived from  the  people  ;  another,  asserting  a  mutual 
contract,  tacit  or  express,  between  the  King  and  his 
subjects ;  a  third,  maintaining  the  lawfulness  of 
changing  the  succession  to  the  crown ;  with  many 
others  of  the  like  nature,  they  solemnly  decreed  all 
and  every  of  those  propositions  to  be  not  only  false 
and  seditious,  but  impious,  and  that  the  books  which 
contained  them  were  fitted  to  lead  to  rebellion,  mur- 
der of  princes,  and  atheism  itself.  Such  are  the  ab- 
surdities which  men  are  not  ashamed  to  utter  in  or- 
der to  cast  odious  imputations  upon  their  adversaries  ; 
and  such  the  manner  in  which  churchmen  will  abur^e, 
when  it  suits  their  policy,  the  holy  name  of  that  reli- 
gion whose  first  precept  is  to  love  one  another,  for  th : 
purpose  of  teaching  us  to  hate  our  neighbours  v/ith 
more  than  ordinaiy  rancour.  If  Much  ado  about 
Nothing  had  been  published  in  those  days,  the  towr.  - 
clerk's  declaration,  that  receiving  a  thousi\jid  ducat  ■• 
for  accusing  the  Lady  Hero  wrongfully,  was  flat  hur- 
glarv,  might  be  supposed  to  be  a  satira  upon  tlii.s  de- 
cree ;  yet  Shakespeare,  well  as  he  knew  human  na-;'  ^ 
ture,  not  only  as  to  its  general  course,  but  in  all  its.  • 
eccentric  deviations,  could  never  dream,  that,  in  the 
persons  of  Dogberry,  X'^ergcs,  and  their  folloAVcro,  h;^ 
was  representing  the  vice-chancellors  and  doctors  oi 
our  learned  University. 

Among  the    oppressions   of  this  period,   most  of^fr.  Locke's 
which  were  attended  with  consequence:  so  much  mr>rc  fi^^m  Oxford. 


38  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP.  I.  important  to  the  several  objects  of  persecution,  it 
may  seem  scarcely  worth  while  to  notice  the  expul- 
sion of  John  Locke  from  Christ  Church  College,  Ox- 
ford. But  besides  the  interest  which  every  incident 
in  the  life  of  a  person  so  deservedly  eminent,  natu- 
rally excites,  there  appears  to  have  been  something  in 
the  transaction  itself  characteristic  of  the  spirit  of  the 
times,  as  well  as  of  the  general  nature  of  absolute 
power.  Mr.  Locke  was  known  to  have  been  inti- 
mately connected  with  Lord  Shaftesbury,  and  had 
very  prudently  judged  it  advisable  for  him,  to  pro- 
long for  some  time  his  residence  upon  the  Continent, 
to  which  he  had  resorted  originally  on  account  ot  his 
health.  A  suspicion,  as  it  has  been  since  proved, 
unfounded,  that  he  was  the  author  of  a  pamphlet 
which  gave  offence  to  the  government,  induced  the 
King  to  insist  upon  his  removal  from  his  studentship 
at  Christ  Church.  Sunderland  writes,  by  the  King's 
command,  to  Dr.  Fell,  Bishop  of  Oxford,  and  Dean 
of  Christ  Church.  The  reverend  prelate  answers, 
that  he -has  long  had  an  eye  upon  Mr.  Locke's  be- 
haviour; but  though  frequent  attempts  had  been 
made,  (attempts  of  which  the  Bishop  expresses  no 
disapprobation,)  to  draw  him  into  imprudent  conver- 
sation, by  attacking,  in  his  company,  the  reputation^ 
and  insulting  the  memory,  of  his  late  patron  and 
friend,  and  thus  to  make  his  gratitude,  and  all  the 
best  feelings  of  his  heart,  instrumental  to  his  ruin, 
these  attempts  all  proved  unsuccessful.  Hence  the 
Bishop  infers,  not  the  innocence  of  Mr.  Locke,  but 
that  he  was  a  great  master  of  concealment,  both  as  to 
words  and  looks  ;  for  looks,  it  is  to  be  supposed^ 
would  have  furnished  a  pretext  for  his  expulsion, 
more  decent  than  any  which  had  yet  been  discover- 
ed. An  expedient  is  then  suggested,  to  drive  Mr. 
Locke  to  a  dilemma,  by   summoning  him  to  attend 


fNTRODUCTOUY  CflAFIKK.  3S 

the  College  on  the  first  of  January  ensuing.  If  he  do  CHAP.  I 
not  appear,  he  shall  be  expelled  for  contumacy ;  if  he 
come,  matter  of  charge  may  be  found  against  him, 
for  what  he  shiJl  have  said  at  London,  or  elsewhere, 
where  he  will  have  been  less  upon  his  guard  than  at 
Oxford.  Some  have  ascribed  Fell's  hesitation,  if  it 
c;m  be  so  called,  in  executing  the  King's  order,  to  his 
unwillingness  to  injure  Locke,  who  was  his  friend; 
others,  with  more  reason,  to  the  doubt  of  the  legality 
of  the  order.  However  this  may  have  been,  neither 
his  scruple  nor  his  reluctance  was  regarded  by  a  court 
\rho  knew  its  own  power.  A  peremptory  order  was 
accordingly  sent,  and  immediate  obedience  ensued.* 
Thus,  while,  without  the  shadow  of  a  crime,  Mr. 
Locke  lost  a  situation  attended  with  some  emolument, 
and  great  convenience,  was  the  University  deprived 
of,  or  rather  thus,  from  the  base  principles  of  servi- 
lity, did  she  cast  away,  the  man  the  having  produced 
whom  is  now  her  chiefest  glory  ;  and  thus,  to  those 
who  are  not  determined  to  be  blind,  did  the  true  na- 
ture of  absolute  power  discover  itself,  against  which 
the  middling  station  is  not  more  secure  than  the  most 
exalted.  T)Tanny,  when  glutted  with  the  blood  of 
the  great,  and  the  plunder  of  the  rich,  will  conde- 
scend to  hunt  humbler  game,  and  make  a  peaceable 
and  innocent  fellow  of  a  college  the  object  of  its  per- 
secution. In  this  instance  one  would  almost  imagine 
there  was  some  instinctive  sagacity  in  the  govern- 
ment of  that  time,  which  pointed  out  to  them,  even 
before  he  had  made  himself  kno'svn  to  the  world,  the 
man  who  was  destined  to  be  the  most  successful  ad- 
versary of  superstition  and  tyranny. 

*  Vide  Sunderland's  correspondence  with  the  Bishop  of  Ox- 
ford, in  the  Appendix. 


40  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP.  I.  The  King,  during  the  remainder  of  his  reign,  seems, 
Forfeiture  of  ^'^^  ^^^  exception  of  Armstrong's  execution,  which 
Charters.  must  be  added  to  the  catalogue  of  his  murders,  to 
have  directed  his  attacks  more  against  the  civil  rights, 
properties,  and  liberties,  than  against  the  lives  of  his 
subjects.  Convictions  against  evidence,  sentences  a- 
gainst  law,  enormous  fines,  cruel  imprisonments,  were 
the  principal  engines  *  employed  for  the  purpose  of 
breaking  the  spirit  of  individuals,  and  fitting  their 
necks  for  the  yoke.  But  it  was  not  thought  fit  to  trust 
wholly  to  the  effect  which  such  examples  would  pro- 
duce upon  the  public.  That  the  subjugation  of  the 
people  might  be  complete,  and  despotism  be  established 
upon  the  most  solid  foundation,  measures  of  a  more 
general  nature  and  effect  were  adopted ;  and  first,  the 
charter  of  London,  and  then  those  of  almost  all  the 
other  corporations  in  England,  were  either  forfeited, 
or  forced  to  surrender.  By  this  act  of  rlolcucc  two 
important  points  were  thought  to  be  gained  ;  one,  that 
in  every  regular  assemblage  of  the  people,  in  any 
part  of  the  kingdom,  the  crown  would  have  a  com- 
manding influence  ;  the  other,  that  in  case  the  King 
should  find  himself  compelled  to  break  his  engage- 
ment to  France,  and  to  call  a  parliament,  a  great  ma- 
jority of  members  would  be  returned  by  electors  of 
his  nomination,  and  subject  to  his  controul.  In  the  af- 
fair of  the  charter  of  London,  it  was  seen,  as  in  the 
case  of  ship-money,  how  idle  it  is  to  look  to  the  inte- 
grity of  judges  for  a  barrier  against  royal  encroach- 
ments, when  the  courts  of  justice  are  not  under  the 
constant  and  vigilant  controul  of  Parliament.  And 
it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that,  after  such  a  warning, 
and  with  no  hope  of  seeing  a  Parliament  assemble, 

*  The  expedient  of  transportiijg  men  among  common  felons  fur 
political  offences  was  not  then  invented,  which  is  the  more  ex- 
traordinary, as  it  had  beg^n  in  this  reign  to  be  in  some  degree 
made  use  of  in  religious  persecutions 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER.  41 

even  they  who  still  refained  their  attachment  to  the    CHAP.  I. 
ti'ue  constitution  of  their  country,  should  rather  gi\e 
way  to  the  torrent,  than  make  a  fruitless  and  danger- 
ous resistance. 

Charles  being  thus  completely  master,  was  deter- Despotism 
mined  that  the  relative  situation  of  him  and  his  sub- 
jects should  be  clearly  understood,  for  which  purpose 
he  ordered  a  declaration  to  l)e  framed,  wherein,  after 
having  stated  that  he  considered  the  degree  of  confi- 
dence thev  had  reposed  in  him  as  an  honour  particu- 
lar to  his  reign,  which  not  one  of  his  predecessors  had 
ever  dared  even  to  hope  for,  he  assured  them  he 
would  use  it  with  all  possible  moderation,  and  con- 
vince even  the  most  violent  republicans,  that  as  the 
crown  was  the  origin  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
people,  so  was  it  their  most  certain  and  secure  support- 
This  gracious  declaration  was  ready  for  the  pi-ess  at 
the  time  of  the  King's  death,  and  if  he  had  lived  to 
issue  it,  there  can  be  little  doubt  how  it  would  have 
been  received,  at  a  time  when 

minquam  Libertas  gratior  extat 
Quam  sub  Reg'c  pia, 

v/as  the  theme  of  every  song,  and  by  the  help  of  some 
perversion  of  Scriptuj'e,  the  text  of  eveiy  sermon- 
But  whatever  might  be  the  language  of  flatterers,  and 
how  loud  soever  the  cry  of  a  triumphant,  but  deluded 
part}',  there  were  not  wanting  men  of  nobler  senti- 
ments, and  of  more  rational  views.  I^Iinds  once  Despondency 
thoroughly  imbued  with  the  love  of  what  Sidney,  in  o^B'^o'^^^" 
his  last  moments,  so  emphatically  called  the  good  old 
cause,  will  not  easily  relinquish  their  principles ;  nor 
was  the  manner  in  which  absolute  power  was  exerci- 
sed, such  as  to  reconcile  to  it,  in  practice,  those  who 
had  always  been  averse  to  it  in  speculation.  Tlie 
hatred  of  tyranny,  must,  \n  such  persons,  have  been 


42 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 


CHAP.  I. 


Intended 
change  of 
measures. 


exasperated  by  the  experience  of  its  effects,  and  their 
attachment  to  liberty  proportionably  confirmed.  To 
them  the  state  of  their  country  must  have  been  into- 
lerable :  to  reflect  upon  the  eflbrts  of  their  fathers, 
once  their  pride  and  glory,  and  whom  they  themselves 
had  followed  with  no  unequal  steps,  and  to  see  the  re- 
sult of  all  in  the  scenes  that  now  presented  themselves, 
must  have  filled  their  minds  with  sensations  of  the 
deepest  regret,  and  feelings  bordering  at  least  on 
despondency-  To  us,  who  have  the  opportunity  of 
combining,  in  our  view  of  this  period,  not  only  the 
preceding  but  subsequent  transactions,  the  considera- 
tion of  it  may  suggest  reflections  far  diff'erent,  and 
speculations  more  consolatory.  Indeed  I  know  not 
that  history  can  furnish  a  more  forcible  lesson  against 
despondency,  than  by  recording,  that  within  a  short 
time  from  those  dismal  d;.)'s  in  which  men  of  the 
greatest  constancy  despaired  and  had  reason  to  do  so, 
within  five  years  from  the  death  of  Sidney,  arose  the 
brightest  sera  of  freedom  known  to  the  annals  of  our 
country. 

It  is  said  that  the  King,  when  at  the  summit  of  his 
power,  was  far  from  happy  ;  and  a  notion  has  been 
generally  entertained,  that  not  long  before  his  death  he 
had  resolved  upon  the  recall  of  Monmouth,  and  a  cor- 
respondent change  of  system.  That  some  such  change 
was  apprehended  seems  extremely  probable,  from  the 
earnest  desire  which  the  court  of  France,  as  well  as 
the  Duke  of  York's  party  in  England,  entertained,  in 
the  last  years  of  Charles's  life,  to  remove  the  Mar- 
quis of  Halifax,  who  was  supposed  to  have  friendly 
dispositions  to  Monmouth.  Among  the  various 
objections  to  that  nobleman's  political  principles,  we 
find  the  charge  most  relied  upon,  for  the  purpose 
of  injuring  him  in  the  mind  of  the  King,  was  found- 
ed on  the  opinion  he  had  delivered    in  council,    in 


iXTHOnUCrORY  CHAPTER.  43 

iavour  of  modelling  the  charters  of  the  British  Co-  CHAP.  I. 
lonies  in  North  America  upon  the  principles  of  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  Englishmen.  There  was  no 
room  to  doubt,  (he  was  accused  of  saying,)  that 
the  same  laws  under  which  we  live  in  England, 
should  be  established  in  a  country  composed  of  Eng- 
lishmen. He  even  dilated  upon  this,  and  omitted 
none  of  the  reasons  by  which  it  can  be  proved,  that 
an  absolute  government  is  neither  so  happy  nor  so 
safe  as  that  which  is  tempered  by  laws,  and  which 
limits  the  authority  of  the  prince.  He  exaggerated, 
it  was  said,  the  mischiefs  of  a  sovereign  power,  and 
declared  plainly,  that  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind 
to  live  under  a  king,  who  should  have  it  in  his  power 
to  take,  when  he  pleased,  the  money  he  might  have 
in  his  pocket.  All  the  other  ministers  had  combat- 
ed, as  might  be  expected,  sentiments  so  extraordina- 
rj"- ;  and  without  entering  into  the  general  question  of 
the  comparative  value  of  different  forms  of  govern- 
ment, maintained  that  his  Majesty  could,  and  ought 
to  govern  countries  so  distant,  in  the  manner  that 
should  appear  to  him  most  suitable  for  preserving  or 
augmenting  the  strength  and  riches  of  the  mother 
country.  It  had  been  therefore  resolved,  that  the 
government  and  council  of  the  Provinces  under  the 
new  charter,  should  not  be  obliged  to  call  assemblies 
of  the  colonists  for  the  purpose  of  imposing  taxes,  or 
making  other  important  regulations,  but  should  do 
what  they  thought  fit,  without  rendering  any  account 
of  their  actions,  except  to  his  Britannic  Majesty.  The 
affair  having  been  so  decided  with  a  concurrence  only 
short  of  unanimity,  was  no  longer  considered  as  a 
matter  of  importance,  nor  would  it  be  worth  record- 
ing, if  the  Duke  of  York  and  the  French  court  had 
not  fastened  upon  it,*  as  affording  the  best  evidence  of 

■•  Vide  Barillou's  Dispatches,  7lh  Dec.  1684. 


44  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP.  I.  the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  having  a  man  ot 
Halifax's  principles  in  any  situation  of  trust  or  power. 
There  is  something  curious  in  discovering,  that,  even 
at  this  eai-ly  period,  a  question  relative  to  North  A- 
merican  liberty,  and  even  to  North  American  taxa- 
tion, was  considered  as  the  test  of  principles  friendly, 
or  adverse,  to  arbitrary  power  at  home.  But  the  truth 
is,  that  among  the  several  controversies  which  have 
arisen,  there  is  no  other  wherein  the  natural  rights  of 
man  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  authority  of  artificia(I 
institution  on  the  other,  as  applied  respectively,  by  the 
Whigs  and  Tories,  to  the  English  constitution,  are  so 
fairl)'  pvit  in  issue,  nor  by  which  the  line  of  separation 
between  the  two  parties  is  so  strongly  and  distinctly 
marked. 
Charles's  There  is  some  reason  for  believing-  that  the  court 

^eb  %  '  ^^  Versailles  had  either  wholly  discontinued,  or  at 
least  had  become  very  remiss  in,  the  payments  of 
Charles's  pension  ;  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  this 
consideration  may  have  induced  him  either  really  to 
think  of  calling  a  parliament,  or  at  least  to  threaten 
Lewis  with  such  a  measure,  in  order  to  make  that 
prince  more  punctual  in  performing  his  part  of  their 
secret  treaty.  But  whether  or  not  any  secret  change 
was  really  intended,  or  if  it  were,  to  what  extent,  and 
to  w^hat  objects  directed,  are  points  which  cannot  now 
be  ascertained,  no  public  steps  having  ever  been  taken 
in  this  affair,  and  his  Majesty's  intentions,  if  in  truth 
he  had  any  such,  becoming  abortive  bv  the  sudden 
illness  which  seisjed  him  on  the  first  of.  Februarv, 
1685,  and  which,  in  a  few  days  afterwards,  put  an 
end  to  his  reign  and  life.  His  death  v.as  by  many 
supposed  to  have  been  the  effect  of  poison  ;  but  al- 
though there  is  reason  to  believe  that  this  suspicion 
was  harboured  by  persons  very  near  to  him,  and  a- 
mong  others,  as  I  hav  c  heard,  by  the  Dutchess  cf 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAl'TEH.  45 

Portsmouth,  it  appears,  upon  the  whole,  to  rest  upon    CHAi'.  l. 
\  er}-  slender  foundations.* 

"With  respect  to  the  character  of  this  Prince,  upon  ills  charac- 
the  delineation  of  which  so  much  pains  have  been  em-  ^'^' 
ployed,  by  the  various  writers  who  treat  of  the  history 
o(  his  time,  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  facts  which 
liave  been  noticed  in  the  foi-egoing  pages,  furnish  but 
too  manv  illustrations  of  the  more  unfavourable  parts 
of  it.  From  these  we  may  collect,  that  his  ambition 
was  directed  solely  against  his  subjects,  while  he  was 
completely  indifferent  conceniing  the  figure  which  he 
or  they  might  make  in  the  general  affairs  of  Europe ; 
and  that  his  desire  of  power  was  more  unmixed  with 
the  love  of  glor}^  than  that  of  any  other  man  whom 
histor}-  has  recorded;  that  he  was  unprincipled,  un- 
grateful, mean,  and  treacherous,  to  which  may  be 
added  vindictive,  and  remorseless.  For  Burnet,  in 
refusing  to  him  the  praise  of  clemency  and  forgive- 
ness seems  to  be  perfectly  justifiable,  nor  is  it  conceiv- 
able upon  what  pretence  his  partizans  have  taken  this 
ground  of  panegjTic.  I  doubt  whether  a  single  in- 
stance can  be  produced,  of  his  having  spared  the  life 
of  any  one  whoni  motives,  either  of  policy,  or  of  re- 
venge, prompted  him  to  desti'oy.  To  allege  that  of 
Monmouth,  as  it  would  be  an  affront  to  human  nature, 
30  would  it  likewise  imply  the  most  severe  of  all  sa- 
tires against  the  monarch  himself,  and  we  may  add 
too  an  undeserved  one.  For  in  order  to  consider  it  aF 
an  act  of  meritorious  forbearance  on  his  part,  that  he 

*  jSIr.  Tox  had  this  report  from  the  flimily  of  his  mother,  grcat- 
grandaughter  to  the  Dutches  of  Portsmouth. ...The  Dutches  of 
Portsmouth  lived  to  a  very  advanced  ag'c,  and  retained  her  fa- 
cvdties  to  the  period  of  her  death,  which  happened  in  1734,  at 
Aubigny....^fr.  Fox's  mother,  when  very  young,  saw  her  at  that 
place  ;  and  many  of  the  Lenox  famil}-,  with  whom  Mr.  Fox  was 
subsequently  acquainted,  had,  no  doubt,  frequently  conversed 
with  her.  * 


46  INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

CHAP.  I.     did  not  follow  the  example  of  Constantine,  and  Philip 
~~~  the  Second,  by  imbruing  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  his 

son,  we  must  first  suppose  him  to  have  been  wholly  void 
of  every  natural  affection,  which  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  the  case.  His  declaration,  that  he  would  have 
pardoned  Essex,  being  made  when  that  nobleman  was 
dead,  and  not  followed  by  any  act  evincing  its  sinceri- 
ty, can  surely  obtain  no  credit  from  men  of  sense.  If 
he  had  really  had  the  intention,  he  ought  not  to  have 
made  such  a  declaration,  unless  he  accompanied  it 
with  some  mark  of  kindness  to  the  relations,  or  with 
some  act  of  mercy  to  the  friends,  of  the  deceased. 
Considering  it  as  a  mere  piece  of  h}qpocrisy,  we  can- 
not help  looking  upon  it  as  one  of  the  most  odious 
passages  of  his  life.  This  ill-timed  boast  of  his  in- 
tended mercy,  and  the  brutal  taunt  with  which  he  ac- 
companied his  mitigation,  (if  so  it  may  be  called,)  of 
Russel's  sentence,  show  his  insensibility  and  hardness 
to  have  been  such,  that  in  questions  where  right  and 
feelings  were  concerned,  his  good  sense,  and  even  the 
good  taste  for  which  he  has  been  so  much  extolled, 
seemed  wholly  to  desert  him. 
His  g-ood  On  the  other  hand,  it  would  be  want  of  candor  to 

qualities.  maintain,  that  Charles  was  entirely  destitute  of  good 
qualities ;  nor  was  the  propriety  of  Burnet's  compa- 
rison between  him  and  Tiberius  ever  felt,  I  imagine, 
by  any  one  but  its  author.  He  was  gay  and  affable, 
and,  if  incapable  of  the  sentiments  belonging  to  pride 
of  a  laudable  sort,  he  was  at  least  free  from  haughti- 
ness and  insolence.  The  praise  of  politeness,  which 
the  Stoics  are  not  perhaps  wrong  in  classing  among 
the  moral  virtues,  provided  they  admit  it  to  be  one 
of  the  lowest  order,  has  never  been  denied  him,  and 
he  had  in  an  eminent  degree  that  facility'  of  temper 
which,  though  considered  by  some  moralists  as  nearly 
allie^i  to  vice,  yet,  inasmuch  as  it  contributes  greatly 


INTRODUCTORY  CIIAPTLR,  47 

to  the  happiness  of  those  around  us,  is,  in  itself,  not  CHAV.  i. 
onlv  an  engaging,  but  an  estimable  quality.  His  sup- 
port of  the  Queen  during  the  heats  raised  by  the  Po- 
pish plot,  ought  to  be  taken  rather  as  a  proof  that  he 
was  not  a  monster,  than  to  be  ascribed  to  him  as  a 
merit ;  but  his  steadiness  to  his  brother,  though  it  may 
and  ought,  in  a  great  measure,  to  be  accounted  for 
upon  selfish  principles,  had  at  least  a  strong  resem- 
blance to  virtue. 

The  best  part  of  this  Prince's  character  seems  to 
have  been  his  kindness  towards  his  mistresses,  and 
his  affection  for  his  children,  and  others  nearly  con- 
nected to  him  by  the  ties  of  blood.  His  recommen- 
dation of  the  Dutchess  of  Portsmouth  and  Mrs.  Gwyn, 
upon  his  death-bed,  to  his  successoi-,  is  much  to  his 
honour ;  and  they  who  censure  it,  seem,  in  their  zeal 
to  show  themselves  strict  moralists,  to  have  suffered 
their  notions  of  vice  and  virtue  to  have  fallen  into 
strange  confusion.  Charles's  connection  with  those 
ladies  might  be  vicious,  but  at  a  moment  when  that 
connection  was  upon  the  point  of  being  finally,  and 
irrevocably  dissolved,  to  concern  himself  about  theii' 
future  welfare,  and  to  recommend  them  to  his  brother 
with  earnest  tenderness,  was  virtue.  It  is  not  for  the 
interest  of  moralitv  that  the  good  and  evil  actions, 
even  of  bad  men,  should  be  confounded.  His  affec- 
tion for  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and  for  the  Dutchess 
of  Orleans,  seems  to  have  been  sincere  and  cordial. 
To  attribute,  as  some  have  done,  his  grief  for  the  loss 
of  the  first  to  political  considerations,  founded  upon 
an  intended  balance  of  power  between  his  two  bro- 
thers, would  be  an  absurd  refinement,  whatever  were 
his  general  disposition ;  but  when  we  reflect  upon  that 
carelessness  which,  especially  in  his  youth,  was  a  con- 
spicuous feature  of  his  character,  the  absurdity  be- 
comes still  more  striking.  And  though  Burnet  more 
covertly,  and  Ludlow  more  openly,  insinuate  that  his 


48 


Introductory  chapter. 


CHAP.  I. 


Reflections 
upon  the 
probable 
consequen- 
ces of  his 
reign  and 
deatli. 


fondness  for  his  sister  was  of  a  criminal  nature,  I  never 
could  find  that  there  was  any  ground  whatever  for 
such  a  suspicion ;  nor  does  the  little  that  remains  of 
their  epistolary  correspondence  give  it  the  smallest 
countenance.  Upon  the  whole,  Charles  the  Second 
was  a  bad  man,  and  a  bad  king:  let  us  not  palliate  his 
crimes ;  but  neither  let  us  adopt  false  or  doubtful  im- 
putations, for  the  purpose  of  making  him  a  Monster. 
Whoever  reviews  the  interesting  period  which  we 
have  been  discussing,  upon  the  principle  recommend- 
ed in  the  outset  of  this  chapter,  Avill  find,  that,  from 
the  consideration  of  the  past,  to  prognosticate  the  fu* 
ture,  would,  at  the  moment  of  Charles's  demise,  be 
no  easy  task.  Between  two  persons,  one  of  whom 
should  expect  that  the  country  would  remain  sunk  in 
slavery,  the  other,  that  the  cause  of  freedom  would 
revive  and  triumph,  it  would  be  difficult  to  decide, 
whose  reasons  were  better  supported,  whose  specula* 
tions  the  more  probable.  I  should  guess  that  he  who 
desponded,  had  looked  more  at  the  state  of  the  pub- 
lic, while  he  who  was  sanguine,  had  fixed  his  eyes 
more  attentively  upon  the  person  who  was  about  to 
mount  the  throne.  Upon  reviewing  the  two  great 
parties  of  the  nation,  one  observation  occurs  very  for- 
cibly, and  that  is,  that  the  great  strength  of  the  Whigs 
consisted  in  their  being  able  to  brand  their  adversaries 
as  favourers  of  Popery ;  that  of  the  Tories,  (as  far  as 
their  strength  depended  upon  opinion,  and  not  merely 
upon  the  power  of  the  crown,)  in  their  finding  colour 
to  represent  the  Whigs  as  republicans.  From  this  ob- 
servation we  may  draw  a  further  inference^  that,  in 
proportion  to  the  rashness  of  the  Crown,  iii  avowing 
and  pressing  forward  the  cause  of  Popery,  and  to  the 
moderation  and  steadiness  of  the  Whigs,  in  adhering 
to  the  form  of  monarchv,  would  be  the  chance  of  the 
people  of  England,  for  changing  an  ignominious  des- 
potism, for  glory,  liberty,  and  happiness. 


CHAPTER  II. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  EARLY  PART  OP  THE  REIGN  01 
JAMES  THE  SECOND. 


'*  Accession  of  James  II His  Declaration  in  Council  :u..Acceptii- 

"  hie  to  the  Nation Arhitrary  Designs  of  his  Reign Former 

"  Ministers    continued Money  Transactions  with  France 

"  Revenue  levied  witlioiit  Authority  of  Parliament Persecu- 

"  tion  of  Dissenters Character  of  JefTeries The  King's  Af- 

•'  fcctation    of    Iiulependcncc Advances    to   the    Prince    of 

"  Orange The  primary  Object  of  this  Reign Transactions 

*'  in  Scotland.. ..-Severe  Persecutions   there Scottish  Parlia- 

"  ment Cruelties   of  Government English  Parliament;  Its 

"  Proceedings Revenue Votes   concerning    Religion Bill 

"  for  Preservation  of  the   King's  Person Solicitude   for  the 

"  Churcli  of  England Reversal  of  Stafford's  Attainder  reject- 

"  ed Parliament  adjourned. r... Character  of  the  Tories Situa- 

*'  tion  of  the  Whigs." 

CHARLES  the  SECOND  expired  on  the  sixth  of  CHAP.  n. 


February  1684-5,  and  on  the  same  day  his  successor        16S5. 
•Nvas  proclaimed  King  in  London,  with  the  usual  for-  Accession  of 
malities,by  the  title  of  James  the  Second.  The  great     Feb.  6th. 
influence  which  this  prince  was  supposed  to  have  pos- 
sessed in  the  government,  during  die  latter  years  of 
his  brother's  reign,  and  the  expectation  which  was  en- 
tertained,  in  consequence,  that  his  measures,  when 
monarch,  would  be  of  the  same  character  and  com- 
plexion with  those  which  he  was  known  to  have  highlv 
approved,  and  of  which  he  was  thought  by  many  to 
have  been   the   principal  author,  v/hen  a  subject,  left 
little  room  for  that  spirit  of  speculation,  which  gene- 
rally attends  a  demise  of  the  Crown.     And  thus  an 
event,  which,  when  apprehended  a  few  years  before. 

G  '■ 


50  HISTORY  OP  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  n.    had,  according  to  a  strong  expression  of  Sir  William 
1685.       Temple,  been  looked  upon  as  the  end  of  the  world, 
was  now  deemed  to  be  of  small  comparitive   impor- 
tance. 
First  steps  of      Its  tendency,  indeed,  was  rather  to  ensure  persever- 
■^'       ance  than  to  effect  any  change  in  the  system  which  had 
been  of  late  years  pursued.     As  there   are,  however, 
some  steps  indispensably  necessaiy  on  the  accession  of 
a  new  prince  to  the  throne,  to  these  the  public  atten- 
tion was  directed,  and,  though  the  character  of  James 
had  been  long  so  generally  understood,  as  to  leave 
little  doubt  respecting  the  political  maxims  and  princi- 
ples by  which  his  reign  would  be  governed,  there  was 
probably  much  curiosity,  as  upon  such  occasions  there 
always  is,  with  regard  to  the  conduct  he  would  pursue 
in  matters  of  less  importance,  and  to  the  general  lan- 
guage and  behaviour  which  he  would  adopt  in  his  new 
situation.     His  first  step  was,  of  course,  to  assemble 
the  privy  council,  to  whom  he  spoke  as  follows : 
His  declara-       "  Before  I  enter  upon  any  other  business,  I  think 
^jl  "  "  fit  to  say  something  to  you.     Since  it  hath  pleased 

"  Almighty  God  to  place  me  in  this  situation,  and  1 
"  am  now  to  succeed  so  good  and  gracious  a  king,  as 
"  well  as  so  very  kind  a  brother,  I  think  it  fit  to  de- 
"  clare  to  you,  that  I  will  endeavour  to  follow  his  ex- 
"  ample,  and  most  especially  in  that  of  his  great  cle- 
"  mency  and  tenderness  to  his  people.  I  have  been 
'''•  reported  to  be  a  man  for  arbitrary  power ;  but  thai 
^'  is  not  the  only  story  that  has  been  made  of  me :  and 
^''  I  shall  make  it  my  endeavour  to  preserve  this  go- 
"  vernment,  both  in  Church  and  State,  as  it  is  now  by 
"  law  established.  I  know  the  principles  of  the  Church 
"  of  England  are  for  Monarchy,  and  the  members  of 
"  it  have  shown  themselves  good  and  lo}'al  subjects  ; 
"  therefore  I  shall  always  take  care  to  defend  and 
"  support  it..    I  know  too,  that  the  laws  of  England  are 


OF  JA>fES  THE  SECOND  51 

^  sufHcicnt  to  make  tlie  King  as  great  a  monarch  as  I    CHAP.  H. 

''  can  wish;  and  as  I  shall  never  depart  from  the  just       jgg^ 

''  rights  and  prerogatives  of  the  crown,   so   I  shall 

*^  never   invade    any   man's  propert)'.     I  liave   often 

*•'  heretofore  ventured  my  life  in  defence  of  this  na- 

*'  tion ;  and  I  shall  go  as  far  as  any  man  in  preserving 

"  it  in  all  its  just  rights  and  liberties."* 

"NV'ith  this  declaration  the  council  were  so  highly  Accci^table 
satisfied,  that  they  supplicated  his  Majesty  to  make  it 
public,  which  was  accordingly  done  ;  and  it  is  reported 
to  have  been  received  with  unbounded  applause  by  the 
greater  part  of  the  nation.  Some,  perhaps,  there  were, 
who  did  not  think  the  boast  of  having  ventured  his 
life,  very  manly,  and  who,  considering  the  transactions 
of  the  last  years  of  Charles's  reign,  were  not  much 
encouraged  by  the  promise  of  imitating  that  monarcli 
in  clemency  and  tenderness  to  his  subjects.  To  these 
it  might  appear,  that  whatever  there  was  of  consola- 
toiy  in  the  King's  disclaimer  of  arbitraiy  pov/er,  and 
professed  attachment  to  the  laws,  was  totally  done 
away,  as  well  by  the  consideration  of  what  his  majes- 
ty''s  notions  of  power  and  law  were,  as  by  his  declara- 
tion, that  he  would  foUoAV  the  example  of  a  predeces- 
sor, Avhose  government  had  not  only  been  marked 
with  the  violation,  in  particular  cases,  of  all  the  most 
sacred  laws  of  the  realm,  but  had  latterly,  by  the  dis- 
use of  parliaments  in  defiance  of  the  statute  of  the 
sixteenth  year  of  his  reign,  stood  upon  a  foundation 
radically  and  fundamentally  illegal.  To  others  it 
might  occur,  that  even  the  promise  to  the  Church  of 
England,  though  express  with  respect  to  the  condition 
of  it,  which  was  no  other  than  perfect  acquiescence  in 
what  the  King  deemed  to  be  the  true  principles  of 
monarchy,  was  rather  vague  with  regard  to  the  nature, 
or  degree  of  support  to  which  the  royal  speaker  might 

'  K'liinct,  III.  420. 


52 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGX 


1685. 


Triumph  of 
the  Tories. 


CHAP.  II.  conceive  himself  engaged.  The  words,  although,  in 
any  interpretation  of  them,  they  conveyed  more  than 
he  possibly  ever  intended  to  perform,  did  by  no 
means  express  the  sense  which  at  that  time,  by  his 
friends,  and  afterwards  by  his  enemies,  was  endea- 
voured to  be  fixed  on  them.  There  was  indeed  a 
promise  to  support  the  establishment  of  the  Church, 
and  consequently  the  laws  upon  which  that  establish- 
ment immediately  rested ;  but  by  no  means  an  engage- 
ment to  maintain  all  the  collateral  provisions  which 
some  of  its  more  zealous  members  might  judge  ne- 
cessary for  its  security. 

But  whatever  doubts  or  difficulties  might  be  felt, 
few  or  none  were  expressed.  The  Whigs,  as  a  van- 
quished party,  were  either  silent,  or  not  listened  to, 
and  the  Tories  were  in  a  temper  of  mind  which  does 
not  easily  admit  suspicion.  They  were  not  more  de- 
lighted with  the  victory  they  had  obtained  over  their 
adversaries,  than  with  the  additional  stability  which, 
as  they  vainly  imagined,  the  accession  of  the  new  mo- 
narch was  likel}''  to  give  to  their  system.  The  truth  is, 
that,  his  religion  excepted,  (and  that  objection  they 
were  sanguine  enough  to  consider  as  done  aM'ay  by  a 
few  gracious  words  in  favour  of  the  Church,)  James 
was  every  way  better  suited  to  their  purpose  than  his 
brother.  They  had  entertained  continual  apprehen- 
sions, not  perhaps  wholly  unfounded,  of  the  late  King's 
returning  kindness  to  Monmouth,  the  consequences  of 
which  could  not  easily  be  calculated ;  whereas,  every 
occurrence  that  had  happened,  as  well  as  every  cir- 
cumstance in  James's  situation,  seemed  to  make  him 
utterly  irreconcileable  with  the  Whigs.  Besides,  after 
the  reproach,  as  well  as  alarm,  which  the  notoriety  oi 
Charles's  treacherous  character  must  so  often  ha^e 
caused  them,  the  very  circumstance  of  having  at  their 
head  a  Prince,  of  whom  they  could  with  any  colour 


OF  J  AMES  THE  SECOND.  53 

hold  out  to  their  adherents,  that  his  word  was  to  be    CllAl'.  II. 

depended  upon,  was  in  itself  a  matter  of  triumph  and        1685" 

exultation.     Accordingly  the  watchword  of  the  party 

was  ever)'  where,  JTc  have  the  iwrd  of  a  King^  and  a 

luord  never  yet  broken ;  and  to  such  a  length  was  the 

spirit  of  adulation,  or  perhaps  delusion,  carried,  that 

this  royal  declaration  wiis  said  to  lie  a  better  security 

for  the  liberty  and   religion  of  the  nation,  than  any 

which  the  law  could  devise.* 

The  King,  though  much  pleased,  no  doubt,  with  the  The  King's 
popularity  which  seemed  to  attend  the  commence-  sLn/'"^  ^ 
ment  of  his  reign,  as  a  powei-ful  medium  for  estab- 
lishing the  system  of  absolute  power,  did  not  suffer 
himself,  by  any  show  of  affection  from  his  people,  to 
be  diverted  from  his  design  of  rendering  his  govern- 
ment independent  of  them.  To  this  design  we  must 
look  as  the  main-spring  of  all  his  actions  at  this  period; 
for  with  regard  to  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  it  is 
by  no  means  certain  that  he  had  yet  thought  of  obtain- 
ing for  it  any  thing  more  than  a  complete  toleration. 
With  this  view,  thei-efore,  he  could  not  take  a  more  Ministers  re 
judicious  resolution  than  that  which  he  had  declared  ^P^°'"  '^ 
in  his  speech  to  the  privy  council,  and  to  which  he 
seems,  at  this  time,  to  have  steadfastly  adhered,  of 
making  the  government  of  his  predecessor  the  model 
for  his  own.  He  therefore  continued  in  their  offices, 
notwithstanding  the  personal  objections  he  might  have 
to  some  of  them,  those  servants  of  the  late  King,  dur- 
ing whose  administration  that  Prince  had  been  so  suc- 
cessful in  subduing  his  subjects,  and  eradicating  al- 
most from  the  minds  of  Englishmen  cv^ery  sentiment 
of  libert}' . 

Even  the  Marquis  of  Halifax,  who  was  supposed  Haliiac. 
to  have  remonstrated  against  many  of  the  late  mea- 
,suves,  and  to  have  been   busy  in   recommending  a 

'  Burnet 


54 


CHAP.  II. 


1685. 


Rochester. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REIGK 

change  of  system  to  Charles,  was  continued  in  high 
employment  by  James,  who  told  him,  that,  of  all  his 
past  conduct,  he  should  remember  only  his  behaviour 
upon  the  Exclusion  Bill,  to  which  that  nobleman  had 
made  a  zealous  and  distinguished  opposition  ;  a  hand- 
some expression,  which  has  been  the  more  noticed,  as 
well  because  it  is  almost  the  single  instance  of  this 
Prince's  showing  any  disposition  to  forget  injuries,  as 
on  account  of  a  delicacy  and  propriety  in  the  wording 
of  it  by  no  means  familiar  to  him. 

Lawrence  Hyde,  Earl  of  Rochester,  whom  he  ap- 
pointed Lord  Treasurer,  was  in  all  respects  calculated 
to  be  a  fit  instrument  for  the  purposes  then  in  view. 
Besides  being  upon  the  worst  terms  Avith  Halifax,  in 
whom  alone,  of  all  his  ministers,  James  was  likely  to 
Hnd  any  bias  in  favour  of  popular  principles,  he  was, 
both  from  prejudice  of  education,  and  from  interest, 
inasmuch  as  he  had  aspired  to  be  the  head  of  the  To- 
ries, a  great  favourer  of  those  servile  principles  of 
the  Church  of  England,  which  had  lately  been  so 
highly  extolled  from  the  throne.  His  near  relation  to 
the  Dutchess  of  York  might  also  be  some  recommen- 
dation, but  his  privity  to  the  late  pecuniary  transac- 
tions between  the  courts  of  Versailles  and  London, 
and  the  cordialitv  with  which  he  concurred  in  them, 
were  by  far  more  powerful  titles  to  his  new  master's 
confidence.  For  it  must  be  observed  of  this  minis- 
ter, as  well  as  of  many  others  of  his  party,  that  his 
high  notions,  as  they  are  frequently  styled,  of  power, 
regarded  only  the  relation  between  the  King  and  his 
subjects,  and  not  that  in  which  he  might  stand  with 
respect  to  foreign  Princes  ;  so  that,  provided  he  could, 
by  a  dependence,  however  ser\-ile,  upon  Lewis  the 
Fourteenth,  be  placed  above  the  controul  of  his  Par- 
liament and  people  at  home,  he  considered  the  ho- 
nour of  the  crown  unsullied. 


OP  JA\rES  THE  SECOND.  55 

Robert  Spencer,  Earl  of  Sunderland,  who  was  con-  CHAP.  ii. 
tinued  as  Secretary  of  State,  had  been  at  one  period  i685. 
a  supporter  of  the  Exclusion  Bill,  and  had  been  sus-  Sundevland. 
pectcd  of  having  offered  the  Dutchess  of  Portsmouth 
to  obtain  the  succession  of  the  crown  for  her  son,  the 
Duke  of  Richmond.  Nay  more,  King  James,  in  his 
memoirs,  charges  him  with  having  intended,  just  at 
the  time  of  Charles's  death,  to  send  him  into  a  second 
banishment ;  *  but  with  regard  to  this  last  point,  it 
appears  evident  to  me,  that  many  things  in  those  me- 
moirs relative  to  this  Earl,  were  written  after  James's 
abdication,  and  in  the  greatest  bitterness  of  spirit, 
when  he  was  probably  in  a  frame  of  mind  to  believe 
any  thing  against  a  person  by  whom  he  conceived 
himself  to  have  been  basely  deserted.  The  reap- 
pointment, therefore,  of  this  nobleman  to  so  impor- 
tant an  office.,  is  to  be  accounted  for  partly  upon  the 
general  principle  above  mentioned,  of  making  the 
new  reign  a  mere  continuation  of  the  former,  and 
partly  upon  Sunderland's  extraordinary  talents  for  in- 
gi-atiating  himself  with  persons  in  power,  and  per- 
suading them  that  he  was  the  fittest  instrument  fof 
their  purposes  ;  a  talent  in  which  he  seems  to  have 
surpassed  all  the  intriguing  statesmen  of  his  time,  or 
perhaps  of  any  other. 

An  intimate  connection  with  the  court  of  Versailles  Money  tran.s- 
being  the  principal  engine  by  which  the  favourite  pro-  ^^^^^"^  ^"*" 
jcct  of  absolute  monarchy  was  to  be  effected,  James, 
for  the  pui-pose  of  fixing  and  cementing  that  connec- 
tion, sent  for  M.  De  Barillon,  the  French  ambassa- 
dor, the  \er\'  day  after  his  accession,  and  entered  into 
the  most  confidential  discourse  with  him.  He  ex- 
plained to  him  his  motives  for  intending  to  call  a  par- 
liament, as  well  as  his  resolution  to  Itvy  b}-  authority, 

*  Macpherson's  State  Papers,  I.  147 


55  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN" 

CHAP.  II.  the  revenue  which  his  predecessor  had  enjoyed  iu 
1685.  virtue  of  a  grant  of  parliament  which  determined 
with  his  life.  He  made  general  professions  of  at- 
tachment to  Lewis,  declared  that  in  all  affairs  of  im- 
portance it  was  his  intention  to  consult  that  monarch, 
and  apologized,  upon  the  ground  of  the  urgency  of 
the  case,  for  acting  in  the  instance  mentioned  without 
his  advice.  Money  was  not  directly  mentioned, 
owing,  perhaps,  to  some  sense  of  shame  upon  that 
subject,  which  his  brother  had  never  experienced  ; 
but  lest  there  should  be  a  doubt  whether  that  object 
were  implied  in  the  desire  of  support  and  protection, 
Rochester  was  directed  to  explain  the  matter  more 
fully,  and  to  give  a  more  distinct  interpretation  of 
these  general  terms.  Accordingly,  that  minister 
waited  the  next  morning  upon  Barillon,  and  after 
having  repeated,  and  enlarged  upon  the  reasons  for 
calling  a  parliament,  stated,  as  an  additional  argument, 
in  defence  of  the  measure,  that  without  it,  his  master 
would  become  too  chargeable  to  the  French  King ; 
adding,  however,  that  the  assistance  which  might  be 
expected  from  a  Parliament,  did  not  exempt  him  al- 
together from  the  necessity  of  resorting  to  that  prince 
for  pecuniary  aids,  for  that  without  such,  he  would 
be  at  the  mercy  of  his  subjects,  and  that  upon  this 
beginning  Avould  depend  the  whole  fortune  of  the 
reign.*  If  Rochester  actually  expressed  himself  as 
Barillon  relates,  the  use  intended  to  be  made  of  Par- 
liament, cannot  but  cause  the  most  lively  indignation, 
while  it  furnishes  a  complete  answer  to  the  historians 
who  accuse  the  parliaments  of  those  days  of  unsea- 
sonable parsimony  in  their  grants  to  the  Stuart  Kings  ; 
for  the  grants  of  the  people  of  England  were  not  des- 
tined, it  seems,  to  enable  their  Kings  to  oppose   th( 

*  Barillon'.s  Letter,  Ftbruavy  19,  168.\,  in  tlic  Appendix 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECONU.  57 

power  of  France,  or  even  to  be  independent  of  her,    CHAP.  n. 
but  to  render  the  influence  which  Lewis  was  resolved       igyj 
to  preserve  in  this  country,  less  chargeable   to  him, 
by  furnishing  their  quota  to  the  support  of  his  royal 
dependant. 

The  French  ambassador  sent  immediately  a  detail-  The  King's 

J  P    ,  ...  ,  abject  KTali- 

ed  account  ol  these  conversations  to  his  court,  where,  ^^j^ 
probabl}-,  they  were  not  received  with  the  less  satis- 
faction on  account  of  the  request  contained  in  them 
having  been  anticipated.  Within  a  very  few  days 
fi-om  that  in  which  the  latter  of  them  had  passed,  he 
was  empowered  to  accompany  the  delivery  of  a  letter 
from  his  master,  with  the  agreeable  news  of  having 
received  from  him  bills  of  exchange  to  the  amount  of 
five  hundred  thousand  livres,  to  be  used  in  whatever 
manner  might  be  convenient  to  the  King  of  England's 
ser\ice.  The  account  which  Barillon  gives,  of  the 
manner  in  v.liich  this  sum  was  received,  is  altogether 
ridiculous  :  the  King's  e}-es  were  full  of  tears,  and 
three  of  his  ministers,  Rocliester,  Sunderland,  and 
Godolpliin,  came  se\erally  to  the  French  ambassador, 
to  express  the  sense  their  master  had  of  the  obliga- 
tion, in  terms  the  most  lavish.*  Indeed,  demonstra- 
tions of  gratitude  from  the  King  directly^  as  well  as 
through  his  ministers,  for  this  supply,  were  such,  us 
if  they  had  been  used  by  some  unfortunate  individual, 
who,  with  his  whole  family,  had  been  saved,  by  the 
timely  succour  of  some  kind  and  powerful  protector^ 
from  a  gaol  and  all  its  horrors,  would  be  deemed  ra- 
ther too  strong  than  too  weak.  Barillon  himself 
seems  surprised  when  he  relates  them ;  but  imputes 
them  to  what  was  probably  their  real  cause,  to  the  ap- 
prehensions that  had  been  entertained,   (very  unrea* 

'  B.u-il'.on's  Letter,  Feb.  26,  in  llie  .Vppenl'X- 

H 


58  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.  sonabie  ones !)  that  the  King  of  France  might  no 
1585.  "  longer  choose  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  England, 
and  consequently  his  support  could  not  be  relied  on 
for  the  grand  object  of  assimilating  this  government 
to  his  own. 
Sagacity  and  If  such  apprehensions  did  exist,  it  is  probable  that 
L^wis  the  they  were  chiefly  owing  to  the  very  careless  manner, 
fourteenth,  to  say  the  least,  in  which  Lewis  had  of  late  fulfilled 
his  pecuniary  engagements  to  Charles,  so  as  to  amount, 
hi  the  opinion  of  the  English  ministers,  to  an  actual 
breach  of  proiTiise.  But  the  circumstances  were  in 
some  respects  altered.  The  French  King  had  been 
convinced  that  Charles  would  never  call  a  parliament ; 
nay  further,  perhaps,  that  if  he  did,  he  would  not  be 
trusted  by  one  ;  aiid  considering  him  therefore  en- 
tirely in  his  power,  acted  from  that  principle  in  inso- 
lent minds,  which  makes  them  fond  of  ill-treating  and 
insulting  those  whom  they  have  degraded  to  a  depen- 
dence on  them.  But  James  would  probably  be  obli- 
ged at  the  commencement  of  a  new  reign,  to  call  a 
parliament,  and  if  well  used  by  such  a  body,  and  aban- 
doned by  France,  might  give  up  his  project  of  arbi- 
trary power,  and  consent  to  govern  according  to  the 
laws  and  constitution.  In  stich  an  event,  Lewis  easily 
foresaw,  that,  instead  of  an  useful  dependant,  he  might 
find  ttpon  the  throne  of  England  a  formidaljle  cnemy» 
Indeed,  this  Prince  and  his  ministers  seem  all  along, 
with  a  sagacity  that  does  them  credit,  to  have  fore- 
seen, and  to  have  justly  estimated,  the  dangers  to 
which  they  v/ould  be  liable,  if  a  cordial  union  should 
ever  take  place  bet^v^een  a  King  of  England  and  his 
Parliament,  and  the  iiritish  councils  be  directed  by 
men  enlightened  and  warmed  by  the  genuine  prin- 
ciples of  libert_y.  It  was  therefoie  an  object  of  great 
moment  to  bind  tlie  new  King,  as  cariy  as  possible, 
to  the  system  of  dependency  upon  France  ;  and  mat- 


OK  JAMES  TIIK  SECOND.  59 

teiofno  less  triumph  to  the  court  of  Versailles  to    cn.\P.  II. 

have  retained  him  by  so  moderate  a  fee,  than  to  that        i685. 

of  London  to  receive  a  sum,  Avhich,  though  small,  was 

thought  valuable,  as  an  earnest  of  better  wages,  and 

future  protection. 

It  had  for  some  time  been  Lewis's  favourite  object  Treaty  with 

to  annex  to  his  dominion  what  remained  of  the  Span-  ^P^'"  ,     u. 

'   _        Ijcnsed  \vitri. 

ish  Netherlands,  as  well  on  account  of  their  own  in- 
trinsic value,  as  to  enable  him  to  destroy  the  United 
Provinces  and  the  Prince  of  Orange  ;  and  this  object 
Charles  had  bound  himself,  by  treaty  Avith  Spain,  to 
oppose.  In  the  joy,  therefore,  occasioned  by  this  no- 
ble manner  of  proceeding,  (for  such  it  was  called  by 
all  the  parties  concerned,)  the  first  step  was  to  agree, 
without  hesitation,  that  Charles's  treaty  with  Spain 
determined  with  his  life  ;  a  decision  v.hich,  if  the 
disregard  that  had  been  shown  to  it,  did  not  render 
the  question  concerning  it  nugatory,  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  support  upon  any  principles  of  national  law  or 
justice.  The  manner  in  which  the  late  King  had 
conducted  himself  upon  the  subject  of  this  treaty,  that 
is  to  say,  the  violation  of  it,  without  formally  re- 
noimcing  it,  Avas  gravely  commended,  and  stated  to 
be  no  more  than  Avhat  might  justly  be  expected  from 
him  ;  but  the  present  King  was  declared  to  be  still 
more  free,  and  in  no  v,^ay  bound  by  a  treaty,  from 
the  execution  of  which  his  brother  had  judged  himself 
to  be  sufficiently  dispensed.  This  appears  to  be  a  nice 
distinction  and  what  that  degree  of  obligation  was, 
from  v/hich  James  was  exempt,  but  which  had  lain 
upon  Charles,  who  neither  thought  himself  bound, 
nor  was  expected  by  ot'ners  to  execute  the  treaty,  it  is 
difficult  to  conceive.* 

'  Barillon's  Dispatches,  May  5,  1685.  Appendix. 


60  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.        This  preliminary  being  adjusted,  the  meaning  of 

1685.        which,  through   all   this  contemptible  shuffling,  was 

More  money  that  James,  by  giving  up  all  concern  for  the  Spanish 

solicited         Netherlands,  should  be  at  liberty  to  acquiesce  in,  or 
from  Lewis.  '  _  -^  /^  ' 

to  second,  whatever  might  be  the  ambitious  projects 

of  the  court  of  Versailles,  it  was  determined  that  Lord 
Churchill  should  be  sent  to  Paris  to  obtain  further  pe- 
cuniary aids.  But  such  was  the  impression  made  by 
the  frankness  and  generosity  of  Lewis,  that  there  was 
no  question  of  discussing  or  capitulating,  but  every 
thing  was  remitted  to  that  Prince,  and  to  the  informa- 
tion his  ministers  might  give  him,  respecting  the  exi- 
gency of  affairs  in  England.  He  who  had  so  hand- 
somely been  beforehand,  in  granting  the  assistance  of 
five  hundred  thousand  livres,  was  only  to  be  thanked 
for  past,  not  importuned  for  future,  munificence.*' 
Thus  ended,  for  the  present,  this  disgusting  scene  of 
iniquity  and  nonsense,  in  which  all  the  actors  seemed 
to  vie  with  each  other  in  prostituting  the  sacred  names 
of  friendship,  generosity,  and  gratitude,  in  one  of  the 
meanest  and  most  criminal  transactions  which  history 
records. 

The  principal  parties  in  the  business,  besides  the 
King  himself,  to  whose  capacity,  at  least,  if  not  to  his 
situation,  it  was  more  suitable,  and  Lord  Churchill, 
who  acted  as  an  inferior  agent,  were  Sun^'erland,  Ro- 
chester, and  Godolphin,  all  men  of  high  rank,  and 
considerable  abilities,  but  M'hose  understandings,  as 
well  as  their  principles,  seem  to  have  been  corrupted 
by  the  pernicious  schemes  in  which  they  were  engaged. 
With  respect  to  the  last  mentioned  nobleman  in  par^ 
ticular,  it  is  impossible,  without  pain,  to  see  him  en- 
gaged in  such  transactions.     With  what  self-humilia-. 

*  Barillon's  Dlspatcliee,  Feb.  26,  1685.     Appendix, 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND  61 

tion  must  he  not  have  reflected  upon  them  in  subse-    CHAP.  II 
qutnt  periods  of  his  life !   How   little  could  Barillon       i685 
guess  that  he  was  negociating  with  one  who  was  des- 
tined to  be  at  the  head  of  an  administi-ation,  which,  in 
a  few  years,  would  send  the  same  Lord  Churchill,  not 
to  I'aris  to  implore  Lewis  for  succours  towards  en- 
slaving England,  or  to  thank  him  for  pensions  to  her 
monarch,  but  to  combine  all    Europe  against  him,  in 
the  cause  of  liberty  ;  to  rout  his  armies,  to  take  his 
towns,  to  humble  his  pride,  and  to  shake  to  the  founda- 
tion that  fabric  of  power  which  it  had  been  the  busi- 
ness of  a  long  life  to  raise  at  the  expense  of  ever)- 
sentiment  of  tenderness  to  his  subjects,  and  of  justice 
and  good  faith  to  foreign  nations !  It  is  with  difficultj- 
the  reader  can  persuade  himself  that  the  Godolphin 
and  Churchill  here  mentioned,  are  the  same  persons 
who  were   afterwards,  one  in  the  cabinet,  one  in  the 
field,  the  great  conductors  of  the  war  of  the  Succes- 
sion.    How  little  do  they  appear  in  one  instance !  how 
great  in  the  other !   And  the  investigation  of  the  cause 
to  which  this  excessive  diiference  is  principally  owing, 
will  produce  a  most  useful  lesson.     Is  the  difference 
to  be  attributed  to  any  superiority"  of  genius  in  the 
prince  whom  they  served  in  the  latter  period  of  their 
lives  ?  Queen  Anne's  capacity  appears  to  have  been 
inferior  even  to  her  father's.     Did  they  enjoy  in  a 
gi-eater  degree  her  favour  and  confidence  ?  The  very 
reverse  is  the  fact.     But  in  one   case  they  were  the 
tools  of  a  King  plotting  against  his  people;  in  the 
other,  the  ministers  of  a  free  government  acting  upon 
enlarged  principles,  and  with  energies  which  no  state 
that    is  not  in  some  degree  republican  can   supply. 
How  forcibly  must  the  contemplation  of  these  men  in 
such  opposite  situations  teach  persons  engaged  in  po- 
litical life,  that  a  free  and  popular  government  is  de» 


62  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.    sirable,  not  only  for  the  public  good,  but  for  their  own 
1685.        greatness  and  consideration,  for  every  object  of  gene- 
rous ambition ! 

Customs  le-       The  Kinff  havincj,  as  has  been  related,  first  privately 
vied  without  .     °    ,  ,  .     .  .  ,       t^  ,  i 

authority  of  Communicated  his  intentions  to  the  trench  ambassa- 

Parliament.  (Jqj,^  issued  proclamations  for  the  meeting  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  for  levying  upon  his  sole  authority,  the 
customs  and  other  duties  which  had  constituted  part 
of  the  late  King's  revenue,  but  to  which,  the  acts 
granting  them  having  expired  with  the  Prince,  James 
was  not  legally  entitled.  He  was  advised  by  Lord 
Guildford,  whom  he  had  continued  in  the  office  of 
Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal,  and  who  upon  such  a  subject 
therefore,  was  a  person  likely  to  have  the  greatest 
weight,  to  satisfy  himself  with  directing  the  money  to 
be  kept  in  the  Exchequer  for  the  disposal  of  Parlia- 
ment, which  was  shortly  to  meet ;  and  by  others,  to 
take  bonds  from  the  merchants  for  the  duties,  to  be 
paid  when  Parliament  should  legalize  them.*  But 
these  expedients  were  not  suited  to  the  King's  views, 
who,  as  v.'ell  on  account  of  his  engagement  with  France, 
as  from  his  own  disposition,  was  determined  to  take 
no  step  that  might  indicate  an  intention  of  governing 
by  Parliaments,  or  a  consciousness  of  his  being  de- 
pendant upon  them  for  his  revenue.  He  adopted, 
therefore,  the  advice  of  Jefferies,  ad\ice  not  resulting 
so  much,  probabl}',  either  from  ignorance  or  violence 
of  disposition,  as  from  his  knowledge  that  it  would  be 
most  agreeable  to  his  master;  and  directed  the  duties 
to  be  paid  as  in  the  former  reign.  It  was  i)retended, 
that  an  interruption  in  levying  some  of  the  duties 
mighc  be  hurtful  to  trade  j  but  as  ever}-  difficulty  of 
that  kind  was  obviated  by  the  expedients  proposed, 
this  arbitrary  and  violent  measure  can  with  no  colour 

*  Life  of  Lord  Keeper  Nortli. 


or  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  63 

>e  ascribed  to  a  regard  to  public  convenience,  nor  to  cilAP.  ii. 
any  other  motive  than  to  a  desire  of"  reviving  Charles  1685. 
the  First's  claims  to  the  power  of  taxation,  and  of 
furnishing  a  most  intelligible  comment  upon  his  speech 
to  the  council  on  the  day  of  his  accession.  It  became 
evident  what  the  King's  notions  were,  with  respect  to 
that  regal  prerogative  from  which  he  professed  him- 
self determined  never  to  depart,  and  to  that  property 
which  he  would  never  in\'ade.  What  were  the  re- 
maining rights  and  liberties  of  the  nation,  which  he 
was  to  preserve,  might  be  more  difficult  to  discover  j 
but  that  the  laws  of  England,  in  the  royal  interpreta- 
tion of  them,  Avere  sufficient  to  make  the  King  as  great 
a  monarch  as  he,  or  indeed  any  prince,  could  desire, 
was  a  point  that  could  not  be  disputed.  This  viola- 
tion of  law  was  in  itself  most  flagrant :  it  Avas  applied 
to  a  point  vrell  understood,  and  thouglit  to  have  been 
so  completely  settled  by  repeated  and  most  explicit 
declarations,  of  the  legislature,  that  it  must  have  been 
doubtful  whether  even  the  most  corrupt  judges,  if  the 
question  had  been  tried,  would  have  had  the  audacity 
to  decide  it  against  the  subject.  But  no  resistance 
was  made ;  nor  did  the  example  of  Hampden,  which 
a  half  century  before  had  been  so  successful,  and  ren- 
dered that  patriot's  name  so  illustrious,  tempt  any  one 
to  emulate  his  fame  ;  so  completely  had  the  crafty  and 
sanguinary  measures  of  the  late  reign  attained  the  ob- 
ject to  which  they  were  directed,  and  rendered  all  men 
either  afraid  or  unwilling  to  exert  themselves  in  the 
cause  of  liberty. 

On  the  other  hand,  addresses  the  most  servile  were  Addresses. 
daily  sent  to  the  throne.     That  of  the  University  of 
Oxford  stated,  that  the  religion  which  they  professed 
bound  them  to  unconditional  obedience  to  their  sove- 
reign, without  restrictions  or  limitations ;     and    the 


64 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN^ 


1685. 


CHAP.  n.  Society  of  Barristers  and  Students  of  the  Middle 
Temple  thanked  his  Majesty  for  the  attention  he  had 
shown  to  the  trade  of  the  kingdom,  concerning  whichy 
and  its  balance,  (and  upon  this  last  article  they  laid 
particular  stress,)  they  seemed  to  think  themselves 
peculiarly  called  upon  to  deliver  their  opinion ;  but 
whatever  might  be  their  knowledge  in  matters  of 
trade,  it  was  at  least  equal  to  that  which  these  addres- 
sers showed  in  the  laws  and  constitution  of  their 
country,  since  they  boldly  affirmed  the  King's  right  to 
levy  the  duties,  and  declared  that  it  had  never  been 
disputed  but  by  persons  engaged  in  what  they  were 
pleased  to  call,  rebellion  against  his  royal  father.  The 
address  concluded  wnth  a  sort  of  prayer,  that  all  his 
Majesty*s  subjects  might  be  as  good  lawyers  as  them- 
selves, and  disposed  to  acknowledge  the  royal  prero- 
gative in  all  its  extent. 

If  these  addresses  are  remarkable  for  their  servility, 
that  of  the  Gentlemen  and  Freeholders  of  the  county 
of  Suffolk  was  no  less  so  for  the  spirit  of  party  vio- 
lence that  was  displayed  in  it.  They  would  take  care, 
they  said,  to  choose  representatives  who  should  no 
more  endure  those  who  had  been  for  the  Exclusion 
Bill,  than  the  last  Parliament  had  the  abliorrcrs  of  the 
association;  and  thus  not  only  endeavoured  to  keep 
up  his  Majesty's  resentment  against  a  part  of  their 
fellow  subjects,  but  engaged  themselves  to  imitate, 
for  the  purpose  of  retaliation,  that  part  of  the  conduct 
of  their  adversaries,  which  they  considered  as  most 
illegal  and  oppressive.* 

It  is  a  remarkable  circumstance,  that  among  all  the 
adulatory  addresses  of  this  time,  there  is  not  to  be 
found,  in  any  one  of  them,  any  declaration  of  disbe- 
lief in  the  Popish  Plot,  or  any  charge  upon  the  late 


Observa- 
tions on 
llicm. 


R;n>iiT 


OF  JAMF.S  THF.  SECOND 


e^ 


1685. 


Parliament,  for  having  prosecuted  it,  though  it  could  ciiAP.  ii. 
not  hut  he  well  known,  that  such  topics  would,  of  all 
others,  be  most  agreeable  to  the  Court.  Hence  we 
ma}-  collect  that  the  delusion  on  this  subject  was  by 
no  means  at  an  end,  and  that  they  who,  out  of  a  de- 
sire to  render  history  conformable  to  the  principles  of 
political  justice,  attribute  the  unpopularity,  and  down- 
fall of  the  Whigs,  to  the  indignation  excited  by  their 
furious  and  sanguinary  prosecution  of  the  plot,  are 
egregiously  mistaken.  If  this  had  been  in  any  degree 
the  prevailing  sentiment,  it  is  utterly  unaccountable, 
that,  so  far  from  its  appearing  in  any  of  the  addresses 
of  these  times,  this  most  just  ground  of  reproach  upon 
the  "Whig  party,  and  the  Parliament  in  which  they 
had  had  the  superiority,  was  the  only  one  omitted  in 
them.  The  fact  appears  to  have  been  the  very  reverse 
of  what  such  historians  suppose,  and  the  activity  of 
the  late  parliamentar}"^  leaders,  in  prosecuting  the  Po- 
pish plot,  was  the  principle  circumstance  which  re- 
conciled the  nation  for  a  time,  to  their  otlier  proceed- 
ings ;  that  their  conduct  in  that  business,  (now  so 
justly  condemned,)  was  the  grand  engine  of  their 
power,  and  that  Avhen  that  failed,  they  were  soon 
overpowered  by  the  united  forces  of  bigotry  and  cor- 
ruption. They  were  hated  by  a  great  part  of  the  na- 
tion, not  for  their  crimes,  but  for  their  virtues.  To 
be  above  corruption  is  always  odious  to  the  corrupt, 
and  to  entertain  more  enlarged  and  juster  notions  of 
philosophy  and  government,  is  often  a  cause  of  alarm 
to  the  narrow  jnindcd  and  superstitious.  In  those  days 
particularly,  it  was  obvious  to  refer  to  the  confusion, 
greatlv  exaggerated,  of  the  times  of  the  Common- 
wealth ;  and  it  was  an  excellent  watch-word  of  alarm, 
to  accuse  every  lover  of  law  and  liberty',  of  designs  to 
revive  the  tragical  scene  which  had  closed  the  life  of 
the  first  Charles.  In  this  spirit,  therefore,  the  Exclu- 

l 


65  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.  sion  Bill,  and  the  alleged  conspiracies  of  Sidney  and 
jgg^  Rus&el  were,  as  might  naturally  be  expected,  the  chief 
charges  urged  against  the  Whigs  ;  but  their  conduct 
on  the  subject  of  the  Popish  plot,  was  so  far  from  be- 
ing the  cause  of  the  hatred  borne  to  them,  that  it  was 
not  even  used  as  a  topic  of  accusation  against  them. 
Late  King's  In  order  to  keep  up  that  spirit  in  the  nation,  which 
Declaration,  ^^^g  thought  to  be  manifested  in  the  addresses,  his 
Majesty  ordered  the  Declaration,  to  which  allusion 
was  made  in  the  last  chapter,  to  be  published,  inter- 
M'oven  with  a  history  of  the  Rye-house  plot,  which  is 
said  to  have  been  drawn  by  Dr.  Sprat,  Bishop  of  Ro- 
chester. The  principal  drift  of  this  publication  was, 
to  load  the  memory  of  Sidney  and  Kussel,  and  to 
blacken  the  character  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  by 
wickedly  confounding  the  consultations  holden  by 
them,  with  the  plot  for  assassinating  the  late  King\ 
and  in  this  object,  it  seems  in  a  great  measure  to  have 
succeeded.     He  also  caused  to  be  published,  an  at- 

.■ind  attesta-    testation  of  his  brother's  having  died  a  Roman  Ca- 
tion 01  his  "  11- 
dying-  a  Ca-  tholic,  together  with  two  papers,  drawn  up  by  hmi, 

tholic  pub-  -^^^  favour  of  that  persuasion.  This  is  generally  consi- 
dered to  have  been  a  very  ill-advised  instance  of  zeal ; 
but  probably  James  thought,  that,  at  a  time  when 
people  seemed  to  be  so  in  love  with  his  power,  he 
might  safely  venture  to  indulge  himself  in  a  display  of 
his  attachment  to  his  religion  ;  and  perhaps  too,  it 
niight  be  thought  good  policy,  to  show  that  a  Prince, 
who  had  been  so  highly  complimented  as  Charles  had 
been,  for  the  restoration  and  protection  of  the  church, 
had,  in  truth,  been  a  Catholic,  and  thus,  to  inculcate 
an  opinion,  that  the  Church  of  England  might  not 
only  be  safe,  but  highly  favoiu'ed,  urider  the  reign  of 
a  Popish  Prince. 
PcTsecution  Partly  from  similar  motives,  and  partly  to  gratify 
of  Dissent-     -Jig  natural  vindictivene?s  of  his  temper,  he  pt  rscvcred 


OF  JA\fES  THE  SECOND.  <>; 

m  a  most  cruel  persecution  of  the  Protestant  Dissent-  CIIAP.  IT. 
ers,  upon  the  most  frivolous  pretences.  The  courts  of  jgg^ 
justice,  as  in  Charles's  days,  were  instruments  equally 
ready,  either  for  seconding  the  policy,  or  for  gratify- 
ing the  bad  passions,  of  the  Monarch  ;  and  Jefferies, 
whom  the  late  King  had  appointed  Chief  Justice  of 
England,  a  little  before  Sidney's  trial,  was  a  man  en- 
tirely agreeable  to  the  temper,  and  suitable  to  the 
purposes,  of  the  present  government.  He  was  thought  Jcffcrics' 
iK)t  to  be  very  learned  in  his  profession  :  but  what  '^ 
might  be  wanting  in  knowledge,  he  made  up  in  po  • 
sitiveness  ;  and  indeed  whatever  might  be  the  difficul- 
ties in  questions  between  one  object  and  another,  the 
fashionable  doctrine  which  prevailed  at  that  time,  of 
supporting  the  King's  prerogative  in  its  full  extent, 
and  without  restriction  or  limitation,  rendered,  to  such 
as  espoused  it,  all  that  branch  of  law,  which  is  called 
constitutional,  extremely  easy  and  simple.  He  was 
as  submissive  and  mean  to  those  above  him,  as  he 
was  haughty  and  insolent  to  those  who  were  in  any 
degree  in  his  power  ;  and  if  in  his  own  conduct  he 
did  not  exliibit  a  very  nice  regard  for  morality,  or 
even  for  decency,  he  never  failed  to  animadvert  upon, 
and  to  punish,  the  most  slight  deviation  in  others, 
with  the  utmost  severity,  especially  if  they  were  per- 
sons whom  he  suspected  to  be  no  favourites  of  the 
Court. 

Before  this  magistrate  was  brought  for  trial,  by  a  Ricimrd 
jur}'  sufficiently  prepossessed  in  favour  of  Tory  poli-     tul^j^^' 
tics,  the  Rev.  Richard  Baxter,  a  dissenting  minister ;  • 

a  pious  and  learned  man,  of  exemplary  character,  al- 
ways remarkable  for  his  attachment  to  monarchy,  and 
for  leaning  to  moderate  measures  in  the  differences 
between  the  church,  and  those  of  his  persuasion.  The 
pretence  for  this  pi-osecution  was,  a  supposed  refer- 
ence of  some  passages  in  one  of  his  works,  to  the 


G8 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGK 


1685. 


QHAP.  II.  bishops  of  the  church  of  England  ;  a  reference  tvhich 
was  certainly  not  intended  by  him,  and  which  could 
not  have  been  made  out  to  any  jury  that  had  been  less 
prejudiced,  or  under  any  other  direction  than  that  of 
JefFeries.  The  real  motive  was,  the  desire  of  punish- 
ing an  eminent  dissenting  teacher,  whose  reputation 
was  high  among  his  sect,  and  who  was  supposed  to 
favour  the  political  opinions  of  the  Whigs.  He  was 
found  guilty,  and  JefFeries,  in  passing  sentence  upon 
Jiim,  loaded  him  with  the  coarsest  reproaches  and 
bitterest  taunts.  He  called  him  sometimes,  by  way  of 
derision,  a  saint,  sometimes,  in  plainer  terms,  an  old 
rogue  ;  and  classed  this  respectable  divine,  to  whom 
the  only  crime  imputed,  v/as  the  having  spoken  dis- 
respectfully of  the  bishops  of  a  communion  to  which 
he  did  not  belong,  with  the  infamous  Oates,  v/ho  had 
been  lately  convicted  of  perjury.  He  finished  with 
declaring,  that  it  was  matter  of  public  notoriety,  that 
there  was  a  formed  design  to  ruin  the  King  and  the 
nation,  in  which  this  old  man  v/as  the  principal  incen- 
diary. Nor  is  it  improbable  that  this  declaration,  ab- 
surd as  it  was,  might  gain  belief,  at  a  time  when  tli^ 
credulity  of  the  triumphant  party  v/as  at  its  height. 

Of  this  credulity  it  seems  to  be  no  inconsiderable 
testimony,  that  some  affected  nicety,  which  James 
had  shown,  with  regard  to  the  ceremonies  to  be  used 
towards  the  French  ambassador,  was  highly  magiii- 
fied,  and  represented  to  be  an  indication  of  the  differ- 
ent tone  that  was  to  be  taken  by  the  present  King,  in 
regard  to  foreign  powers,  and  particularly  to  the  court 
Versailles.  The  King  was  represented  us  a  Prince 
eminently  jealous  of  the  national  honour,  and  deter- 
mined to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe,  b)' 
opposing  the  ambitious  projects  of  France,  at  the  veiy 
time  when  he  was  supplicating  Lewis  to  be  his  pen-- 
sioner,  and  expressing  the  most  exti-ai,ngant  gratitude, 


Credulity  of 
the  nation. 


OF  JAMES  1  HE  SECOND.  69 

for  having  been  accepted  as  such.  From  the  intor-  CHAP.  U. 
mation  which  we  now  have,  it  appears  that  his  apph-  ^685. 
cations  to  Lewis  for  money  were  incessant,  and  that 
the  difficulties  were  all  on  the  side  of  the  French 
court.*  Of  the  historians  who  wrote  prior  to  the  in- 
spection of  the  papers  in  the  Foreign  Office  in  France, 
Burnet  is  the  only  one  who  seems  to  have  known  that 
James's  pretensions  of  independency  with  respect  to 
the  French  King,  were,  (as  he  terms  them,)  only  a 
show  J  but  there  can  now  be  no  reason  to  doubt  the 
truth  of  the  anecdote  which  he  relates,  that  Lewis, 
soon  after,  told  the  Duke  of  Villeroy,f  that  if  James 
showed  any  apparent  uneasiness  concerning  the  ba- 
lance of  power,  (and  there  is  some  reason  to  suppose 
he  did,)  in  his  conversations  with  the  Spanish,  and 
other  foreign  ambassadors,  his  intention  was,  proba- 
bly, to  alarm  the  court  of  Versailles,  and  thereby  to 
extort  pecuniary  assistance  to  a  greater  extent  ;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  Lewis,  secure  in  the  knowledge, 
that  his  views  of  absolute  power  must  continue  him  in 
dependancc  upon  France,  seems  to  have  refused  fur- 
ther supplies,  and  even  in  some  measure  to  have  with- 
drawTi  those  which  had  been  stipulated,  as  a  mark  of 
his  displeasure  with  his  dependant,  for  assuming  a 
higher  tone  than  he  thought  becoming.:|: 

Whether  with  a  view  of  giving  some  countenance  Hisadvan- 
to  those  who  were  praising  him  upon  the  abovemen-  p^^n^g   f 
tioned  topic,  or  from  what  other  motive  it  is  now  not  Orange, 
easy  to  conjecture,  James  seems  to  have  wished  to  be 
upon  apparent  good  terms,  at  least,  with  the  Prince  of 
Orange ;    and  after  some  correspondence    with    that 
Prince,  concerning  the  protection  afforded  by  him,  and 

*  Vide  Appendix  passim.        t  Vide  Burnet,  Vol.  II.  p.  30C. 
t  Lewis's  Letter  to  Barillon.  April  2.4.     Appendix. 


fO  HiSTOilV  OF  THE  REIGK 

CHAP.  II.  the  States  General,  to  Monmouth,  and  other  obnoxious 
1685  persons,  it  appears  that  he  declared  himself,  in  conse- 
quence of  certain  explanations  and  concessions,  per- 
fectly satisfied.  It  is  to  be  remarked,  however,  that 
he  thought  it  necessary  to  give  the  French  ambassador 
an  account  of  this  transaction,  and  in  a  manner  to  apo- 
logize to  him  for  entering  into  any  sort  of  terms  with 
a  son-in-law,  who  was  supposed  to  be  hostile  in  dispo- 
sition to  the  French  King.  He  assured  Barillon,  that 
a  change  of  system,  on  the  part  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  in  regard  to  Lewis,  should  be  a  condition  of 
his  reconciliation:  he  afterwards  informed  him,  that 
the  Prince  of  Orange  had  answered  him  satisfactorily 
in  all  other  respects,  but  had  not  taken  notice  of  his 
wish  that  he  should  connect  himself  with  France ;  but 
never  told  him  that  he  had,  notwithstanding  the 
Prince's  silence  on  that  material  point,  expressed  him- 
self completely  satisfied  with  him.*  That  a  proposi- 
tion to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  to  connect  himself  in  po- 
litics with  Lewis,  would,  (if  made,)  have  been  reject- 
ed, in  the  manner  in  which  the  king's  account  to  Ba- 
rillon implies  that  it  was,  there  can  be  no  doubt ;  but 
whether  James  ever  had  the  assurance  to  make  it,  is 
more  questionable ;  for,  as  he  evidently  acted  disin- 
genuously Avith  the  ambassador,  in  concealing  from 
him  the  complete  satisfaction  he  had  expressed  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange's  present  conduct  ;f  it  is  not  un- 
reasonable to  suppose,  that  he  deceived  him  still  fur- 
ther, and  pretended  to  have  made  an  application, 
which  he  had  never  hazarded.  However,  the  ascer- 
taining of  this  fact  is  by  no  means  necessary  for  the 
illustration,  either  of  the  general  history,  or  of  James's 
particular  character ;  since  it  appears,  that  the  propo- 

*  Bariilon's  Dispatches,  March  1,  and  5.  Appendix. 
f  Dalrymple's  Mem.  II.  116. 


.  OF  JAMBS  THE  SECOND.  71 

sition,  if  made,  was  rejected;  and  James  is,  in  any  chap.  it. 
case,  equally  convicted  of  insincerity ;  the  only  point  igs5. 
in  question  being,  whether  he  deceived  the  French 
ambassador,  in  regard  to  the  fact  of  his  having  made 
the  proposition,  or  to  the  sentiments  he  expressed 
upon  its  being  refused.  Nothing  ser\-es  more  to  show 
the  dependance  in  which  he  considered  himself  to  be 
upon  Lewis,  than  these  contemptible  shifts,  to  which  he 
condescended,  for  the  piuposes  of  explaining,  and  apo- 
logizing for,  such  parts  of  his  conduct,  as  might  be 
supposed  to  be  less  agreeable  to  that  monarch  than  the 
rest.  An  English  Parliament  acting  upon  constitu- 
tional principles,  and  the  Prince  of  Orange,  were  the 
two  enemies  whom  Lewis  most  dreaded ;  and  accord- 
ingly, whenever  James  found  it  necessaiy  to  make  ap- 
proaches to  either  of  them,  an  apology  was  immedi- 
ately to  be  offered  to  the  French  ambassador,  to  which 
truth  sometimes,  and  honour  was  always  sacrificed.* 

Mr.  Hume  says,  the   King  found  himself,  by  de- The  primary 

crees,    under  the  necessitv  of   falling  into  an  luiion  ^")^'^^  *^*  "'"' 
o         '  '  .  reign, 

with  the  French  monarch,  who  could  alone  assist  him, 

in  promoting  the  Catholic  religion  in  England.  But 
when  that  historian  v/iote,  those  documents  had  not 
been  made  public,  from  which  the  account  of  the  com- 
munications with  Barillon  has  been  taken,  and  by 
which  it  appears  that  a  connection  with  France  was, 
as  well  in  point  of  time,  as  in  importance,  the  first  ob- 
ject of  his  reign,  and  that  tlie  immediate  specific  mo- 
tive to  that  connection,  was  the  same  as  that  of  his 
brother;  the  desire  of  rendering  himself  independent 
of  Parliament,  and  absolute,  not  that  of  establishing 
Popery  in  England,  which  was  considered  as  a  more 
remote  contingency.!    That  tliis  was  the  case,  is  evi- 

•  Vide  Appendix  passim . 
t  Appendix  passim. 


72 


HIStORY  OF  THE  REtGN 


1685. 


misrepre- 
sented by 
historians. 


CHAP.  n.    dent  from  all  the  circumstances   of  the  transaction, 
and  especially  from  the  zeal  with  which  he  was  serv- 
ed in  it  by  Ministers  who  were  never  suspected  of 
any  leaning  towards  Popery,  and  not  one  of   whom 
(Sunderland  excepted,)  could  be  brought  to  the  mea- 
sures that  were  afterwards  taken  in  favour  of  that  re- 
ligion.   It  is  the  more  material  to  attend  to  this  dis- 
tinction, because  the  Tory  historians,  especially  such 
of  them  as  are  not  Jacobites,  have  taken  much  pains  to 
induce  us  to  attribute  the  violences  and  illegalities  of 
this  reign  to  James's  religion,   which   was  peculiar 
to  him,  rather  than  to  that  desire  of  absolute  power, 
which  so  many  other  princes  have  had,  have,  and  al- 
ways will  have  in  common  with  him.    The  policy  of 
such  misrepresentation  is  obvious.     If  this  reign  is  to 
be  considered  as  a  period  insulated,  as  it  were,  and 
unconnected  with  the  general  course  of  history,  and 
if  the  events  of  it  are  to  be  attributed  exclusively,  to 
the  particular  character,  and  particular  attachments  of 
the  monarch,  the  sole  inference  will  be,  that  we  must 
not  have  a  Catholic  for  our  King;  whereas,  if  we  con- 
sider it,  which  history  well  warrants  us  to  do,  as  a 
part  of  that  system  which  had  been  pursued  by  all  the 
Stuart  Kings,  as  well  prior,  as  subsequent,  to  the  Re- 
storation, the  lesson  which  it  affords  is  very  different, 
as  well  as  far  more  instructive.  We  are  taught,  gene- 
rally, the  dangers  Englishmen  will  always  be  liable  to, 
if,  from  favour  to  a  Prince  upon  the  throne,  or  from 
a  confidence,  however  grounded,  that  his  views  are 
agreeable  to  our  own  notions  of  the  constitution,  we, 
in  any  considerable  degree,  abate  of  that  vigilant,  and 
unremitting  jealousy  of  the  power  of  the  crown,  which 
can  alone  secure  to  us  the  effect  of  those  wise  laws  that 
have  been  provided  for  the  benefit  of  the  subject ;  and 
£till  more  particularly,  that  it  is  in  vain  to  think  of 
making  a  compromise  with  power,  and  by  yielding  to 
it  in  other  points,  preserving  some  favourite  object. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  ?" 

such,  for  instance,  as  the  church  in  James's  case,  Irom    CHAP.  H. 


Its  grasp.  1G85 

Previous  to  meeting  his  English  Parliament,  James  Scottish  Par- 
directed  a  parliament  which  had  been  summoned  in  a^'"?9'- 
the  preceding  reign,  to  assemble  at  Edinburgh,  and 
appointed  the  Duke  of  Queensbury  his  commissioner. 
This  appointment  is,  in  itself,  a  strong  indication,  that 
the  King's  views,  with  regard  to  Scotland  at  least, 
were  similar  to  those  which  I  have  ascribed  to  him  in 
England ;  and  that  they  did  not  at  that  time  extend  to 
the  introduction  of  Popery,  but  were  altogether  di- 
rected to  the  establishment  of  absolute  power  as  the 
cnd^  and  to  the  support  of  an  episcopal  church,  upon 
the  model  of  the  church  of  England,  as  the  Tneans. 
For  Queensbury  had  explained  himself  to  his  Majes- 
ty, in  the  fullest  manner,  upon  the  subject  of  religion ; 
and  while  he  professed  himself  to  be  ready,  (as  indeed 
his  conduct  in  the  late  reign  had  sufficiently  proved,) 
to  go  anv  length  in  supporting  royal  power,  and  in 
persecuting  tlie  Presbyterians,  had  made  it  a  condi- 
tion of  his  services,  that  he  might  understand  from 
his  Majesty,  that  there  was  no  intention  of  changing 
tlie  established  religion ;  for  if  such  was  the  object,  he 
could  not  make  any  one  step  with  him  in  that  matter. 
James  received  this  declaration  most  kindly;  assured 
him  he  had  no  such  intention,  and  that  he  would  have 
a  parliament,  to  which  he,  Queensbury,  should  go  as 
commissioner;  and  giving  all  possible  assurances  in 
the  matter  of  religion,  get  the  revenue  to  be  settled, 
and  such  other  laws  to  be  passed,  as  might  be  neces- 
sary for  the  public  safety.  With  these  promises  the 
Duke  was  not  only  satisfied  at  the  lime,  but  declared, 
at  a  subsequent  period,  that  they  had  been  made  in  so 
frank  and  hearty  a  manner,  as  made  him  conclude, 
that  it  was  impossible  that  the  King  should  be  acting 
a  part.    And  this  nobleman  was  comsidered,  and   is 

K 


74  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.  handed  dovvn  to  us  by  contemporary  writers,  as  a  man 
1685.  of  a  penetrating  genius,  nor  has  it  ever  been  the  na- 
tional character  of  the  country  to  which  he  belonged, 
to  be  more  liable  to  be  imposed  upon,  than  the  rest  of 
mankind. 
The  Ring's  The  Scottish  Parliament  met  on  the  23d  of  April, 
and  was  opened  by  the  Commissioner,  with  the  fol- 
lowing letter  from  the  King  : 

"  My  Lords  and  Gentlemen, 

"  The  many  experiences  we  have  had  of  the  loyal- 
"  ty,  and  exemplary  forwardness  of  that  our  ancient 
"  kingdom,  by  their  representatives  in  parliament  as- 
"  sembled,  in  the  reign  of  our  deceased,  and  most 
"  entirely  beloved  brother,  of  ever  blessed  memor)'-, 
*'  made  us  desirous  to  call  you  at  this  time,  in  the  be- 
"  ginning  of  our  reign,  to  give  you  an  opportunity, 
*'  not  only  of  showing  your  duty  to  us  in  the  same 
"manner,  but  likewise  of  being  exemplary  to  others, 
*'  in  your  demonstrations  of  affection  to  our  person, 
*'  and  compliance  with  our  desires,  as  you  have  most 
"  eminently  been  in  times  past,  to  a  degree  never  to 
"  be  forgotten  by  us,  nor,  (we  hope,)  to  be  contra- 
"  dieted  by  vour  future  practices.  That  which  we 
"  are  at  this  time  to  propose  unto  you  is,  what  is  as 
"  necessary  for  your  safety  as  our  service,  and  whaf 
*'  has  a  tendency  more  to  secure  your  o'WTi  privileges 
"  and  properties,  than  the  aggrandizing  our  power 
^'  and  authority,  (though  in  it  consists  the  greatest  se- 
"  curity  of  your  rights  and  interests,  these  never  hav- 
"  ing  been  in  danger,  except  when  the  royal  power 
*'  was  brought  too  low  to  protect  tlicm,)  which  now 
"  we  are  resolved  to  maintain  in  its  greatest  lustre, 
"  to  the  end  we  may  be  the  more  enabled  to  defend 
"  and  protect  your  religion  as  established  by  law  ; 
"  and  your  rights  and  properties  (which  was  our  de- 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND  75 

**  sign  in  calling  this  parliament)  against  fanatical  con-  CHAP.  If. 
*'  trivances,  murderers  and  assassins,  who  having  no  ^qq^ 
"  fear  of  God,  more  than  honour  for  us,  have  brought 
"  you  into  such  difilculties,  as  only  the  blessing  of 
"  God  upon  the  steady  resolutions,  and  actings  of  our 
"  said  dearest  royal  brother,  and  those  emplojcd  by 
"  him,  (in  prosecution  of  the  good  and  wholesome 
"  laws,  by  you  heretofore  oftered,)  could  have  saved 
"  you  from  the  most  horrid  confusions,  and  inevitable 
"  ruin.  Nothing  has  been  left  unattempted  by  those 
''  wild,  and  inhuman  traitors,  for  endeavouring  to 
"  overturn  your  peace  :  and  therefore,  we  have  good 
•'  reason  to  hope,  that  nothing  will  be  wanting  in  you, 
"  to  secure  yourselves  and  us  from  their  outrages  and 
"  violence,  in  time  coming ;  and  to  take  care  that 
"  such  conspirators  meet  with  their  just  deservings, 
*'  so  as  others  may  thereby  be  deterred  from  courses 
*'  so  little  agreeable  to  religion,  or  their  duty  and  al- 
*■'  legiance  to  us.  These  things  we  considered  to  be 
''  of  so  great  importance  to  our  royal,  as  well  as  the 
''  universal,  interest  of  that  our  kingdom,  that  we 
'*  were  fully  resolved,  in  person,  to  have  proposed  the 
"•'  needful  remedies  to  you.  But  things  having  so 
'•'  fallen  out,  as  render  this  impossible  for  us,  we  have 
•■'  now  thought  fit,  to  send  our  right  trusty,  and  right 
'^  entirely  beloved  cousin,  and  counsellor,  William 
'■'  Duke  of  Queensberry,  to  be  our  commissioner 
'•'  amongst  you ;  of  whose  abilities  and  qualifications 
"  we  have  reason  to  be  fully  satisfied,  and  of  whose 
"  faithfulness  to  us,  and  zeal  for  our  intei-est,  we  have 
"■  had  signal  proofs,  in  the  times  of  our  greatest  diffi- 
''  culties.  Him  we  have  fully  entrusted  in  all  things 
■•'  relating  to  our  service,  and  your  own  prosperity 
"  and  happiness,  and  therefore,  you  are  to  give  him 
•'  entire  trust  and  credit,  as  you  nov/  sec  we  have 
'  done,  from  whost-  prudence,  and  your  most  dutiful 


76  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIG.N 

CHAP.  II.  "  affection  to  us,  we  have  full  confidence  ot  your  en  - 
J ^35  "  tire  compliance  and  assistance  in  all  those  matters, 
"  wherein  he  is  instructed  as  aforesaid.  We  do 
"  therefore,  not  only  recommend  unto  you,  that  such 
"  things  be  done  as  are  necessary  in  this  juncture,  for 
"  your  own  peace,  and  the  support  of  our  royal  in- 
"  terest,  of  which  we  had  so  much  experience  when 
"  amongst  you,  that  we  cannot  doubt  of  your  full  and 
"  ample  expressing  the  same  on  this  occasion,  b)- 
"  which  the  great  concern  we  have  in  you,  our  ancient 
"  and  kindly  people,  may  still  increase,  and  you  ma)' 
*'  transmit  your  loyal  actions,  (as  examples  of  duty,) 
"  to  your  posteritv.  In  full  confidence  whereof  we 
"  do  assure  you  of  our  roj^al  favour  and  protection, 
"  in  all  your  concerns  ;  and  so  we  bid  you  heartily 
"  farewell.'' 

This  letter  deserves  the  more  attention,  because,  as 
the  proceedings  of  the  Scotch  parliament,  according 
to  a  remarkable  expression  in  the  letter  itself,  were 
intended  to  be  an  example  to  others,  there  is  the 
greatest  reason  to  suppose  the  naatter  of  it  must  have 
been  maturely  weighed  and  considered.  His  Ma- 
jesty first  compliments  the  Scotch  parliament,  upon 
their  peculiar  loyalty,  and  dutiful  behaviour  in  past 
times,  meaning,  no  doubt,  to  contrast  their  conduct 
with  that  of  those  English  parliaments  who  had  pas- 
sed the  Exclusion  Bill,  the  Disbanding  Act,  the  Ha- 
beas Corpus  Act,  and  other  measures  hostile  to  his 
favourite  principles  of  government.  He  states  the 
granting  of  an  indcpendant  revenue,  and  the  sup- 
porting the  prerogative  in  its  greatest  lustre,  if  not 
the  aggrandizing  of  it,  to  be  necessary  for  the  preser- 
vation of  their  religion,  established  by  law,  (that  is 
the  Protestant  Episcopacy,)  as  M'ell  ;is  for  the  security 
of  their  properties  against  fanatical  assassins  luid  mur- 
derers ;    thus    emphaticaliv    nnnnunring    a    complete 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  ft 

union  of  interests  between  the  Crown  and  the  Church.  VAWV  ii. 
jHe  then  bestows  a  complete  and  unqualified  approba-  1685. 
tion  of  the  persecuting  measures  of  the  last  reign,  in 
which  he  had  borne  so  great  a  share  :  and  to  those 
measures,  and  to  the  steadiness  with  which  they  had 
been  persevered  in,  he  ascribes  the  escape  of  both 
church  and  state  from  the  fanatics,  and  expresses  his 
regret  that  he  could  not  be  present,  to  propose  in  per- 
son, the  other  remedies  of  a  similar  nature,  which  he 
recommended  as  needful  in  the  present  conjuncture. 

Now,  it  is  proper,  in  this  place,  to  enquire  into  the  Transactions 
nature  of  the  measures  thus  extolled,  as  well  for  the 
purpose  of  elucidating  the  characters  of  the  King  and 
his  Scottish  ministers,  as  for  that  of  rendering  more 
intelligible  the  subsequent  proceedings  of  the  parlia- 
ment, and  the  other  events  which  soon  after  took 
place  in  that  kingdom.  Some  general  notions  may 
be  formed  of  that  course  of  proceedings,  which,  ac- 
cording to  his  Majesty's  opinion,  had  been  so  lauda- 
bly and  resolutely  pursued  during  the  late  reign,  from 
the  circumstances  alluded  to  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter, when  it  is  understood,  that  the  sentences  of  Ar- 
g}-le  and  Laurie  of  Blackwood  were  not  detached  in- 
stimces  of  oppression,  but  rather  a  sample  of  the  ge- 
neral system  of  administration.  The  covenant,  which 
had  been  so  solemnly  taken  by  the  whole  kingdom, 
and,  among  the  rest,  by  the  King  himself,  had  been 
declared  to  be  unlawful,  and  a  refusal  to  abjure  it  had 
been  made  subject  to  the  severest  penalties.  Episco- 
pacy, which  was  detested  by  a  great  majority  of  the 
nation,  had  been  established,  and  all  public  exercise 
of  religion,  in  the  forms  to  which  the  people  were 
most  attached,  had  been  pi-ohibited.  The  attendance 
upon  field  conventicles  had  been  made  highly  penal, 
and  the  preaching  at  them  capital ;  by  which  means, 
according  to  the  computation  of  a  latv"  writer,  no  les-^ 


78  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.  remarkable  for  the  accuracy  of  his  facts,  than  for  the 
1685.  force  and  justness  of  his  reasonings,  at  least  seven- 
teen thousand  persons  in  one  district  were  involved 
in  criminality,  and  became  the  object  of  persecution. 
After  this,  letters  had  been  issued  by  government, 
forbidding  the  intercommuning  with  persons  who  had 
neglected,  or  refused,  to  appear  before  the  privy  coun- 
cil, when  cited  for  the  above  crimes  ;  a  proceeding, 
by  which,  not  only  all  succour  or  assistance  to  such 
persons,  but,  according  to  the  strict  sense  of  the  word 
made  use  of,  all  intercourse  with  them,  was  rendered 
criminal,  and  subjected  him  who  disobeyed  the  pro- 
hibition to  the  same  penalties,  whether  capital  or 
others,  which  were  affixed  to  the  alleged  crimes  of 
the  party  with  whom  he  had  intercommuned.* 
Measures  of  These  measures  not  proving  effectual  for  the  pur- 
persecu  ion.  p^gg  f^j.  ^yhich  they  were  intended,  or,  as  some  say, 
the  object  of  Charles  the  Second's  government  being 
to  provoke  an  insurrection,  a  demand  was  made  upon 
the  landholders,  in  the  district  supposed  to  be  most 
disaffected,  of  bonds,  whereby  they  were  to  become 
responsible  for  their  wives,  families,  tenants,  and  ser- 
vants ;  and  likewise  for  the  wives,  families,  and  ser- 
vants of  their  tenants,  and  finally,  for  all  persons  living 
upon  their  estates ;  that  they  should  not  withdraw  from 
the  church,  frequent  or  preach  at  conventicles,  nor 
give  any  succour,  or  have  any  intercourse  with  per- 
sons with  whom  it  was  forbidden  to  intercommune  ; 
and  the  penalties  attached  to  the  breach  of  this  engage- 
ment, the  keeping  of  which  was  obviously  out  of  the 
power  of  him  who  was  required  to  make  it,  were  to 
be  the  same  as  those,  whether  capital  or  other,  to 
which  the  several  persons,  for  whom  he  engaged, 
might  be  liable.  The  landholders,  not  being  willing  to 

*  Laing's  History,  Vol.  IV.  34.  60.  74.  Woodrow. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  79 

subscribe  to  their  own  destruction,  refused  to  execute  CHAP.  H. 
the  bonds,  and  this  was  thought  sufficient  grounds  1585. 
for  considering  the  district  to  which  they  belonged  as 
in  a  state  of  rebellion.  English  and  Irish  armies  were 
ordered  to  the  frontiers  ;  a  train  of  artillery,  and  the 
militia,  were  sent  into  the  district  itself;  and  six  thou- 
sand Highlanders,  who  were  let  loose  upon  its  inhabi- 
tants, to  exercise  every  species  of  pillage  and  plunder, 
were  connived  at,  or  rather  encouraged,  in  excesses  of 
a  still  more  atrocious  nature.* 

The  bonds  being  still  refused,  the  government  had  Writs  of 
recourse  to  an  expedient  of  a  most  extraordinary  na-  ^.^^,^5 
ture ;  and  issued  what  the  Scotch  called  a  writ  of 
Law-burrows,  against  the  whole  district.  This  writ  of 
Law-burrows  is  somewhat  analagous  to  what  we  call 
siuearing  the  peace  against  any  one,  and  had  hitherto 
been  supposed,  as  the  other  is  with  us,  to  be  applica- 
ble to  the  disputes  of  private  individuals,  and  to  the 
apprehensions,  which,  in  consequence  of  such  disputes 
they  may  mutually  entertain  of  each  other.  A  Go- 
vernment swearing  the  peace  against  its  subjects  was 
a  new  spectacle  ;  but  if  a  private  subject^  under  fear  of 
another^  hath  a  right  to  such  a  security^  how  much 
more  the  government  itself?  was  thought  an  vmanswer- 
able  argument.  Such  are  the  sophistries  which  tyrants 
deem  satisfactory.  Thus  are  they  willing  even  to  de- 
scend from  their  loftiness,  into  the  situation  of  subjects 
or  private  men,  when  it  is  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring 
additional  powers  of  persecution  ;  and  thus  truly  for- 
midable and  terrific  are  they,  when  they  pretend  alarm 
and  fear.  By  these  writs,  the  persons  against  whom 
they  were  directed,  were  bound,  as  in  case  of  the  for- 
mer bonds,  to  conditions  which  were  not  in  their  pow  - 
er  to  fulfil,  such  as  the  preventing  of  conventicles  and 

*  Burnet.  Wcodrow.  Laing,  IV.  83. 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  11.    the  like,  under  such  penalties  as  the  privy  council 
168.5.       might  inflict,  and  a  disobedience  to  them  was  followed 
by  outlawry  and  confiscation. 
Approved  of      The  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale  who  was 
at  x)irit.        ^YiQ  chief  actor  in  these  scenes  of  violence  and  iniquity, 
was  completely  approved  and  justified  at  Court ,  but, 
in  consequence,  probably,  of  the  state  of  politics  in 
England,  at  a  time  when  the  Whigs  were  strongest  in 
the   House   of  Commons,  some  of  these  grievances 
were  in  part  redressed,   and  the    Highlanders,  and. 
writs  of  Law-buiTows  were  recalled.  But  the  country 
was  still  treated  like  a  conquered  country.  The  High- 
landers were   replaced  by  an   army  of  five  thousand 
regulars,  and  garrisons  were  placed  in  private  houses. 
The  persecution  of  conventicles  continued ;  and  ample 
indemnity  was  granted  for  every  species  of  violence 
that  might  be  exercised  by  those  employed  to  suppress 
Assassinati-   them.    In  this  state  of  things,  the   assassination  and 
on  of  Arch-    jy^uv^^cr  of  Sharp,  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  by  a 
Sharp.  troop  of  fanatics,  who  had  been  driven  to  madness  by 

the  oppression  of  Carmichael,  one  of  that  prelate's  in- 
struments, while  it  gave  an  additional  spur  to  the 
vindictive  temper  of  the  government,  was  considered 
by  it  as  a  justification  for  every  mode  and  degree  of 
cruelty  and  persecution.  The  outrage  committed  by 
a  few  individuals,  was  imputed  to  the  whole  fanatic 
sect,  as  the  government  termed  them,  or,  in  other 
words,  to  a  description  of  people  which  composed  a 
great  majority  of  the  population  in  the  low-lands  of 
Scotland  ;  and  those  who  attended  field  or  armed 
conventicles,  were  ordered  to  be  indiscriminately 
massacred. 
Insurrection  By  such  means  an  insurrection  was  at  last  produced 
n  .^j"^'^^^'^^'  which,  from  the  weakness,  or,  as  some  suppose,  from 
the  wicked  policy  of  an  administration  eager  for  con- 
fiscations, and  desirous  of  such  a  state  of  the  country 


or  .1AMKS  THE  SKCOND.  81 

as  might,  in  some  measure,  justify  their  course  of  CHAP.  II. 
go\'ernment,  *[made  such  a  progress  that  the  insur-  1685"" 
gents]  became  masters  of  GlasgOM',  and  the  country 
adjacent.  To  quell  these  insurgents,  who,  undisciplin- 
ed as  the\'  were,  had  defeated  (iraham,  afterwards 
Viscount  Dundee,  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  sent 
with  an  army  from  England  ;  but,  lest  the  generous 
mildness  of  his  nature  should  prevail,  he  had  sealed 
orders,  wliich  he  was  not  to  open  till  in  sight  of  the 
i-cbels,  enjoining  him  not  to  treat  with  them,  but  to 
fall  upon  them,  without  any  previous  negotiation.  In 
pursuance  of  these  orders,  the  insurgents  were  attack- 
ed at  Bothv.-ell  Bridge,  Avhere,  though  they  were  en- 
tirely routed  and  dispersed,  yet,  because  those  who 
surrendered  at  discretion  were  not  put  to  death,  and 
the  arm}-,  by  the  strict  enforcing  of  discipline,  were 
prevented  from  plundel*  and  other  outrages,  it  was  re- 
presented by  James,  and  in  some  degree  even  by  the 
King,  that  Monmouth  had  acted  as  if  he  had  meant 
rather  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  fanatics  than 
to  repel  them,  and  were  inclined  rather  to  court  their 
friendship  than  to  punish  their  rebellion*  All  com- 
plaints against  Lauderdale  were  dismissed  ;  his  power 
confirmed  ;  and  an  act  of  indemnity,  which  had  been 
procured  at  Monmouth's  intercession,  was  so  clogged 
with  exceptions,  as  to  be  of  little  use  to  any  but  to  the 
agents  of  tyranny.  Several  persons,  who  were  neither 
directly,  nor  indirectly  concerned  in  the  murder  of  the 
Archbishop,  were  executed  as  an  expiation  for  that 
offence  ;  f  but  many  more  were  obliged  to  compound 
for  their  lives,  by   submitting  to  the   most  rapacious 

*  The  words  between  the  brackets  liave  been  inserted  to  com- 
plete the  senae,  there  having  been  evidently  an  omission  in  the 
inaniiscvipt  copy. 

+  T-ainpr,  iV  164.  Woodrow,  TI.  S7  90. 


82  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.    extortion,  which  at  this  particular  period  seems  to 
1685.       have   been  the  engine  of  oppression   most  in  fashion, 
and  which  was  extended,  not  only  to  those  who  had 
been  in  any  way  concerned   in  the   insurrection,  but 
to  those  who  had  neglected  to  attend  the  standard  of 
the  King,  when  displayed  against  what  was  styled,  in 
the  usual  insulting  language  of  tyrants,  a  most  unna- 
tural rebellion. 
Klore  severe      The  quiet  produced  by  such  means,  was,  as  might 
^  ■  be  expected,  of  no  long  duration.    Enthusiasm  wa& 

increased  by  persecution,  and  the  fanatic  preachers 
found  no  difficulty  in  persuading  their  flocks,  to  throw 
off  all  allegiance  to  a  govermnent  which  afforded 
them  no  protection.  The  King  was  declared  to  be  ai> 
apostate  from  the  Covenant,  a  tyrant,  and  an  usurper ; 
and  Cargill,  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic  among  the 
preachers,  pronounced  a  formal  sentence  of  excommu- 
nication against  him,  his  brother  the  Duke  of  York, 
and  others,  their  ministers  and  abettors.  This  out- 
rage upon  majesty,  together  with  an  insurrection,  con- 
temptible in  point  of  numbers  and  strength,  in  which. 
Cameron,  another  field  preacher,  had  been  killed,  fur- 
nished a  pretence  which  was  by  no  means  neglected, 
for  new  cruelties  and  executions ;  but  neither  death 
nor  torture  were  sufficient  to  subdue  the  minds  of 
Cargill,  and  his  intrepid  followers.  They  all  gloried 
in  their  sufferings ;  nor  could  the  meanest  of  them 
be  brought  to  purchase  their  lives  by  a  retractation  of 
their  principles,  or  even  by  an  expression  that  might 
be  construed  into  an  approbation  of  their  persecutors^ 
The  effect  of  this  heroic  constancy  upon  the  minds  of 
their  oppressors,  was  to  persuade  them  not  to  lessen 
the  numbers  of  executions,  but  to  render  them  more 
private  ;*  whereby  they  exposed  the  true  character  of 

*  Woodrow-.  U,  180. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND  83 

their  government,  which  was  not  seventy,  but  vio-  CIIAP.  II. 
ience,  not  justice,  but  vengeance :  for,  example  being  i685. 
the  only  legitimate  end  of  punishment,  where  that  is 
likely  to  encourage,  rather  than  to  deter,  (as  the  go- 
vernment in  these  instances  seems  to  have  apprehend- 
ed,) and  consequently  to  prove  more  pernicious  than 
salutar)',  every  punisliment  inflicted  by  the  magistrate 
is  cruelty;  every  execution,  murder.  The  rage  of 
punishment  did  not  stop  even  here;  but  questions 
were  put  to  persons,  and  in  many  instances  to  persons 
imdcr  torture,  who  had  not  been  proved  to  have  been 
in  any  of  the  insurrections,  whether  they  considered 
the  Archbishop's  assassination  as  murder^  the  rising  at 
Bothxuell  Bridge  rebellion^  and  Charles  a  laxvful  King. 
The  refusal  to  answer  these  questions,  or  the  answer- 
ing of  them  in  an  unsatisfactory  manner,  was  deemed 
a  proof  of  guilt,  and  immediate  execution  ensued. 

These  last  proceedings  had  taken  place  while  James  Act  of  Suc- 
himself  had  the  government  in  his  hands,  and  under  tesT  ""  ^^ 
his  immediate  directions.  Not  long  after,  and  when 
the  Exclusionists  in  England  were  supposed  to  be  en- 
tirely defeated,  was  passed,  (James  being  the  Kiiig's 
commissioner,)  the  famous  Bill  of  Succession,  declar- 
ing that  no  difference  of  religion,  nor  any  statute  or 
law  grounded  upon  such,  or  any  other  pretence,  could 
defeat  the  hereditary  right  of  the  heir  to  the  crown, 
and  that  to  propose  any  limitation  upon  the  future 
administration  of  such  heir,  was  high  treason.  But 
the  Protestant  religion  was  to  be  secured ;  for  iliose 
who  were  most  obsequious  to  the  Court,  and  the  most 
willing  and  forward  instruments  of  its  tyranny,  were, 
nevertheless,  zealous  Protestants.  A  Test  was  there- 
fore framed  for  this  purpose,  which  was  imposed  upon 
all  persons  exercising  any  civil  or  militaiy  functions 
whatever,  the  royal  family  alcme  excepted  :  but  to  the 
declaration  of  adherence  to  the  Protestant  religioHj 


84f"  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.  ^vas  added  a  recognition  of  the  King's  .supremacy  m 
1585  ecclesiastical  matters,  and  a  complete  renunciation  in 
civil  concerns,  of  every  right  belonging  to  a  free  sub- 
ject. An  adherence  to  the  Protestant  religion,  ac- 
cording to  the  confession  of  it  referred  to  in  the  test, 
seemed  to  some  inconsistent  with  the  acknowledgment 
of  the  King's  supremacy,  and  that  clause  of  the  oath 
which  related  to  civil  iiiatters,  inasmuch  as  it  declared 
against  endeavouring  at  any  alteration  in  the  Chuixh 
or  State,  seemed  incompatible  with  the  duties  of  a 
counsellor  or  a  member  of  parliament.  Upon  these 
grounds  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  in  taking  the  oath,  thought 
fit  to  declare  as  follows : 
Argyle  con-  "  I  have  considered  the  test,  and  I  am  very  desirous 
h^s^D^lana-  "  ^°  S^^^  obedience  as  far  as  I  can.  I  am  confident 
tionofthe  "  the  Parliament  never  intended  to  impose  contradic- 
"  tory  oaths ;  therefore  I  think  no  man  can  explain  it 
"  but  for  himself.  Accordingly  I  take  it,  as  far  as  it 
"  is  consistent  with  itself,  and  the  Protestant  religion. 
"  And  I  do  declare,  that  I  mean  not  to  bind  up  my- 
"  self  in  my  station,  and  in  a  lawful  way,  to  wish  and 
^'  endeavour  any  alteration  I  think  to  the  advantage  of 
"  the  Church  or  State,  not  repugnant  to  the  Protestant 
"  Religion  and  my  loyalty.  And  this  I  understand  as 
*'  a  part  of  the  oath."....  And  for  this  declaration, 
though  unnoticed  at  the  time,  he  was  in  a  few  days 
afterwards  committed,  and  shortly  after  sentenced 
to  die.*  Nor  was  the  test  applied  only  to  those  for 
whom  it  had  been  originally  instituted,  but  by  being 

*  The  disgaisting-  case  witii  which  James,  (m  his  Memoirs, 
INIacpherson's  State  Papers,  I.  123)  speaJis  of  Argyle's  case,.his 
pretence  that  he  put  his  life  in  jeopardy  only  willi  a  view  to  seize 
his  property,  seem  to  destroy  all  notions  of  this  Prince's  having 
had  any  honour  or  conscience  ;  nor  after  this,  can  we  give  much 
credit  to  the  declaration,  tliat  Argyle's  life  was  net  aimed  at 
Xotefrom  Mr.  Fox's  Coinmon  Place  Book. 


\ 


i 


OlMAMI-.S  TllK  SKCOND.  8. 

oftercd  to  those  numerous  classes  of  people  who  were    chap.  ii. 


within  the  reach  of  the  late  severe  criminal  laws,  as       16^5 
an  alternative  for  death  or  confiscation,  it  might  fairl)- 
be  said  to  be  imposed  upon  the  greater  part  of  the 
coiuitn-. 

Not  long  after  these  transactions,  James  took  his 
finid  lea^'e  of  the  government,  and  in  his  parting 
speech  recommended,  in  the  strongest  terms,  the  sup- 
port of  the  church.  This  gracious  expression,  the 
sincerity  of  which  seemed  to  be  evinced  by  his  con- 
duct to  the  convenliclers,  and  the  severity  with  which 
he  had  enforced  the  test,  obtained  him  a  testimonial 
from  the  Bishops  of  his  affection  to  their  Protestant 
church  ;  a  testimonial,  to  which,  upon  the  principle, 
that  they  are  the  best  friends  to  the  church,  who  are 
most  willing  to  persecute  such  as  dissent  from  it,  he 
was,  notwithstanding  his  own  non-conformity,  most 
amply  entitled.* 

Queensbeny's  administration  ensued,  in  which  the  Quecnsbei- 

maxims  that  had  cruided  his  predecessors  were  so  far  ^7  ^  e^toi"- 

°.  '■  lions, 

from  being  relinquished,  that  they  were  pursued,  if 
possible,  with  greater  steadiness  and  activity.  Law- 
rie  of  Blackwood  was  condemned  for  having  holden 
intercourse  with  a  rebel,  whose  name  was  not  to  be 
iound  in  any  of  the  lists  of  the  intercommuned  or 
proscribed  ;  and  a  proclamation  was  issued,  threat- 
ening all  who  were  in  like  circumstances  with  a  simi- 
lar fate.  The  intercourse  with  rebels  having  been  in 
great  parts  of  the  kingdom  promiscuous  and  univer- 
sal, more  than  twent}'^  thousand  persons  were  objects 
of  this  menace. f  Fines  and  extortions  of  all  kinds 
were  employed  to  enrich  the  public  treasury,  to  which, 
therefore,  the  multiplication  of  crimes  became  a  fruit- 
ful source  of  revenue  ;  and  lest  it  should  not  be  suf- 

'  Burnet.  j  Burnet.  Laiiig-,  l."2. 


86  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.    ficiently  so,  husbands  were   made   answerable,  (and 
1685.        that  too  with  a  retrospect,)  for  the  absence  of  their 
wives  from  church  ;  a  circumstance  which  the  Pres- 
byterian women's  aversion  to  the  episcopal  form  of 
worship,  had  rendered  very  general.* 

Declaration        This  system  of  Rovemment,  and  especially  the  ri- 
ofthe  Came-  •/,•,,  ,  •       ,      ,         • 

ronians.  go^^  with  which  those  concerned  in  the  late  insurrec- 

tions, the  excommunication  of  the  King,  or  the  other 
outrages  complained  of,  were  pursued  and  hunted, 
sometimes  by  blood-hounds,  sometimes  by  soldiers 
almost  equally  savage,  and  afterwards  shot  like  wild 
beasts,  |  drove  some  of  those  sectaries  who  were  sty- 
led Cameronians,  and  other  proscribed  persons,  to 
measures  of  absolute  desperation.  They  made  a  de- 
claration, which  they  caused  to  be  affixed  to  different 
churches,  importing  that  they  would  use  the  law  of 
retaliation,  and  "  rve  xvill^''  said  they,  '■'■  punish  as 
*'  enemies  to  God^  and  to  the  covejiant^  sttch  persons  as 
"  shall  make  it  their  xvork  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  our 
*''' blood ;  and  chiejiy^  if  they  shall  continue  obstinately^ 
"  and  xvith  habitual  malice  to  proceed  against  us^''  w4th 
more  to  the  like  effect.  :|:  Upon  such  an  occasion,  the 
interference  of  government  became  necessary.  The 
government  did  indeed  interfere,  and  by  a  vote  of 
council,  ordered,  that  whoever  owned,  or  refused  to 
disown,  the  Declaration  on  oath,  should  be  put  to 
death,  in  the  presence  of  two  witnesses,  though  un- 
Massacre  of  armed  when  taken.  The  execution  of  this  massacre. 
Fanatics.  j^^  ^^^  twelve  counties  v/hich  were  principally  con- 
cerned, was  committed  to  the  military,  and  exceeded, 
if  possible,  the  order  itself.  The  disowning  the  De- 
claration was  required  to  be  in  a  particular  form  pre- 
scribed. Women,  obstinate  in  their  fanaticism,  lest 
female  blood  should  be  a  stain  upon  the  swords  of  sol- 

*  Burnet  140.    f  Woodrow,  II.  447.  449.     %  Ibid.  Apend. 


J 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND  87 

diers  engaged  in  this  honourable  employment,  were  CHAP.  ll. 
drowned.  The  habitations,  as  well  of  those  who  had  i685. 
fled  to  save  themselves,  as  of  those  who  suffered, 
were  burnt  and  destroyed.  Such  members  of  the  fa- 
milies of  the  delinquents  as  were  above  twelve  years 
old,  were  imprisoned  for  the  purpose  of  being  after- 
wards transported.  The  brutality  of  the  soldiers  was 
such  as  might  be  expected  from  an  army  let  loose 
from  all  restraint,  and  employed  to  execute  the  royal 
justice,  as  it  was  called,  upon  wretches.  Graham,  who 
has  been  mentioned  before,  and  who,  under  the  title 
of  iord  Dundee,  a  title  which  was  probably  confer- 
red upon  him  by  James  for  these  or  similar  services, 
was  afterwards  esteemed  such  a  hero  among  the  Ja- 
cobite party,  pazticularly  distinguished  himself.  Of 
six  unarmed  fugitives  whom  he  seized,  he  caused 
four  to  be  shot  in  his  presence,  nor  did  the  remaining 
two  experience  any  other  mercy  from  him  than  a  de- 
lay of  their  doom  ;  and  at  another  time,  having  in- 
tercepted the  flight  of  one  of  these  victims,  he  had 
him  shown  to  his  family,  and  then  murdered  in  the 
arms  of  his  wife  !  The  example  of  persons  of  such 
high  rank,  and  who  must  be  presumed  to  have  had 
an  education  in  some  degi-ee  correspondent  to  their 
station,  could  not  fail  of  operating  upon  men  of  a  low- 
er order  in  society.  The  carnage  became  every  day 
more  general  and  more  indiscriminate  ;  and  the  mur- 
der of  peasants  in  their  houses,  or  while  employed  at 
their  usual  work  in  the  fields,  by  the  soldiers,  was 
not  only  not  reproved  or  punished,  but  deemed  a  me- 
ritorious service  by  their  superiors.*  The  demise  of 
King  Charles,  which  happened  about  this  time,  cau- 
sed no  suspension  or  relaxation  in  these  proceedings, 
which  seenjed  to  l;iave  been  the  crowning  measure,  as 

*  Burnet.     Woodrow.    Laing', 


S8  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  n.    it  were,  or  finishing  stroke,  of  that  system,  for  the 
1685.        steady  perseverance  in  which,  James  so  much  admi- 
red the  resolution  of  his  brother. 

Obscrva-  j^-  ]^^^  b^-gi^   iudffed  necessary  to  detail  these  trans- 

tions.  .  .  1-1 

actions,  m  a  manner  which  may,  to  some  readers,  ap- 
pear an  impertinent  digression  from  the  narrative  in 
which  this  history  is  at  present  engaged,  in  order  to 
set  in  a  clearer  light,  some  points  of  the  greatest  im- 
portance. In  the  first  place,  from  the  summary  re- 
view of  the  affairs  of  Scotland,  and  from  the  compla- 
cency with  which  James  looks  back  to  his  own  share 
of  them,  joined  to  the  general  approbation  he  expres- 
sed of  the  conduct  of  the  government  in  that  king- 
dom, we  may  form  a  pretty  just  notion,  as  well  of  his 
maxims  of  policy,  as  of  his  temper  and  disposition, 
in  matters  where  his  bigotry  to  the  Roman  Catholic 

On  the  dis-    religion  had  no  share.     For  it  is  to  be  observed,  and 

Jame""  "  carefully  kept  in  mind,  that  the  church,  of  which  he 
not  only  recommends  the  support,  but  which  he  show- 
ed himself  ready  to  maintain,  by  the  most  violent 
means,  is  the  Episcopalian  church  of  the  Protestants  ; 
that  the  test  which  he  enforced  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet  was  a  Protestant  test,  so  much  so  indeed, 
that  he  himself  covild  not  take  it ;  and  that  the  more 
marked  character  of  the  conventicles,  the  objects  of 
his  persecution,  was  hot  so  much  that  of  heretics  ex- 
communicated by  the  Pope,  as  of  dissenters  from  the 
church  of  England,  and  irreconcileable  enemies  to  the 
Protestant  Liturgy  and  the  Protestant  Episcopacy. 
But  he  judged  the  church  of  England  to  be  a  most  fit 
instrument  for  rendering  the  monarchy  absolute.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Presbyterians  were  thought  na- 
turally hostile  to  the  principles  of  passive  obedience, 
and  to  one  or  other,  or  with  more  probability,  to  both, 
of  these  considerations,  joined  to  the  natural »  violence 
of  his  temper,  is  to  be  referred  the  wliole  of  his  con- 


UF  JAMES  THK  SK(JONU  ^9 

duct,  in  this  part  of  his  life,  which  in  this  view,  is  ra-  cllAP.  ir. 
tional  enough  ;  but  on  the  supposition  of  his  having  i685. 
conceived  thus  early,  the  intention  of  introducing  Po- 
pery upon  the  ruins  of  the  church  of  England,  is 
wholly  unaccountable,  and  no  less  absurd,  than  if  a 
general  were  to  put  himself  to  great  cost  and  pains  to 
furnish  with  ammunition,  and  to  strengthen  with  for- 
tifications, a  place  of  which  he  was  actually  meditat- 
ing the  attack. 

The  next  important  observation  that  occurs,  and  to  On  tlie  pri- 
which  even  thev  who  are  most  determined  to  believe  "j.'^^  ("ject 
that  this  Prince  had  always  Popery  in  view,  and  held  vernmcnt 
eveiy  other  consideration  as  subordinate  to  that  pri-> 
mary  object,  must  nevertheless  subscribe,  is,  that  the 
most  confidential  advisers,  as  well  as  the  most  furious 
supporters,  of  the  measures  we  have  related,  were 
not  Roman  Catholics.     Lauderdale  and  Queensberry 
were  both  Protestants^     There  is  no  reasbn,  there- 
fore, to  impute  any  of  James's  violence  afterwards  to 
the  suggestions  of  his  Catholic  advisers,  since  he  who 
had  been  engaged  in  the  series  of  measures  above  re- 
lated, with  Protestant  counsellors  and  coadjutors,  had 
surely  nothing  to  learn  from  Papists,  (whether  priests, 
Jesuits,  or  others,)  in  the  science  of  tyranny.    Lastly^  On  the  state 
from  this  accoimt  we  are  enabled  to  form  some  notion  °  '  '^o^  ^ 
of  the  state  of  Scotland,  at  a  time  when  the  parlia- 
ment of  that  kingdom  was  called  to  set  an  example 
for  this,  and  we    find  it  to  have  been  a  state  of  more 
absolute  slavery  that  at  that  time  subsisted  in  any  part 
of  Christendom. 

The  affairs  of  Scotland  being  in  the  state   which  frocccding-.'^ 
we  have  described,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  King's  p^uluament  * 
letter  was  received  with  acclamations  of  applause,  and    April  ^?P..    # 
that  the  parliament  opened,  not  only  with  approbation 
of  the  government,  but  even  with  an  enthusiastic  zeal, 
to  signalize  their'  l(n-altv,  as  Avell  bv  a  perfect  acquis 

M 


1685. 


90  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.  escence  to  the  King's  demands,  as  by  the  most  ful- 
some expressions  of  adulation.  "  What  Prince  in  Eu- 
"  7-ope^  or  in  the  whole  ivorld^''  said  the  Chancellor 
Perth,  "  -(joas  ever  like  the  late  King^  except  his  present 
*'  Majesty^  -who  had  undergone  every  trial  of  prospe  ■ 
"  rity  and  adversity^  and  whose  vnxvearied  clemency 
'•'■  was  not  among  the  least  conspicnons  of  his  virtues  ? 
"•  To  advance  his  honour  and  greatiiess^  was  the  duty 
"  of  all  his  subjects^  and  ought  to  be  the  endeavour  of 
"  their  lives  xvithoiit  reserve,''^  The  Parliament  voted 
an  address,  scarcely  less  adulatory  than  the  Chancel- 
lor's speech. 

'■'•  May  it  please  your  Sacred  Majesty, 

"  Your  Majesty's  gracious  and  kind  remembrance 
*'  of  the  services  done  by  this,  your  ancient  kingdom, 
"  to  the  late  King  your  brother,  of  ever  glorious  me- 
"  mory,  shall  rather  raise  in  us  ardent  desires  to  ex- 
"  ceed  whatever  we  have  done  formerly,  than  make 
"  us  consider  them  as  deserving  the  esteem  your  Ma- 
*'  jesty  is  pleased  to  express  of  them  in  your  Letter 
"  to  us,  dated  the  twenty-eighth  of  March.  The 
"  death  of  that  our  excellent  Monarch  is  lamented  by 
"  us  to  all  the  degrees  of  grief  that  are  consistent 
*'  with  our  great  joy  for  the  succession  of  your  Sacred 
"  Majesty,  who  has  not  only  continued,  but  secured 
*'  the  happiness,  which  his  wisdom,  his  justice,  and 
"  clemency  procmxd  to  us :  and  having  the  honour 
*■'  to  be  the  first  Parliament  which  meets  by  yoiu- 
*•*•  Royal  Authority,  of  which  we  are  very  sensible, 
"  your  Majesty  may  be  confident,  that  we  will  offer 
"  such  laws  as  may  best  secure  your  Majesty's  sacred 
"  person,  the  royal  family,  and  government,  and  be  so 
"  exemplary  loyal,  as  to  raise  your  honour  and  great- 
"  ness  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  which  we  shall 
'•'  ever  esteem  both  our  duty  and  interest.     Nor  shall 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND  91 

**  we  leave  any  thing  undone  for  extirpating  all  fana-    CHAP.  n. 

"  ticism,  but  especially  those  fanatical  murthercrs  and        ^[^ 

"  assassins,  and  for  detecting  and  punishing  the  late 

"  conspirators,  whose  pernicious  and  execi-able  designs 

•■'  did  so  much  tend  to  subvert  your  Majesty's  go- 

'*■  vernment,  and  ruin  us  and  all  your  Majesty's  faith- 

*'  ful  subjects.     We  can  assure  your  Majesty,  that 

"  the  subjects  of  this  your  Majesty's  ancient  kingdom 

''  are  so  desirous  to  exceed   all  their  predecessors  in 

^'  extraordinary  marks  of  affection  and  obedience  to 

*•"  your  Majesty,  that  (God  be  praised,)  the  only  way 

"  to  be  popidar  with  us,  is  to  be   eminently  loyal. 

"'  Your  Majesty's  care  of  us,  when  you  took  us  to  be 

*■'  your  special  charge,  your  wisdom  in  extinguishing 

•■'  the  seeds  of  rebellion  and  faction  amongst  us,  your 

'■'  justice,  which   was  so  great,  as  to  be  for  ever  ex- 

''  emplary,  but  above  all,    your   Majesty's  free  and 

''  cheerful  securing  to  us  our  religion,  when  you  were 

"  the  late  King's,  your  Royal  Brother's  Commissioner, 

"  now  again   renewed,  when  you  are    our  Sovereign, 

'■'  are  what  your  subjects  here  can  never  forget,  and 

''  therefore  your  Majesty  may  expect  that  we  will 

''  think  your  commands  sacred  as  your  person,  and 

"•'  that  your  inclination  will  prevent  our  debates  ;  nor 

"'  did  ever  any  who   represented  our  Monarchs    as 

"'  their  Commissioners,  (except  your  royal  self,)  meet 

*■'  with    greater  respect,    or   more    exact    observance 

"  from  a  Parliament,  than  the  Duke  of  Queensberiy, 

'•'  (whom   your  Majesty  has  so  wisely  chosen  to  rc- 

"  present  you  in  this,  and  of  whose  eminent  loyalt}^, 

'•'■  and   great  abilities  in  all  his  former  employments, 

*•'  this   nation  hath  seen  so  many  proofs,)  shall  find 

'•'  from 

"  May  it  please  your  Sacred  Majest)^, 
"•  your  Majest}''s  most  humble,  most  faithful,  and 

"'  most  obedient  subjects  and  servants, 
"  PERTH,  Cancell'^ 


t*i 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


CHAP.  II. 

1685. 

Its  tyi'anni- 
cal  acts. 


Nor  was  this  spirit  of  loyalty,  (as  it  was  then  cal- 
led,) of  abject  slavery,  and  unmanly  subservience  to 
the  will  of  a  despot,  as  it  has  been  justly  denominated 
by  the  more  impartial  judgment  of  posterity,  confined 
to  words  only.  Acts  were  passed  to  ratify  all  the 
late  judgments,  however  illegal  or  iniquitous,  to  in- 
demnify the  privy  council,  judges,  and  all  officers  of 
the  Crown,  civil  or  military,  for  all  the  violences  they 
had  committed  ;  to  authorize  the  privy  council  to 
impose  the  test  vipon  all  ranks  of  people  under  such 
penalties  as  that  board  might  think  fit  to  impose  ;  to 
extend  the  punishment  of  death,  which  had  formerly 
attached  upon  the  preachers  at  field  conventicles  on- 
ly, to  all  their  auditors,  and  likewise  to  the  preachers 
at  house  conventicles  ;  to  subject  to  the  penalties  of 
treason,  all  persons  who  should  give,  or  take  the  co- 
venant, or  write  in  defence  thereof,  or  in  any  other 
way  own  it  to  be  obligatory;  and  lastly,  in  a  strain 
of  tyranny,  for  which  there  was,  it  is  believed,  no 
precedent,  and  which  certainly  has  never  been  sur- 
passed, to  enact,  that  all  such  persons  as,  being  cited 
in  cases  of  high  treason,  field  or  house  conventicles, 
or  church  irregularites,  should  refuse  to  give  testi- 
mony, should  be  liable  to  the  punishment  due  by  law 
to  the  criminals  against  whon-j  they  refused  to  be 
witnesses.  It  is  true  that  an  act  was  also  passed, 
for  confir;ning  all  former  statutes  in  favour  of  the 
Protestant  religion  as  then  established,  in  their  whole 
strength  and  tenor,  as  if  they  were  particularly  set 
down  and  expressed  in  the  said  act ;  but  when  we 
recollect  the  notions  which  Queensberry  at  that  tinu 
entertained  of  the  King's  views,  this  proceeding- 
forms  no  exception  to  the  general  system  of  servilit) 
which  characterized  both  ministers  and  parliament. 
All  niatters  in  relation  to  revenue  were  of  course 
settled    in  the  manner   most   agreeable    to  his  Mut 


OF  JAMES  THE  SFjCOND.  #3 

jesty*s  wishes,  and  the  recommendation  of  his  Com-    cilAiv  ii. 
missioner.  1685. 

While  the  legislature  was  doing  its  part,  the  execu-  Cruelty  of 
,    ,  .     1  ,        ,  .  .       ^,      (Jovcrnmcnt. 

live  government  was  not  behmd  hand  m  pursumg  the 

system  which  had  been  so  much  commended.  A  re- 
fusal to  abjure  the  Declaration  in  the  terms  prescrib- 
ed, was  everywhere  considered  as  sufficient  cause  for 
immediate  execution.  In  one  part  of  the  country, 
information  having  been  received,  that  a  corpse  had 
been  clandestinely  buried,  an  enquiry  took  place :  it 
was  dug  up,  and  found  to  be  that  of  a  person  pro- 
scribed. Those  who  had  interred  him,  were  suspected 
not  of  having  murdered,  but  of  having  harboured 
him.  For  this  crime,  their  house  was  desti^oyed ;  and 
the  women  and  children  of  the  family  Ueing  driven 
out  to  wander  as  vagabonds,  a  young  man  belonging 
to  it  was  executed  by  the  order  of  Johnston  of  Wes- 
teiraw.  Against  this  murder  even  Graham  himself 
is  said  to  have  remonstrated,  but  was  content  with 
protesting,  that  the  blood  was  not  upon  his  head ;  and 
not  being  able  to  persuade  a  Highland  officer  to  exe- 
cute the  order  of  Johnston,  ordered  his  own  men  to 
shoot  the  unhappy  victim.*  In  another  county,  three 
females,  one  of  sixty-three  yearsof  age,  one  of  eighteen, 
and  one  of  twelve,  were  charged  with  rebellion ;  and 
refusing  to  abjure  the  Declaration,  were  sentenced  to 
be  drowned.  The  last  was  let  off,  upon  condition  of 
her  father's  giving  a  bond  for  a  hundred  pounds.  The 
elderly  woman,  who  is  represented  as  a  person  of 
eminent  piet}',  bore  her  fate  with  the  greatest  con- 
stancy, nor  does  it  appear  that  her  death  excited  any 
strong  sensations  in  the  minds  of  her  savage  execu- 
tioners. The  girl  of  eighteen  was  more  pitied ;  and 
after  many  entreaties,  and  having  been  once  under 

*'  Woodrow,  ir.  HOT 


94 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REI6N 


CHAP.  U 

1685. 


Kng-lish  Par 
liament. 
.May  15. 


water,  was  prevailed  upon  to  utter  some  words,  which 
might  be  fairly  construed  into  blessing  the  King,  a 
mode  of  obtaining  pardon  not  unfrequent  in  cases 
where  the  persecutors  were  inclined  to  relent.  Upon 
this  it  was  thought  she  was  safe ;  but  the  merciless 
barbarian  who  superintended  this  dreadful  business, 
was  not  satisfied,  and  upon  her  refusing  the  abjuration, 
she  was  again  plunged  into  the  water,  where  she  ex- 
pired.* It  is  to  be  remarked,  that  being  at  Bothwell 
Bridge  and  Air's-moss  were  among  the  crimes  stated 
in  the  indictment  of  all  three,  though,  when  the  last 
of  these  affairs  happened,  one  of  the  girls  was  only 
thirteen,  and  the  other  not  eight  years  of  age.  At  the 
lime  of  the  Bothwell  Bridge  business,  they  were  still 
younger.  To  recite  all  the  instances  of  cruelty  which 
occurred.  Would  be  endless ;  but  it  may  be  necessary 
to  remark,  that  no  historical  facts  are  better  ascer- 
tained than  the  accounts  of  them  which  are  to  be  found 
in  Woodrow.  In  every  instance  wliere  there  has  been 
an  opportunity  of  comparing  these  accounts  with  re- 
cords, and  other  authentic  monuments,  they  appear  to 
be  quite  correct. 

The  Scottish  Parliament  having  thus  set,  as  they 
had  been  required  to  do,  an  eminent  example  of  what 
was  then  thought  duty  to  the  Crown,  the  King  met 
his  English  Parliament,  on  the  19th  of  May,  1685, 
and  opened  it  with  the  following  speech: 


"  My  Lords  and  Gentlemen, 
"  After  it  pleased  Almighty  God,  to  take  to  his 
*•'  mercy  the  late  King  my  dearest  brother,  and  to 
"  bring  me  to  the  peaceable  possession  of  the  throne 
"  of  my  ancestors,  I  immediatelv  resolved  to  call  a 
■•'  Parliament,  as  the  best  means  to  settle  every  thing 


WoodroM-,  II.  506. 


«)F  J  VMKS   I'HE  SKCONU.  95 

"  upon*  those  foundations,  as  may  make  my  reign  both    CIIAP.  U. 
''  easy  a)id  happy  to  you ;  towards  which,  I  am  dis-        TfiiJ 
"  posed  to  contribute  all  that  is  fit  lor  mc  to  do. 

"  What  I  said  to  my  Privy  Council,  at  my  first 
"  coming  there,  I  am  desirous  to  renew  to  you ;  where- 
"  in  I  fully  declare  my  opinion  concerning  the  princi- 
"  pics  of  the  Cliurch  of  England,  whose  members  have 
"  showed  themselves  so  eminently  loyal  in  the  worst 
"  of  times,  in  defence  of  my  father,  and  support  of 
''■  my  brother,  (of  blessed  memor}',)  that  I  will  alwaj's 
"  take  care  to  defend  and  support  it.  I  will  make  it 
"  my  endeavour  to  preser\-e  this  government,  both  in 
"  church  and  state,  as  it  is  by  law  established :  And 
'-'  as  I  will  never  depart  from  the  just  rights  and  pre- 
''  rogatives  of  the  Crown,  so  I  will  never  invade  any 
"  man's  propert}' ;  and  you  may  be  sure,  that  having 
'"  heretofore  ventured  my  life  in  the  defence  of  this 
"  nation,  I  will  still  go  as  far  as  any  man  in  preserv- 
"  ing  it  in  all  its  just  rights  and  liberties. 

"  And  having  given  this  assurance  concerning  the 
''  care  I  will  have  of  your  religion  and  property,  whicli 
"  I  have  chose  to  do,  in  the  same  words  which  I  used 
"  at  my  first  coming  to  the  Crown,  the  better  to  evi- 
*'  dence  to  you,  that  I  spoke  them  not  by  chance,  and 
"  consequent!}-,  that  you  may  firmly  rely  upon  a  pro- 
"  mise  so  solemnly  made ;  I  cannot  doubt  that  I  shall 
"  fail  of  suitable  returns  from  you,  with  all  imaginable 
*'  dut}-  and  kindness  on  your  part,  and  particularly  to 
"  what  relates  to  the  settling  of  my  revenue,  and  con- 
"  tinning  it,  during  my  life,  as  it  was  in  the  lifetime 
"  of  my  brother.  I  might  use  many  argmnents  to 
"  enforce  this  demand,  for  the  benefit  of  trade,  the 
"  support  of  the  navy,  the  necessity  of  the  Crown,  and 
"  the  well  being  of  the  government  itself,  v^iich  I 
"  must  not  suffer  to  be  precarious.  But  I  am  confi- 
"  dent,  your  own  consideration  of  what  is  just  and 


96 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGK 


CHAP.  II.    "  reasonable,  will  suggest  to  you  whatsoever  might  ht 
1685.        "  enlarged  upon  this  occasion. 

"  There  is  one  popular  argument,  which,  I  foresee, 
"  may  be  used  against  what  I  ask  of  you,  from  the 
"  inclination  men  have  for  frequent  parliaments: 
"  which  some  may  think  would  be  the  best  security, 
"  by  feeding  me  from  time  to  time,  by  such  propor- 
*"'  tions  as  they  shall  think  convenient :  And  this  ar- 
"  gument,  it  being  the  first  time  I  speak  to  you  from 
"  the  Throne,  I  will  answer  once  for  all,  that  this 
"  would  be  a  very  improper  method  to  take  with  me  ; 
"  and  that  the  best  way  to  engage  me  to  meet  you 
"  often,  is  always  to  use  me  well. 

"  I  expect  therefore,  that  you  will  comply  with  me 
"  in  what  I  have  desired,  and  that  you  will  do  it  speedi- 
"  ly ;  that  it  may  be  a  short  session,  and  that  we  may 
"  meet  again  to  all  our  satisfactions." 


My  Lords  and  Gentlemen, 

"  I  must  acquaint  you,  that  I  have  had  news  this 
"  morning  from  Scotland,  that  Argyle  is  landed  in  the 
"  West  Highlands,  with  the  men  he  brought  with  him 
"  from  Holland:  That  there  are  two  Declarations 
"  published ;  one  in  the  name  of  all  those  in  ai-ms,  the 
"  other  in  his  own.  It  would  be  too  long  for  me  to 
"  repeat  the  substance  of  them ;  it  is  sufficient  to  tell 
"  you,  I  am  charged  with  usurpation  and  tyrannv. 
"  The  shorter  of  them  I  have  directed  to  be  forthwitJi 
"  communicated  to  you. 

"  I  will  take  the  best  care  I  can,  that  this  declara- 
"  tion  of  their  own  faction  and  rebellion  may  meet  with 
"  the  reward  it  deserves:  and  I  will  not  doubt  but 
"  you  will  be  the  more  zealous  to  support  the  govern- 
"  ment,  and  give  me  my  revenue  as  I  have  desired  it, 
^'  without  delav." 


OF  JAMES  THK  SECONI?.  97 

The  repetition  of  the  words  made  use  of  in  his  first  CHAP.  il. 
speech  to  the  privy  council,  shows,  that  in  the  opinion  1685. 
of  the  Court  at  least,  they  had  been  well  chosen,  and  The  King's 
had  answered  their  purpose ;  and  even  the  haughty  ^mhicd.^*" 
language  which  was  added,  and  was  little  less  than  a 
menace  to  parliament,  if  it  should  not  comply  with  his 
wishes,  was  not,  as  it  appears,  unplcasing  to  the  party 
which  at  diat  time  prevailed,  since  the  revenue  enjoy- 
ed by  his  predecessor,  was  unanimously,  and  almost 
immediately,  voted  to  him  for  life.  It  was  not  re- 
marked, in  public  at  least,  that  the  King's  threat  of 
governing  without  parliament,  was  an  unequivpcal  ma- 
nifestation of  his  contempt  of  the  law  of  the  countrj-, 
so  distinctly  established,  though  so  ineffectually  secur- 
ed, by  the  statute  of  the  16th  of  Charles  the  Second, 
for  holding  triennial  parliaments.  It  is  said.  Lord 
Keeper  Guildford  had  prepared  a  different  speech  for 
his  Majesty,  but  that  this  was  preferred,  as  being  the 
King's  own  words  ;*  and,  indeed,  that  part  of  it,  in 
which  he  says  that  he  must  ansAver  once  for  all,  that 
the  Commons'  giving  such  proportions  as  they  might 
think  convenient,  would  be  a  very  improper  way  with 
him,  bears,  as  well  as  some  others,  the  most  evident 
marks  of  its  royal  origin.  It  is  to  be  observed,  how- 
ever, that  in  arguing  for  his  demand,  as  he  styles  it,  of 
revenue,  he  says,  not  that  the  parliament  ought  not, 
l)ut  that  he  must  not  suffer  the  well-being  of  the  go- 
vernment depending  upon  such  revenue,  to  be  precari- 
ous ;  whence  it  is  evident,  that  he  intended  to  have  it 
understood,  that,  if  the  parliament  did  not  grant,  he 
purposed  to  levy  a  revenue  without  their  consent.  It 
is  impossible  that  any  degree  of  party  spirit  should  so 
have  blinded  men,  as  to  prevent  them  from  perceiving, 
in  this  speech,  a  determination   on  the  part  of  the 

*  I.iFe  of  Lord  Keeper  North.  Kalpli 

N 


98 


illS lOKY  UF  1  Hti  ItEIGN' 


1685. 


CHAP.  ir.  King,  to  conduct  his  government  upon  the  principles 
of  absohite  monarchy,  and  to  those  who  were  not  so 
possessed  with  the  love  of  royalty,  which  creates  a 
kind  of  passionate  affection  for  whoever  happens  to 
be  the  wearer  of  the  Crown,  the  vindictive  manner  in 
which  he  speaks  of  Argyle's  invasion,  might  aiford 
sufficient  evidence  of  the  temper,  in  which  his  power 
would  be  administered^  In  that  part  of  his  speech  he 
first  betrays  his  personal  feelings  towards  the  unfortu- 
nate nobleman,  whom,  in  his  brother's  reign,  he  had  so 
cruelly  and  treacherously  oppressed,  by  dwelling  upon 
,  his  being  charged  by  Argyle  with  tyranny  and  usurpa- 
tion, and  then  declares,  that  he  will  take  the  best  care, 
not  according  to  the  usual  phrases,  to  protect  the  loyal 
and  well  disposed,  and  to  restore  tranquillity,  but  that 
the  Declaration  of  the  factious  and  rebellious  may  meet 
with  the  re-^vard  it  deserves ;  thus  marking  out  revenge 
and  punishment  as  the  consequences  of  victory,  upon 
which  he  was  most  intent. 

It  is  impossible,  that  in  a  house  of  Commons,  how- 
ever composed,  there  should  not  have  been  many 
members  who  disapproved  the  principles  of  govern- 
ment announced  in  the  speech,  and  who  were  justly 
alarmed  at  the  temper  in  which  it  was  conceived. 
But  these,  overpowered  by  numbers,  and  perhaps 
afraid  of  the  imputation  of  being  concerned  in  plots 
and  insurrections,  (an  imputation  which,  if  they  had 
shown  any  spirit  of  liberty,  would  most  infallibly  have 
been  thrown  on  them,)  declined  ejcpi-essing  their  sen- 
timents; and,  in  the  short  session  which  followed, 
there  was  an  almost  uninterrupted  unanimity  in  grant- 
ing every  demand,  and  acquiescing  in  every  wish  of 
the  Government.  The  revenue  was  graiited,  without 
any  notice  being  taken  of  the  illegal  manner  in  which 
the  King  had  levied  it  upon  his  own  authority.  Ar- 
gyle was  stigmatized  as  a  traitor,  nor  was  any  desire 


Proceeding'^ 
of  Parlia- 
ment. 


OF  JAMES  THR  SECOND.  99 

expressed  to  examine  his  Declarations,  one  of  which  chap.  il. 
seemed  to  be  purposely  withheld  from  parliament.  1535 
Upon  the  communication  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's 
landing  in  the  West,  that  nobleman  was  immediately 
attainted  by  Bill.  The  King's  assurance  was  recog- 
nized as  a  sufficient  security  for  the  national  religion ; 
and  the  liberty  of  the  press  was  destroyed  by  the  re- 
vival of  the  statute  of  the  13th  and  14th  of  Charles  the 
Second.  This  last  circumstance,  important  as  it  is, 
does  not  seem  to  have  excited  much  attention  at  the 
time,  which,  considering  the  general  principles  then  in 
fashion,  is  not  surprising.  That  it  should  have  been 
scarcely  noticed  by  any  historian,  is  more  wonderful. 
It  is  true,  however,  that  the  terror  inspired  by  the 
late  prosecutions  for  libels,  and  the  violent  conduct  of 
the  courts  upon  such  occasions,  rendered  a  formal  de- 
struction of  the  liberty  of  the  press  a  matter  of  less 
importance.  So  little  does  the  magistracy,  when  it  is 
inclined  to  act  txTannically,  stand  in  need  of  tyranni- 
cal laws  to  effect  its  purpose.  The  bare  silence  and 
acquiescence  of  the  legislature  is,  in  such  a  case,  fully 
sufficient  to  annihilate,  practicallv  spe^.'king,  every 
right  and  liberty  of  the  subject. 

As  the  grant  of  revenue  was  unanimous,  so  there  Misrcpre- 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  any  thing  which  can  ^j"  Hume'.s. 
justly  be  styled  a  debate  upon  it :  though  Hume  em- 
ploys several  pages  in  giving  the  arguments  M^hich,  he 
affinns,  were  actually  made  use  of,  and,  as  he  gives 
us  to  understand,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  for  and 
against  the  question ;  arguments  v.'hich,  on  both  sides, 
seem  to  imply  a  considerable  love  of  freedom,  and 
jealousy  of  royal  power,  and  arc  not  whollv  unmixed 
even  with  some  sentiments  disrespectful  to  the  King. 
Now  I  cannot  find,  either  from  tradition,  or  from 
.contemporary  writers,  any  gi-ound  to  think,  th:it,  "ither 
the  reasons  which  Hume  has  adduced,  or  indeed  any 


100 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


CHAP.  II. 

1685. 
Mr.  Sey- 
mour's the 
only  speech 
in  opposi- 
tion 


Other,  were  urged  in  opposition  to  the  grant.  1  he 
only  speech  made  upon  the  occasion,  seems  to  have 
been  that  of  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir  Edward,)  Seymour, 
who,  though  of  the  Tory  party,  a  strenuous  opposer 
of  the  Exclusion  Bill,  and  in  general,  supposed  to 
have  been  an  approver,  if  not  an  adviser,  of  the  tyran- 
nical measures  of  the  late  reign,  has  the  merit  of  hav- 
ing stood  forward  singly,  to  remind  the  House  of  what 
they  oAved  to  themselves  and  their  constituents.  He 
did  not,  however,  directly  oppose  the  grant,  but  stated, 
that  the  elections  had  been  carried  on  under  so  much 
court  influence,  and  in  other  respects  so  illegally,  that 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  House  first  to  ascertain,  who 
were  the  legal  members,  before  they  proceeded  to 
other  business  of  importance  ?  After  having  pressed 
this  point,  he  observed,  that,  if  ever  it  were  necessary 
to  adopt  such  an  order  of  proceeding,  it  was  more  pe- 
culiarly so  now,  when  the  laws  and  religion  of  the  na- 
tion were  in  evident  peril ;  that  the  aversion  of  the 
English  people  to  Popery,  and  their  attachment  to  the 
laws,  were  such,  as  to  secure  these  blessings  from 
destruction  by  any  other  instrumentality  than  that  of 
parliament  itself,  which,  however,  might  be  easily  ac- 
complished, if  there  were  once  a  parliament  entirely 
dependant  upon  the  persons  who  might  harbour  such 
designs ;  that  it  was  already  rumoured  that  the  Test, 
and  Habeas  Corpus  Acts,  the  two  bulwarks  of  our  re- 
ligion and  liberties,  w  ere  to  be  repealed  ;  that  what  he 
stated  was  so  notorious  as  to  need  no  proof.  Having 
descanted  with  force  and  ability  upon  these,  and  other 
topics  of  a  similar  tendency,  he  urged  his  conclusion, 
that  the  question  of  royal  revenue  ought  not  to  be  the 
first  business  of  the  parliament.*  Whedier,  as  Burnet 


*  Barillon's    Dispatches,  June  2c1,  and  4tli,  Appendix.     Bur- 
net, II.  322. 


OF  JAMES  THK  SECOND  101 

thinks,  because  he  was  too  proud  to  make  any  previ-  c;HAP.  n. 
ous  communication  of  his  intentions,  or  that  the  strain  iq^^ 
of  his  argument  was  judged  to  be  too  bold  for  the 
times,  this  speech,  whatever  secret  approbation  it 
might  excite,  did  not  receive  from  any  quarter  either 
applause  or  support.  Under  those  circumstances  it  was 
not  thought  necessary  to  answer  him,  and  the  grant 
was  voted  unanimously,  without  further  discussion. 
As  Barillon,  in  the  relation  of  parliamentary  pro- 
ceedings, transmitted  by  him  to  his  Court,  in  which 
he  appears  at  this  time  to  have  been  very  exact,  gives 
the  same  description  of  Seymour's  speech  and  its  ef- 
fects, with  Burnet,  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  their 
account  is  correct.  It  will  be  found  as  well  in  this, 
as  in  many  other  instances,  that  an  unfortunate  inat- 
tention on  the  part  of  the  reverend  historian,  to  forms, 
has  made  his  veracity  unjustly  called  in  question.  He 
speaks  of  Seymour's  speech  as  if  it  had  been  a  motion 
in  the  technical  sense  of  the  word,  for  enquiring  into 
the  elections,  which  had  no  effect.  Now  no  traces 
remaining  of  such  a  motion,  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  elections  having  been  at  a  subsequent  period  in- 
quired into,  Ralph  almost  pronounces  the  whole  ac- 
count to  be  erroneous  ;  whereas  the  only  mistake  con- 
sists in  giving  the  name  of  motion  to  a  suggestion, 
upon  the  question  of  a  grant.  It  is  whimsical  enough, 
that  it  should  be  from  the  account  of  the  French  am- 
bassador, that  we  are  enabled  to  reconcile  to  the  re- 
cords, and  to  the  fonns  of  the  English  House  of 
Commons,  a  relation  made  by  a  distinguished  mem- 
ber of  the  English  House  of  Lords.  Sir  John  Reres- 
by  does  indeed  say,  that  among  the  gentlemen  of  the 
House  of  Commons  whom  he  accidental!}-  met,  they 
in  general  seemed  willing  to  settle  a  handsome  reve- 
nue upon  the  King,  and  to  give  him  money  ;  but 
whether  their  grant  should  be  permanent,    or  only 


102  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  II.  temporary,  and  to  be  renewed  from  time  to  time  by 
1585,  parliament,  that  the  nation  might  be  often  consulted, 
was  the  question.*  But  besides  the  looseness  of  the 
expression,  which  may  only  mean  that  the  point  was 
questionable,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  he  does  not  re- 
late any  of  the  arguments  which  were  brought  for- 
ward, even  in  the  private  conversations  to  which  he 
refers  ;  and  when  he  afterwards  gives  an  account  of 
what  passed  in  the  House  of  Commons,  (where  he 
was  present,)  he  does  not  hint  at  any  debate  having 
taken  place,  but  rather  implies  the  contrar}^ 

This  misrepresentation  of  Mr.  Hume's  is  of  no 
femall  importance,  inasmuch  as,  by  intimating  that 
such  a  question  could  be  debated  at  all,  and  much 
more,  that  it  was  debated  with  the  enlightened  views, 
and  bold  topics  of  argument  with  which  his  genius  has 
supplied  him,  he  gives  us  a  veiy  false  notion  of  the 
character  of  the  parliament,  and  of  the  times  which  he 
is  describing.  It  is  not  improbable,  that  if  the  argu- 
ments had  been  used,  which  this  historian  supposes, 
the  utterer  of  them  would  have  been  expelled,  or  sent 
to  the  Tower  ;  and  it  is  certain,  that  he  would  not 
have  been  heard  with  any  degree  of  attention,  or  even 
patience. 

\otes  con-        Xhe  unanimous  vote  for  trusting  the  safety  of  reli- 
cermng  reli-     .  i      t--      ■»    -r-»     i         •  i  •  i  i 

gion.  gion  to  the  Kmg  s  Declaration,  passen  not  without  ob- 

servation ;  the  rights  of  the  ciiurch  of  England  being 
the  only  point  upon  which,  at  this  time,  the  parliament 
were  in  any  degree  jealous  of  the  roval  poAver.  The 
committee  of  religion  had  voted  unanimously,  "  That 
"  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  committee,  that  this  House 
"  will. stand  by  his  Majestv  with  their  lives  and  for- 
"  tunes,  according  to  their  bounden  duty  and  allegi- 
-     ^'  ance,  in  defence  of  the  reformed  Church  of  Eng- 

*  Rcrcsbv's  Memoirs,  192. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  103 

"  laiid,  as  it  is  now  by  law  established  ;  and  that  an    CHAI'  ii. 
"  humble    address  be  presented  to  his  Majesty,    to       i^ 
*'  desire  him  to  issue  forth  his  Royal  Proclamation, 
"  to  cause  the  penal  laws  to  be  put  in  execution  a- 
"  gainst  all  dissenters  from  the  Church  of  England 
"  whatsoever."     But  ui)on  the  report  of  the  House, 
the   question   of  agreeing   with   the   committee   was 
evaded  by  a  previous  question,  and  the  House,  with 
equal  unanimit}-  resolved,    "  That  this  House   doth 
"  acquiesce,  and  entirely  rely,  and  rest  wholly  satisfi- 
"  ed,  on  his  Majesty's  gracious  word,  and  repeated 
"  declaration  to  support   and  defend  the  religion  of 
"  the  Church  of  England,  as  it  is  now  by  law  estab- 
"  lished,  which  is  deai-er  to  us  than  our  lives."    Mr. 
Echard  and    Bishop  Kennet,  two  writers  of  differ- 
ent  principles,   but  both    churchmen,  assign,  as  the 
motive  of  this  vote,  the  unwillingness  of  the  party 
then  prevalent  in  parliament,  to  adopt  severe  mea- 
sures against  the  Protestant  dissenters  ;  but  in  this 
notion  they  are  by    no  means  supported  by  the  ac- 
count, imperfect  as    it  is,  which  Sir    John  Reresby 
'  gives  of  the  debate  ;    for  he  makes  no    mention  of 
tenderness  towards  dissenters,  but  states,  as  the  chief 
argument   against  agreeing  with  the   committee,  that 
it  might  excite  a  jealous}-  of  the  King  ;*  and  Baril- 
lon  expressly  says,  that  the  first  vote  gave  great  offence 
to  the  King,  still  more  to  the  Queen,  and  that  orders 
were,  in  consequence,  issued  to  the  court  n\embers  of 
the  Plouse  of  Commons,  to  devise  some  means  to  get 
rid  of  it.f    Indeed,  the  general  circumstances  of  the 
times  are  decisive  against  the  hypothesis  of  the  two 
reverend  historians  ;  nor  is  it,  as  far  as  I  know,  adopt- 
ed by  any  other  historians.    The  probability  seems  to 

•  Echard.  Kennet,  44-1.  Reresby,  198 
t  Vid<;  Bs-rillon's  letter.  Appendix 


104 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


CHAP.  n.    be,  that  the  motion  in  the  committee  had  been  origi" 
1685.        nally  suggested  by  some  Whig  member,  who  could 
not,  with  prudence,  speak  his  real  sentiments  openly, 
i  and  who  thought  to   embarrass  the  government,  by 

touching  upon  a  matter,  where  the  union  between  the 
church  party  and  the  King,  would  be  put  to  the  seve- 
rest test.     The    zeal  of  the  Tories  for  persecution, 
made  them  at  first  give  into  the  snare  ;  but  when,  upon 
reflection,  it  occurred,  that  the  involving  of  the  Catho- 
lics in  one  common  danger  with  the  Protestant  dis- 
senters, must  be  displeasing   to  the  king,   they  drew 
back  without  delay,  and  passed  the  most  comprehen- 
sive vote  of  confidence,  which  James  could  desire.* 
Bill  for  the         Further  to  manifest  their  servility  to  the  King,  as 
of'the  K^'ne"  ^^^^^  ^^  their  hostility  to  every  principle,  that  could  by 
peraou.  implication  be  supposed  to  be  connected  with  Mon- 

mouth or  his  cause,  the  House  of  Commons  passed  a 
Bill  for  the  Preservation  of  his  Majesty's  Person,  in 
which,  after  enacting  that  a  written  or  verbal  declara- 
tion of  a  treasonable  intention,  should  be  tantamount 
to  a  treasonable  act,  they  inserted  two  remarkable 
clauses,  by  one  of  which,  to  assert  the  legitimaci/  of 
MonmoutJi's  birth — by  the  other,  to  propose  in  par- 
liament am/  alteration  in  the  succession  of  the  crorvn^ 
were  made  likewise  high  treason.  We  learn  from 
Burnet,f  that  the  first  part  of  this  bill  was  strenuous!) 

'*  A  most  curious  instraice  of  the  circuitous  mode,  and  deep  de- 
vices to  which  the  Whigs,  if  they  wished  at  this  time  to  oppose 
the  court,  were  obliged  to  resort,  is  a  scheme  which  seems  to 
have  been  seriously  entertained  by  them,  of  moving  to  disqualify 
from  office  all  persons  who  hnd  voted  for  the  exclusion.  Disqua- 
lification from  oiBces,  whicli  they  had  no  means  of  obtaining,  was 
to  tliem  of  no  importance,  and  by  obliging  tlic  King  to  removv 
Godolphin,  and  more  especially  Sunderland,  tliey  might  put  the 
court  to  considerable  difficulties.    Vide  Appendix. 

I  Ralph  unjustly  accuses  Burnet  of  inaccuracy  on  this  occasion, 
and  asserts,  "  Thatimfortunately  for  us,  or  this  Riglit  Ucverend 


OP  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  105 

and  warmly  debated,  aiid  that  it  was  chiefly  ojjposed  CHAP.  II. 
by  Serjeant  Majnard,  whose  arguments  made  some  i685 
impression  even  at  that  time  ;  but  whether  the  Ser- 
jeant was  supported  in  his  opposition,  as  the  word 
ch'iejiij  would  lead  us  to  imagine,  or  if  supported,  by 
whom,  that  historian  docs  not  mention  ;  and  unfortu- 
nately, neither  of  iMa\niard's  speech  itself,  nor  indeed 
of  any  opposition  whatever  to  the  bill,  is  there  any 
other  trace  to  be  found.  The  crj-ing  injustice  of  the 
clause,  M-hich  subjected  a  man  to  the  pains  of  treason, 
merely  for  delivering  his  opinion  upon  a  controverted 
fact,  though  he  should  do  no  act  in  consequence  of 
such  opinion,  was  not,  as  far  as  we  are  informed,  ob- 
jected to,  or  at  all  noticed,  unless  indeed  the  speech 
above  alluded  to,  in  which  the  speaker  is  said  to  have 

"  author,  there  is  not  the  least  trace  of  any  such  bill  to  be  found 
"  in  any  of  the  accounts  of  tliis  parliament  extant ;  and  therefore 
"  we  ai"e  under  a  necessity  to  suppose,  that  if  any  such  clause 
"  was  offered,  it  was  by  way  of  supplement  to  the  bill  for  the  prc- 
*'  serration  of  his  Majesty's  person  and  government,  which,  no 
*'  doubt,  was  strict  enoug'h,  and  which  passed  the  House  of  Com- 
"  mons  while  Monmouth  was  in  arms,  just  before  the  adjourn- 
"  ment,  but  never  reached  the  Lords."  II.  911.  Now  the  enact- 
ment to  which  the  Bishop  alludes,  was  not,  as  Ralph  supposes, 
:i  supplement  to  the  bill  for  tlie  preservation  of  his  Majesty'.? 
person,  but  made  part  of  the  very  first  clause  of  it ;  and  the  only 
inaccuracy,  if  indeed  it  d£serves  that  name,  of  which  Burnet  is 
ijuilty,  is  that  of  calling  the  bill  what  it  really  was,  a  bill  for  De- 
claring Treasons,  and  not  giving  it  its  formal  title  of  a  Bill  for 
the  Preservation  of  his  ^Majesty's  I'erson,  Sec.  The  bill  is  fortu- 
nately preserved  among  the  papers  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  as  it  is  not,  as  far  as  I  know,  any  where  in  print,  I  have  sub^ 
joined  it  in  my  Appendix.  Perhaps  some  persons  might  think  it 
more  discreet,  to  leave  such  a  production  in  obscurity,  lest  it 
should  ever  be  made  use  of  as  a  precedent ;  but  whoever  peruse.* 
with  attention  some  of  our  modern  statutes,  will  perceive,  that 
though  not  adduced  as  a  precedent,  on  account,  perhaps,  of  the  / 
inauspicious  reign  in  which  it  made  its  appearance,  it  has  butttn:- 
often  been  used  as  a  modei. 

f-o      , 


106 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


1685. 


Solicitude 
for  the 
Church  of 
England. 


CHAP.  II.  descanted  upon  the  general  danger  of  making  words 
treasonable,  be  supposed  to  have  been  applied  to  this 
clause,  as  well  as  to  the  former  part  of  the  bill.  That 
the  other  clause  should  have  passed  without  opposi- 
tion, or  even  observation,  must  appear  still  more  ex- 
traordinary, when  we  advert,  not  only  to  the  nature  of 
the  clause  itself,  but  to  the  circumstances  of  there  be- 
ing actually  in  the  House,  no  inconsiderable  number 
of  members  who  had,  in  the  former  reign,  repeatedly 
voted  for  the  Exclusion  Bill. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice,  however,  that,  while  every 
principle  of  criminal  jurisprudence,  and  every  regard 
to  the  fundamental  rights  of  the  deliberative  assem- 
blies, which  make  part  of  the  legislature  of  the  na- 
tion, were  thus  shamelessly  sacrificed  to  the  eager- 
ness which,  at  this  disgraceful  period,  so  generally 
prevailed,  of  manifesting  loyalty,  or  rather  abject  ser- 
vility to  the  Sovereign,  there  still  remained  no  small 
degree  of  tenderness  for  the  interests  and  safety  of 
the  Church  of  England,  and  a  sentiment  approaching 
to  jealousy  upon  any  matter  which  might  endanger, 
even  by  the  most  remote  consequences,  or  put  any 
restriction  upon  her  ministers.  With  this  view,  as 
one  part  of  the  bill  did  not  relate  to  treasons  onl}-, 
but  imposed  new  penalties  upon  such  as  should  by 
writing,  printing,  preaching,  or  other  speaking,  at- 
tempt to  bring  the  King  or  his  government  into  ha- 
tred or  contempt,  there  was  a  special  proviso  added, 
'■'■  that  the  asserting,  and  maintaining  by  any  writing, 
"  printing,  preaching,  or  any  other  speaking,  the  doc- 
*'  trine,  discipline,  divine  worship,  or  government  of 
"  the  Church  of  England  as  it  now  is  by  law  esta- 
"  blished,  against  Popery  or  any  other  different  or 
"  dissenting  opinions,  is  not  intended,  and  shall  not 
'*  be  interpreted,  or  construed  to  be  any  offence  within 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  107 

**  the  words  or  meaning  of  this  act."*  It  cannot  CHAP.  IT. 
escape  the  reader,  that  only  such  attacks  upon  Poperj'  i685. 
as  were  made  in  favour  of  the  doctrine  and  discipline 
of  the  church  of  England,  and  no  other,  were  pro- 
tected by  this  proviso,  and  consequently  that,  if  there 
Avere  any  real  occasion  for  such  a  guard,  all  Protes- 
tant dissenters  who  should  write  or  speak  against  the 
Roman  superstition,  were  wholly  unprotected  by  it, 
and  remained  exposed  to  the  danger,  whatever  it 
might  be,  from  Avhich  the  church  was  so  anxious  to 
exempt  her  supporters. 

.This  Bill  passed  the  House  of  Commons,  and  was  'I'he  Bill 
sent  up  to  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  30th  of  June,  g^jj 
It  was  read  a  first  time  on  that  day,  but  the  adjourn- 
ment of  both  houses  taking  place  on  the  2d  of  July, 
it  could  not  make  any  further  progress  at  that  time  ; 
and  when  the  parliament  met  afterwards  in  autumn, 
there  was  no  longer  that  passionate  affection  for  the 
monarch,  nor  consequently  that  ardent  zeal  for  servi' 
tude,  which  were  necessar)''  to  make  a  law  with  such 
clauses  and  provisos,  palatable  or  even  endurable. 

It  is  not  to  be  considered  as  an  exception  to  the 
general  complaisance  of  Parliament,  that  the  Speaker, 
when  he  presented  the  Revenue  Bill,  made  use  of  some 
strong  expressions,  declaring  the  attachment  of  the 
Commons  to  the  national  religion. f  Such  sentiments 
could  not  be  supposed  to  be  displeasing  to  James,  af- 

•  Vide  Bill  for  tlie  Preservation,  &c.     Appendix. 

■f  "  The  Commons  of  England  have  here  presented  your  Ma- 
♦'  jesty  witli  tlie  Hill  of  Tonnage  and  I'oundag-c,  will  all  readi- 
"  ness  and  cheerfulness  ;  andtliat  without  any  security  for  their 
"  religion,  though  it  be  dearer  to  them  than  their  livts,  reiving 
"  .wholly  on  your  royal  word  for  the  security  of  it ;  and  humbly 
"  beseech  your  Majesty  to  accept  this  their  ofler,"  &c,  Kennet, 
!I.  427- 


iG8 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


CHAP.  II.  tcr  the  assurances  he  had  given  of  his  regard  for 
the  church  of  England.  Upon  this  occasion  hiy 
Majesty  made  the  following  speech  : 


168j 


Speech  on 
passing-  the 
Revenue 
BiU. 


"  My  Lords  and  Gentlemen, 

"  I  thank  you  very  heartily  for  the  bill  you  have 
"  presented  me  this  day ;  and  I  assure  you,  the  rea- 
"  diness  and  cheerfulness  that  has  attended  the  dis- 
^'  patch  of  it,  is  as  acceptable  to  me  as  the  bill  itself. 

"  After  so  happy  a  beginning,  you  may  believe  I 
"  would  not  call  upon  you  unnecessarily  for  an  extra-- 
^'  ordinary  supply :  but  when  I  tell  you,  that  the 
^'  stores  of  the  navy  and  ordnance  are  extremely  ex- 
'^'  |iausted ;  that  the  anticipations  upon  several  branches 
*'  of  the  revenue  are  great  and  burthensome  ;  that  the 
"  debts  of  the  King  my  brother,  to  his  servants  and 
*'  family,  are  such  as  deserve  compassion ;  that  the 
"  rebellion  in  Scotland,  without  putting  more  weight 
"  upon  it  than  it  really  deserves,  must  oblige  me  to  a 
*'  considerable  expense  extraordinary  ;  I  am  sure,  such 
"  considerations  will  move  you  to  give  me  an  aid  to 
*'  provide  for  those  things,  wherein  the  security,  the 
*'  ease,  and  the  happiness  of  my  government  are  so 
*'  much  concerned.  But  above  all,  I  must  recom-- 
**  mend  to  you  the  care  of  the  Nav}',  the  strength  and 
"  glory  of  this  nation  ;  that  you  will  put  it  into  such  a 
"  condition,  as  may  make  us  considered  and  respected 
"  abroad.  I  cannot  express  my  concern,  upon  this 
"  occasion,  more  suitable  to  my  own  thoughts  of  it, 
*'  than  by  assuring  you,  I  have  a  true  English  heart, 
"  as  jealous  of  the  honour  of  the  nation  as  you  can  be  ; 
"  and  I  please  myself  v/ ith  the  hopes,  that,  by  God's 
"  blessing,  and  your  assistance,  I  may  carry  the  repu- 
"  tation  of  it  yet  higher  in  the  world,  than  ever  it  ha.s 
"  been  in  the  time  of  any  of  my  ancestors  ;  and  as  I 
"  will  not  call  upon  you  for  supplies,  but  >vhen  they 


1 


OF  J.WfES  THE  SECOND.  109 

*'  are  of  public  use  and  advantage  ;  so  I  promise  you,    CHAP,  ii 
"  that  what  you  give  me  upon  such  occasions,  shall  be        1685. 
"  managed  with  good  husbandry,  and  I  will  take  care, 
"  it  shall   be  employed  to  the  uses  for  which  I  ask 
"  them." 

Rapin,  Hume,  and  Ralph  observe  upon  this  speech,  Misreprc- 
that  neither  the  generosity  of  the  Commons'  grant,  historians, 
nor  the  confidence  they  expressed  upon  religious  mat- 
ters, could  extort  a  kind  word  in  favour  of  their  reli- 
gion. But  this  observation,  whether  meant  as  a  re- 
proach to  him  for  his  want  of  gracious  feeling  to  a 
generous  Parliament,  or  as  an  oblique  compliment  to 
his  sincerity,  has  no  force  in  it.  His  Majesty's  speech 
was  spoken  immec^iately  upon  passing  the  bills  which 
the  Speaker  presented,  and  he  could  not  therefore  take 
notice  of  the  Speaker's  words,  unless  he  had  spoken 
extempore  j  for  the  custom  is  not,  nor  I  believe  ever 
was,  for  the  Speaker  to  give,  beforehand,  copies  oi 
addresses  of  this  nature,  James  would  not  certainly 
have  scrupled  to  repeat  the  assurances  which  he  had 
so  lately  made  in  favour  of  the  Protestant  religion,  as 
he  did  not  scruple  to  talk  of  his  true  English  heart, 
honour  of  the  nation,  &c.  at  a  time  when  he  was  en- 
gaged with  France ;  but  the  speech  was  prepared  for 
an  answer  to  a  money  bill,  not  for  a  question  of  the 
Protestant  religion  and  church,  and  the  false  profes- 
sions in  it  are  adapted  to  what  was  supposed  to  be  the 
only  subject  of  it. 

The  only  matter  in  which  the  King's  views  were  in  Reversal  ot 
any  degree  thwarted,  was  the  reversal  of  Lord  Staf-  tainderre-^* 
ford's  attainder,  which,  having  passed  the  House  of  jectcd, 
Lords,  not  without  opposition,  was  lost  in  the  House 
of  Commons ;  a  strong  proof  that  the  Popish  plot  was 
still  the  subject  upon  which  the  opposers  of  the  Court 
had  most  credit  with  the  public.     Mr.  Hume,  not- 
withstanding his  just  indignation  at  the  condemnation 


110 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


1685. 


CHAP.  II.  of  Stafford,  and  his  general  inclination  to  approve  of 
royal  politics,  most  unaccountably  justifies  the  Com- 
mons in  their  rejection  of  this  bill,  upon  the  principle 
of  its  being  impolitic  at  that  time  to  grant  so  full  a 
justification  of  the  Catholics,  and  to  throw  so  foul  an 
imputation  upon  the  Protestants.  Surely  if  there  be 
one  moral  duty  that  is  binding  upon  men  in  all  times, 
places,  and  circumstances,  and  from  which  no  sup- 
posed views  of  policy  can  excuse  them,  it  is  that  of 
gi-anting  a  full  justification  to  the  innocent;  and  such 
Mr.  Hume  considers  the  Catholics,  and  especially  Lord 
Stafford,  to  have  been.  The  only  rational  way  of  ac- 
counting for  this  solitary  instance  of  non-compliance 
on  the  part  of  the  Commons,  is  eiiiier  to  suppose  that 
they  still  believed  in  the  reality  of  the  Popish  plot,  and 
Stafford's  guilt,  or  that  the  church  party,  which  was 
uppermost,  had  such  an  antipathy  to  Popery,  as  indeed 
to  every  sect,  whose  tenets  differed  from  theirs,  that 
they  deemed  every  thing  lawful  against  its  professors. 
On  the  2d  of  July,  parliament  was  adjourned  for 
the  purpose  of  enabling  the  principal  gentlemen  to  be 
present  in  their  respective  counties,  at  a  time  when 
their  services  and  influence  might  be  so  necessary  to 
government.  It  is  said  that  the  House  of  Commons 
consisted  of  members  so  devoted  to  James,  that  he 
declared  there  was  not  forty  in  it,  whom  he  would  not 
himself  have  named.  But  although  this  may  have 
been  true,  and  though  from  the  new-modelling  of  the 
corporations,  and  the  interference  of  the  court  in  elec- 
tions, this  Parliament,  as  far  as  regards  the  manner  of 
its  being  chosen,  was  by  no  means  a  fair  representa- 
tive of  the  legal  electors  of  England,  yet  there  is  rea- 
son to  think  that  it  afforded  a  tolerably  correct  sample 
of  the  disposition  of  the  nation,  and  especially  of  the 
church  part)',  which  was  then  uppermost. 


Parliament 
adjourned. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  11 J 

The  general  character  of  the  party  at  this  time  ap-  CHAF.  ii. 
pears  to  have  been  a  high  notion  of  the  King's  consti-  i685. 
tutional  power,  to  which  was  superadded,  a  kind  of  Cliaractcr  of 
rehgious  abhorrence  of  all  resistance  to  the  Monarch,  pj^fty 
not  only  in  cases  where  such  resistance  was  directed 
against  the  lawful  prerogative,  but  even  in  opposition 
to  encroachments,  which  the  Monarch  might  make 
beyond  the  extended  limits  which  they  assigned  to  his 
prerogative.  But  these  tenets,  and  still  more,  the 
principle  of  conduct  nattirally  resulting  from  tliem, 
were  confined  to  the  civil,  as  contradistinguished  from 
the  ecclesiastical,  polity  of  the  country.  In  church 
matters,  they  neither  acknowledged  any  very  high  au- 
thority in  the  Crown,  nor  were  they  willing  to  submit 
to  any  royal  encroachment  on  that  side ;  and  a  steady 
attachment  to  the  Church  of  England,  wuth  a  pi-opor- 
tionable  avei-sion  to  all  dissenters  from  it,  whether 
Catholic  or  Protestant,  was  almost  universally  preva- 
lent  among  them.  A  due  consideration  of  these  dis- 
tinct features  in  the  character  of  a  party  so  powerful 
in  Charles's  and  James's  time,  and  even  when  it  was 
lowest,  (that  is,  during  the  reigns  of  the  two  first 
Princes  of  the  House  of  Brunswick,)  by  no  means  in- 
considerable, is  exceedingly  necessary  to  the  right  un- 
derstanding of  English  History.  It  affords  a  clue  to 
many  passages  otherwise  unintelligible.  For  want  of 
a  proper  attention  to  this  circumstance,  some  histo- 
rians have  considered  the  conduct  of  the  Tories  in^ 
promoting  the  Revolution,  as  an  instance  of  great  in- 
consistency. Some  have  supposed,  contrary  to  the 
clearest  evidence,  that  their  notions  of  passive  obedi- 
ence, even  in  civil  matters,  were  limited,  and  that  their 
support  of  the  government  of  Charles  and  James,  was 
founded  upon  a  belief,  that  those  Princes  would  never 
abuse  their  prerogative  for  the  purpose  of  introducing 
arbitrary  sway.    But  this  hypothesis  is  contrary  to  thp 


112 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


CHAP.  II.  evidence  both  of  their  declaration  and  their  conduct. 
1685.  Obedience  without  reserve,  an  abhorrence  of  all  resist- 
ance, as  contrary  to  the  tenets  of  their  religion,  are 
the  principles  which  they  professed  in  their  addresses, 
their  sermons,  and  their  decrees  at  Oxford  ;  and 
surely  nothing  short  of  such  principles,  could  make 
men  esteem  the  latter  years  of  Charles  the  Second, 
and  the  opening  of  the  reig-n  of  his  successor,  an  aera 
of  national  happiness,  and  exemplary  government.  Yet 
this  is  the  representation  of  that  period,  which  is 
usually  made  by  historians,  and  other  writers  of  the 
church  party.  "  Never  were  fairer  promises  on  one 
"  side,  nor  greater  generosity  on  the  other,"  says  Mr. 
Echard.  "  The  King  had  as  yet,  in  no  instance,  in- 
"  vaded  the  rights  of  his  subjects,"  says  the  author  of 
the  Caveat  against  the  Whigs.  Thus,  as  long  as  James 
contented  himself  with  absolute  power  in  civil  matters, 
and  did  not  make  use  of  his  authority  against  the 
church,  every  thing  went  smooth  and  easy ;  nor  is  it 
necessary,  in  order  to  account  for  the  satisfaction  of 
ihe  parliament  and  people,  to  have  recourse  to  any 
implied  compromise,  by  which  the  nation  was  willing 
to  yield  its  civil  liberties  as  the  price  of  retaining  its 
religious  constitution.  The  truth  seems  to  be,  that  the 
King,  in  asserting  his  unlimited  power,  rather  fell  in 
with  the  humour  of  the  prevailing  party,  than  offered 
any  violence  to  it.  Absolute  power  in  civil  matters, 
under  the  specious  names  of  monarchy  and  preroga- 
tive, formed  a  most  essential  part  of  the  Tory  creed ; 
but  the  order  in  which  Church  and  King  are  placed  in 
the  favourite  device  of  the  party,  is  not  accidental,  and 
is  well  calculated  to  show  the  genuine  principles  of 
such  among  them  as  are  not  corrupted  by  influence. 
Accordingly,  as  the  sequel  of  this  reign  will  abun- 
dantly show,  when  they  found  themselves  compelled 
to  make  an  option,  they  preferred,  without  any  degree 


Of  J  A  MES  THE  SECOND.  1 1 J 

of  inconsistency,  their  first  idol  to  their  second,  and    CHAP.  II. 
when  thcv  could  not  preser\e  both  church  and  King,        1685. 
declared  for  the  former. 

It  gives  certainly  no  veiy  flattering  picture  of  the  Situation  o\ 
countr}',  to  describe  it  as  being  in  some  sense  fairly  ^^^  "^'' 
represented  by  this  servile  Parliament,  and  not  only 
acquiescing  in,  but  delighted  with,  the  early  measures 
of  James's  reign ;  the  contempt  of  law  exhibited  in 
the  arbitrary  mode  of  raising  his  revenue ;  his  insult- 
ing menace  to  the  Parliament,  that  if  they  did  not  use 
him  well,  he  w ould  go\cm  without  them  ;  his  furious 
persecution  of  the  Protestant  dissenters,  and  the  spirit 
of  despotism  which  appeared  in  all  his  speeches  and 
actions.  But  it  is  to  be  remembered,  that  these  mea- 
sures were  in  no  wise  contrary  to  the  principles  or 
prejudices  of  the  chuixh  party,  but  rather  highly 
agreeable  to  them ;  and  that  the  Whigs,  who  alone 
were  possessed  of  any  just  notions  of  libert}',  were  so 
out-numbered,  and  discomfited  by  persecution,  that 
such  of  them  as  did  not  think  fit  to  engage  in  the  rash 
schemes  of  Monmouth  or  Argyle,  held  it  to  be  their 
interest  to  interfere  as  little  as  possible  in  public  affairs, 
and  by  no  means  to  obtrude  upon  unwilling  hearers, 
opinions  and  sentiments,  Avhich,  ever  since  the  disso- 
lution of  the  Oxford  Parliament  in  1681,  had  been 
generally  discountenanced,  and  of  which  the  peaceable, 
or  rather  triumphant  accession  of  James  to  the  throne, 
was  supposed  to  seal  the  condemnation. 


CHAP.  III. 

1685. 

Earl  of  Ar- 
gyll. 


CHAPTER  III. 

"'Attempts  of  Argyle  and  Monmouth Account  of  their  follow - 

"  ers Argyle's  Expedition  discovered His   descent  in  Ar^ 

"  g^'leshire Dissensions  among  his   followers Loss   of  his 

"  shippiiig His  army  dispersed,  and  himself  taken  prisoner.... 

"  His  behaviour  in  prison His  execution The  fate  of  his  fol- 

"  lowers.. ..Rumbold's  late  declaration  examined. ...Monmouth's 

"  Invasion  of  England His  first  success  and  reception His 

"  delays,  disappointment  and  despondency Battle  of  Sedge- 

"  more He  is  discovered  and  taken His  Letter  to  the  King 

•'  His  interview  with  James His  preparations  for  death Cir- 

"  cumstances  attendmg- his  execution His  Character." 

IT  is  now  necessary  to  give  some  account  of  those 
attempts  in  Scotland  by  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  and  in 
England  by  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  of  which  the 
King  had  informed  his  Parliament  in  the  manner  re- 
cited in  the  preceding  Chapter.  The  Earl  of  Argyle 
was  son  to  the  Marquis  of  Argyle,  of  whose  unjust 
execution,  and  the  treacherous  circvimstances  accom- 
panying it,  notice  has  already  been  taken.  He  had, 
in  his  youth,  been  strongly  attached  to  the  royal  cause, 
and  had  refused  to  lay  down  his  arms,  till  he  had  the 
exiled  King's  positive  orders  for  that  purpose.  But 
the  merit  of  his  early  services  could  neither  save  the 
life  of  his  father,  nor  even  procure  for  himself  a  com- 
plete restitution  of  his  family  honours  and  estates  ; 
and  not  long  after  the  restoration,  upon  an  accusation 
of  Leasing- Making,  an  accusation  founded,  in  this 
instance,  upon  a  private  letter  to  a  fellow-subject,  in 
which  he  spoke  with  some  freedom  of  his  Majesty's 
Scottish  ministry,  he  was  condemned  to  death. 
The  sentence  was  suspended,  and  finally  remitted  ; 
but  not  till  after  an  imprisonment  of  twelve  months 
and  upwards.    In  this  affair  he  was  much  assisted  by 


or  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  US 

ihe  friendship  of  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale,  with  whom  CHAP.  III. 
he  ever  afterwards  Uved  upon  terms  of  friendship,  i685. 
though  his  principles  would  not  permit  him  to  give 
active  assistance  to  that  nobleman  in  his  government 
of  Scotland.  Accordingly,  we  do  not  during  that  pe- 
riod, find  Arg}le's  name  among  those  who  held  an)- 
of  those  great  employments  of  state,  to  which,  !:>)- 
his  rank  and  consequence,  he  was  naturally  entitled. 
When  James,  then  Duke  of  York,  was  appointed  to 
the  Scotch  government,  it  seems  to  have  been  the 
Earl's  intention  to  cultivate  his  Royal  Highness'  fa- 
vour, :md  he  was  a  strenuous  supporter  of  the  Bill 
"which  condemned  all  attempts  at  exclusions,  or  other 
alterations  in  the  "succession  of  the  crown.  But  hav- 
ing highly  offended  that  Prince,  by  insisting  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Test,  that  the  royal  family,  when  in 
office,  should  not  be  exempted  from  taking  that  oath 
which  they  imposed  upon  subjects  in  like  situations  ; 
his  Roval  Highness  ordered  a  prosecution  against  him, 
for  the  explanation  with  which  he  had  taken  the  Test 
■oath  at  the  council  board,  and  the  Earl  was,  as  we  have 
seen,  again  condemned  to  death.  From  the  time  of 
his  escape  from  prison,  he  resided  wholly  in  foreign  / 

countries,  and  was  looked  to  as  a  principal  ally  by  such 
of  the  English  patriots  as  had  at  any  time  entertained 
thoughts,  whether  more  or  less  ripened,  of  delivering 
their  countiy. 

James  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  the  eldest  of  the  Duke  of 
late  King's  natural  children.    In  the  early  part  of  his  ^^^"'""iitli 
life,  he  held  the  first  place  in  his  father's  affections ; 
and  even  in  the  height  of  Charles's  displeasure  at  his 
political    conduct,   attentive  observers    thought   they 
could  discern,  that  the  traces  of  paternal  tenderness 
were  by  no  means  eff"aced.    Appearing  at  Court  in  the  iiis  cliarac 
bloom  of  youth,  with  a  beautiful  figure,  and  engaging  ^^^> 
manners,  known  to  be  tlie  darling  of  the  Monarch,  it 


p- 


XIS  IIISTOKY  UF  THE  KE1G^ 

CHAP.  IH.  itJ  no  wonder  that  he  was  eai-ly  assailed  by  the  arts  oi' 
»1685,  flattery :  and  it  is  rather  a  proof  that  he  had  not  the 
strongest  of  all  minds,  than  of  any  extraordinary 
weakness  of  character,  that  he  was  not  proof  against 
them.  He  had  appeared  with  some  distinction  in  the 
Flemish  campaigns ;  and  his  conduct  had  been  noticed 
with  the  approbation  of  the  commanders,  as  well 
Dutch  as  French,  under  whom  he  had  respectively 
served.  His  courage  was  allowed  by  all,  his  person 
admired,  his  generosity  loved,  his  sincerity  confided 
in.  If  his  talents  were  not  of  the  first  rate,  they  were, 
by  no  means  contemptible;  and  he  possessed  in  an 
eminent  degree,  qualities  which,  in  popular  govern- 
ment, are  far  more  effective  than  the  most  splendid 
talents ;  qualities  by  which  he  inspired  those  w  ho  fol- 
lowed him,  not  only  with  confidence  and  esteem,  but 
with  affection,  enthusiasm,  and  even  fondness.  Thus 
and  arabi-  endowed,  it  is  not  surprising  that  his  youthful  mind 
was  fired  with  ambition,  or  that  he  should  consider  the 
putting  of  himself  at  the  head  of  a  party,  (a  situation 
'for  which  he  seems  to  have  been  peculiarly  qualified 
by  so  many  advantages,)  as  the  means  by  which  he 
was  niost  likely  to  attain  his  object. 
His  private  Many  Circumstances  contributed  to  outweigh  the 
motives.  scruples  which  must  have  harrassed  a  man  of  his  ex- 
cellent nature,  when  he  considered  the  obligations  of 
filial  duty  and  gratitude,  and  when  he  reflected,  tliat 
the  particular  relation  in  which  he  stood  to  the  King 
rendered  a  conduct,  which  in  anv  other  subject  would 
have  been  meritorious,  doubtful,  if  not  extremely  cul- 
pable in  him.  Among  these,  not  the  least  was  the  de- 
clared enmity  which  subsisted  between  him  and  hi.i 
vnicle,  the  Duke  of  York.  The  Earl  of  Mu]gra\-e, 
afterwards  Duke  of  Buckinghamshire,  boasted  in  his 
Memoirs,  that  this  enmity  v/as  originally  owing  to  his 
rontrivances  j  and  v.hile  he  is  relating  a  conduct,  upon 


I 


Ol-  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  J  1  7 

which  the  only  doubt  can  be,  whether  the  object  or  cilAlMii. 
the  means  were  the  most  infamous,  seems  to  applaud  \6H5. 
himself,  as  if  he  had  atchieved  some  notable  exploit. 
While,  on  the  one  hand,  a  prospect  of  his  uncle's  suc- 
cession to  the  cro\vn  was  intolerable  to  him,  as  involv- 
ing in  it  a  certain  destruction  of  even  the  most  rea- 
sonable and  limited  views  of  ambition  which  he  might 
entertain,  he  was  easily  led  to  believe  on  the  other 
hand,  that  no  harm,  but  the  reverse,  was  intended  to- 
wards his  royal  father,  whose  reign  and  life  might  be- 
come precarious,  if  he  obstinately  persevered  in  sup- 
porting his  brother ;  whereas,  on  the  contrary,  if  he 
could  be  persuaded,  or  even  forced,  to  yield  to  the 
wishes  of  his  subjects,  he  might  long  reign  a  power- 
ful, happy,  and  popular  Prince. 

It  is  also  reasonable  to  believe,  that  with  those  per-  Political  mo- 

sonal  and  private  motives,  others  might  co-operate  of  ^^^'^^  "*  '"* 

IT  1     r  1,1  rr-i,      conduct. 

a  public  nature,  and  or  a  more  noble  character.    The 

Protestant  religion,  to  which  he  seems  to  have  been 
sincerely  attached,  w  ould  be  persecuted,  or  perhaps, 
exterminated,  if  the  King  should  be  successful  in  hi.s 
support  of  the  Duke  of  York,  and  his  faction.  At 
least,  such  was  the  opinion  generally  prevalent,  while, 
with  respect  to  the  civil  liberties  of  the  countr}',  no 
doubt  could  be  entertained,  that  if  the  Court  pai-t} 
prevailed  in  the  straggle  then  depending,  they  would 
be  completely  extinguished.  Something  may  be  at- 
tributed to  his  admiration  of  the  talents  of  some,  to 
his  personal  friendsliip  for  others,  among  the  leaders 
of  the  Whigs,  more  to  the  aptitude  of  a  generous  na- 
ture to  adopt,  and,  if  I  may  so  say,  to  become  ena- 
moured of,  those  principles  of  justice,  benevolence, 
lyid  equality,  which  form  the  true  creed  of  the  part^ 
which  he  espoused.  I  am  not  inclined  to  believe  that 
it  was  his  connection  witli  Shaftesbury  that  inspired 
him  v.^ith  ambitious  views,  but  rather  to  reverse  cause 


IIB 


HISTORY  OF  THE  fiEIGN 


CHAP.  HI.  and  effect,  and  to  suppose,  that  his  ambitious  views 
1685  produced  his  connection  with  that  nobleman ;  and 
whoever  reads  with  attention  Lord  Grey's  account  of 
one  of  the  party  meetings  at  which  he  was  present, 
will  perceive  that  there  was  not  between  them  that 
perfect  cordiality  which  has  been  generally  supposed, 
but  that  Russel,  Grey,  and  Hampden,  were  upon  a  far 
more  confidential  footing  with  him.  It  is  far  easier  to 
determine  generally,  that  he  had  high  schemes  of  am- 
bition, than  to  discover  what  was  his  precise  object ; 
and  those  who  boldly  impute  to  him  the  intention  of 
'  succeeding  to  the  crown,  seem  to  pass  by  several 
weighty  arguments  which  make  strongly  against  their 
hypothesis  j  such  as,  his  connection  with  the  Dutchess 
of  Portsmouth,  who,  if  the  succession  were  to  go  to 
the  King's  illegitimate  children,  must  naturally  have 
been  for  her  own  son ;  his  unqualified  support  of  the 
Exclusion  Bill,  which,  without  indeed  mentioning  her, 
most  unequivocally  settled  the  Crown,  in  case  of  a  de- 
mise, upon  the  princess  of  Orange  :  and  above  all  the 
circumstance  of  his  having,  when  driven  from  Eng- 
land, twice  chosen  Holland  for  his  asylum.  By  his 
cousins  he  was  received,  not  so  much  with  the  civility 
and  decorum  of  Princes,  as  with  the  kind  familiarity 
of  near  relations ;  a  reception  to  which  he  seemed  to 
make  every  return  of  reciprocal  cordiality.*  It  is  not 
rashly  to  be  believed,  that  he,  who  lias  never  been  ac- 
cused of  hardened  wickedness,  could  have  been  upon 
such  terms  with,  and  so  have  behaved  to,  persons 
whom  he  purposed  to  disappoint  in  their  dearest  and 
best  grounded  hopes,  and  to  defraud  of  their  inheri- 
tance. 
His  exile  Whatever  his  views  might  be,  it  is  evident  that  they 

Ian™.    "^'     "vverc  of  a  nature  wholly  adverse,  not  only  to  those  of 


*  D'Avaiix, 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  119 

the  Duke  of  York,  but  to  the  schemes  of  power  en-  CHAP.  in. 
teitained  by  the  King,  with  Avhich  the  support  of  his  1685 
brother  was  intimately  connected.  Monmouth  was 
therefore,  at  the  suggestion  of  James,  ordered  by  his 
father  to  leave  the  country,  and  deprived  of  all  his 
offices,  civil  and  military.  The  pretence  for  this  exile 
was  a  sort  of  principle  of  impartiality,  which  obliged 
the  King,  at  the  same  time  that  he  ordered  his  brother 
to  retire  to  Flanders,  to  deal  equal  measure  to  his  son. 
Upon  the  Duke  of  York's  return,  (which  was  soon 
after,)  INIonmouth  thought  he  might  without  blame 
return  also ;  and  persevering  in  his  former  measures, 
and  old  connections,  became  deeply  involved  in  the 
cabals  to  which  Essex,  Russel,  and  Sidney  fell  mar- 
t^Ts.  After  the  death  of  his  friends  he  surrendered 
himself,  and  upon  a  promise,  that  nothing  said  by  him 
should  be  used  to  the  prejudice  of  any  of  his  sun'iv- 
ing  friends,  wrote  a  penitentiary  letter  to  his  father, 
consenting  at  the  same  time  to  ask  pardon  of  his  un- 
cle. A  great  parade  was  made  of  this  by  the  Court, 
as  if  it  was  designed  by  all  means  to  goad  the  feelings 
of  Monmouth :  his  Majesty  was  declared  to  have 
pardoned  him  at  the  request  of  the  Duke  of  York,  and 
his  consent  was  required  to  the  publication  of  what 
was  called  his  confession.  This  he  resolutely  refused 
at  all  hazards,  and  was  again  obliged  to  seek  refuge 
abroad,  where  he  had  remained  to  the  period  of  which 
we  are  now  treating. 

A  little  time  before  Charles's  death,  he  had  indul-  Acbanffcex- 

ged  hopes  of  being  recalled,  and  that  his  intelligence  P^^ted  be- 

fore  the  lute 
to  that  effect  was  not  quite  unfounded,  or,  if  false,  was  King's  death. 

at  least  mixed  with  truth,  is  clear  from  the  following 

circumstance:   From  the  notes  found  when   he  was 

taken,  in  his  memorandum  book,  it  appears  that  part 

of  the  plan   concerted  between  the  King  and  Mon- 

njouth's  friend,  (probably  Halifax,)  was  that  the  Duke 


120 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGK 


168^ 


CHAP.  HI.  of  York  should  go  to  Scotland,*  between  which,  and 
his  being  sent  abroad  again,  Monmouth  and  his  friends 
saw  no  material  difference.  Now  in  Barillon's  letters 
to  his  Court,  dated  the  7th  of  December,  1684,  it  ap- 
peared that  the  Duke  of  York  had  told  that  ambassa- 
dor of  his  intended  voyage  to  Scotland,  though  he 
represented  it  in  a  very  different  point  of  view,  and 
said  that  it  would  not  be  attended  with  any  diminu- 
tion of  his  favour  or  credit,  f  This  was  the  light  in 
which  Charles,  to  whom  the  expressions,  "  to  blind 
''  my  brother,  not  to  make  the  Duke  of  York  fly  out," 
and  the  like,  were  familiar,  would  certainly  have  shown 
the  affair  to  his  brother,  and  therefore  of  all  the  cir- 
cumstances adduced,  this  appears  to  me  to  be  the 
strongest  in  favour  of  the  supposition,  that  there  was 
in  the  King's  mind,  a  real  intention  of  making  an  im.- 
portant,  if  not  a  complete,  change  in  his  councils  and 
measures. 

Besides  these  two  leaders,  there  were  on  the  Cour 
tinent  at  that  time,  several  other  gentlemen  of  great 
consideration.  Sir  Patrick  Kume  of  Polworth  had 
early  distinguished  himself  in  the  cause  of  liberty. 
When  the  privy  council  of  Scotland  passed  an  order, 
compelling  the  counties  to  pay  the  expense  of  the  gar- 
risons arbitrarily  placed  in  them,  he  refused  to  pay  his 
quota,  and  by  a  mode  of  appeal  to  the  Court  of  Ses- 
sion, Vv^hich  the  Scotch  lawyers  call  a  bill  of  Suspen- 
sion, endeavoured  to  pi'ocure  redress.  The  council 
ordered  him  to  be  imprisoned,  for  no  other  crime,  as 
it  should  seem,  than  that  of  having  thus  attempted  to 
procure,  by  a  legal  process,  a  legal  decision  upon  a 
point  of  law.  After  having  remained  in  close  con- 
finement in  Stirling  Castle,  for  nearly  four  years,  he 
was  set  at  libert}^  through  the  favour  and  interest  of 


Exiles  from 
Scotland. 


'  Wclwootrs  ^rcmoirs. 


7  Sec  AppcmViN 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  121 

Monmouth.  Having  afterwards  engaged  in  schemes  CHAP.  HI. 
connected  with  those  imputed  to  Sidney  and  Russel,  1685. 
orders  were  issued  for  seizing  him  at  his  house  in 
Berwickshire;  but  having  had  timely  notice  of  his 
danger,  from  his  relation,  Hume  of  Ninewells,  a  gen- 
tlemen attached  to  the  royal  cause,*  but  whom  party 
spirit  had  not  rendered  insensible  to  the  tics  of  kin- 
dred, and  private  friendship,  he  found  means  to  con- 
ceal himself  for  a  time,  and  shortly  after  to  escape  be- 
yond sea.  His  concealment  is  said  to  have  been  in  the 
family  burial-place,  where  the  means  of  sustaining  life 
were  brought  to  him  by  his  daughter,  a  girl  of  fifteen 
years  of  age,  whose  duty  and  aftection  furnished  her 
with  courage  to  brave  the  terrors,  as  well  superstitious 
as  real,  to  which  she  was  necessarily  exposed  in  an 
intercourse  of  this  nature. f 

Andre vr  Fletcher  of  Salton,  a  young  man  of  great  Fletcher  of 
spirit,  had  signalized  himself  in  opposition  to  Lauder-  ^''^"<^" 
dale's  administration  of  Scotland,  and  had  afterwards 
connected  himself  with  Argyle  and  Russel,  and  what 
was  called  the  coimcil  of  six.  He  had,  of  course, 
thought  it  prudent  to  leave  Great  Britain,  and  could 
not  be  supposed  unwilling  to  join  in  any  enterprize 
which  might  bid  fair  to  restore  him  to  his  countiy, 
and  his  countrymen  to  their  lost  liberties,  though,  up- 
on the  present  occasion,  which  he  seems  to  have  judged 
to  be  unfit  for  the  purpose,  he  endeavoured  to  dis- 
suade both  Arg}de  and  Monmouth  from  their  attempts. 
He  was  a  man  of  much  thought  and  reading,  of  an 
honourable  mind,  and  a  fiery  spirit,  and  from  his  en- 
thusiastic admiration  of  the  ancients,  supposed  to  be 

*  It  is  not  without  some  satisfaction,  that  I  learnt,  \ipon  enqui- 
ry, that  this  gentleman  was  the  ancestor  of  Hume  the  historian, 
who,  in  similar  circumstances,  would  most  certainly  have  follow - 
^•d  his  grandfather's  example. 

+  MS.  account  of  Sir  P.  Home 

Q 


122 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


1685. 
Sir  John 
Cochrane. 


English 
exiles. 

Lord  Grey 
of  Wark. 


CHAP.  m.  warmly  attached,  not  only  to  republican  principles,  but 
to  the  form  of  a  commonwealth.  Sir  John  Cochrane 
of  Ochiltree  had  fled  his  country  on  account  of  the 
transactions  of  1683.  His  property  and  connections 
were  considerable,  and  he  was  supposed  to  possess 
extensive  influence  in  Airshire  and  the  adjacent 
counties. 

Such  were  the  persons  of  chief  note  among  the 
Scottish  emigrants.  Among  the  English,  by  far  the 
most  remarkable,  was  Ford,  Lord  Grey  of  Wark.  A 
scandalous  love  intrigue,  with  his  wife's  sister,  had 
fixed  a  very  deep  stain  upon  his  private  character ; 
nor  were  the  circumstances  attending  this  affair,  which 
had  all  been  brought  to  light  in  a  court  of  justice,  by 
iiny  means  calculated  to  extenuate  his  guilt.  His  an- 
cient family,  however,  the  extensive  influence  arising 
from  his  large  possessions,  his  talents,  which  appear  to 
have  been  very  considerable,  and  above  all,  his  hither- 
to unshaken  fidelity  in  political  attachments,  and  the 
general  steadiness  of  his  conduct  in  public  life,  might 
in  some  degree  countervail  the  odium  which  he  had 
incurred  on  account  of  his  private  x^ices.  Of  Matthews, 
Wade,  and  Ayloffe,  v/hose  names  are  mentioned,  as 
having  both  joined  the  preliminar}'  councils,  and  done 
actual  service  in  the  invasions,  little  is  known  by  which 
curiosity  could  be  either  gratified  or  excited. 

Richard  Rumbold,  on  every  account,  merits  more 
particular  notice.  He  had  formerly  ser\-ed  in  the  re- 
publican armies;  and  adhering  to  the  pi'inciples  of 
liberty,  which  he  had  imbibed  in  liis  youth,  though  no 
wise  bigotted  to  the  particular  form  of  a  common- 
wealth, had  been  deeply  engaged  in  the  politics  of 
those  who  thought  they  saw  an  opportunitv  of  rescu- 
ing their  country  from  the  tyrannical  government  of 
the  late  King.  He  xvas  one  of  tlie  persons  denounced 
in  Kejling's  narrative,  and  was  accused  of  having  con- 


Rumboid. 


OF  .TAMES  THE  SECOND.  123 

spired  to  assassinate  the  royal  brothers,  in  their  roxid  chap.  nr. 
to  Newmarket;  an  accusation  belied  by  the  whole  i685 
tenor  of  his  life  and  conduct,  and  wliich,  if  it  had  been 
true,  would  have  proved  him,  who  was  never  thought 
a  weak  or  foolish  man,  to  be  as  destitute  of  common 
sense,  as  of  honour  and  probity.  It  was  pretended, 
that  the  seizure  of  the  Princes  was  to  take  place  at  a 
farm  called  Rye-house,  which  he  occupied  in  Hert- 
fordshire for  the  piirpnsr.s  of  his  trade  as  a  nTaltster  ; 
and  from  this  circumstance,  was  derived  the  name  of 
the  Rye-house  Plot.  Conscious  of  having  done  some 
acts,  which  the  law,  if  even  fairly  interpreted,  and 
equitably  administered,  might  deem  criminal,  and  cer- 
tain that  many  which  he  had  not  done,  would  be  both 
sworn,  and  believed  against  him,  he  made  his  escape, 
and  passed  the  remainder  of  Charles's  reign  in  exile 
and  obscurity ;  nor  is  his  name,  as  far  as  I  can  leai-n, 
ever  mentioned,  from  the  time  of  the  Rye-house  plot 
to  that  of  which  we  are  now  treating. 

It  is  not  to  be  understood  that  there  were  no  other  Other  exiles, 
names  upon  the  list  of  those  who  fled  from  the  tyran- 
ny of  the  British  government,  or  thought  themselves 
unsafe  in  their  native  country-,  on  account  of  its  vio- 
lence, besides  those  of  the  persons  above  mentioned, 
and  of  such  as  joined  in  their  bold  and  hazardous 
enterprize.   Another  class  of  emigrants,  not  less  sensi- 
ble probably  to  the  Avrongs  of  their  country,   but  less 
sanguine  in  their  hopes  of  immediate  redress,  is  enno- 
bled by  the   names  of  Buniet  the  historian,  and  Mr.  Burnet's  opi- 
Locke.    It  is  difficult  to  accede  to  the  opinion,  which  "'O"- 
the  first  of  these  seems  to  entertain,  that  though  par- 
ticular injustices  had  been  committed,  the  misgovem- 
ment  had  not  been  of  such  a  nature  as  to  justify  re- 
sistance by  arms.*  But  the  prudential  reasons  against 

•  Burnet,  H.  309. 


124 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ItEIGN 


on  resist 
ance. 


CHAP.  HI.  resistance  at  that  time  were  exceedingly  strong  ; 
15^5_  and  there  is  no  point  in  human  concerns,  wherein  the 
dictates  of  virtue,  and  worldly  prudence,  are  so  iden- 
tified, as  in  this  great  question  of  resistance  by  force 
to  established  government.  Success,  it  has  been  invidi- 
ously remarked,  constitutes,  in  most  instances,  the  sole 
difference  between  the  traitor  and  the  deliverer  of  his 
Observations  country.  A  rational  probability  of  success,  it  may  be 
truly  said,  distinguishes  the  well  considered  enterprize 
of  the  patriot,  from  the  rash  schemes  of  the  disturber 
of  the  public  peace.  To  command  success,  is  not  in 
the  power  of  man  ;  but  to  deserve  success,  by  choosing 
a  proper  time,  as  v/ell  as  a  proper  object,  by  the  pru- 
dence of  his  means,  no  less  than  by  the  purity  of  his 
views,  by  a  cause  not  only  intrinsically  just,  but  likely 
to  ensure  general  support,  is  the  indispensible  duty  of 
him,  who  engages  in  an  insurrection  against  an  existing 
government.  Upon  this  subject,  the  opinion  of  Ludlow, 
who  though  often  misled,  appears  to  have  been  an  ho- 
nest and  enlightened  man,,  is  striking  and  forcibly  ex- 
pressed. "  We  ought,"  says  he,  "  to  be  very  careful 
"  and  circumspect  in  that  particular,  and  at  least  be 
^'  assured  of  very  probable  grotmds,  to  believe  the 
*'  power  under  which  we  engage,  to  be  sufficiently  able 
"  to  protect  us  in  our  undertaking  ;  otherwise,  I  should 
*'  account  myself  not  only  guilty  of  my  own  blood, 
"  but  also,  in  some  measure,  of  the  ruin  and  destruc- 
■''  tion  of  all  those  that  I  should  induce  to  engage  with 
"  me,  though  the  cause  were  never  so  just."*  Reasons 
of  this  nature,  mixed  more  or  less  with  considerations 
of  personal  caution,  and  in  some,  perhaps,  v/ith  dislike 
and  distrust  of  their  leaders,  induced  many,  who  could 
not  but  abhor  the  British  government,  to  wait  for  bet- 
ter opportunities,  and  to  prefer  cither  submission  at 


Ludlow's 
opinion  on 
vcsistance. 


*  l-udlow's  aiemoii's,  p.  235. 


(^F  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  12o 

home,  or  exile,  to  an  undertaking,  which  if  not  hope-   CHAP,  m 


less,  must  have  been  deemed  by  all,  hazardous  in  the        1^5 
extreme. 

In  the  situations  in  -which  these  two  nobleman,  Ar-  Monmouth'? 
gyle  and  Monmouth,  were  placed,  it  is  not  to  be  won-  [^  attempt 
dered  at,  if  they  were  naturally  willing  to  enter  into  an  mvasion. 
any  plan,  by  which  they  might  restore  themselves  to 
their  countiy  ;  nor  can  it  be  doubted,  but  they  honest- 
ly conceived  their  success  to  be  intimately  connected 
with  the  welfare,  and  especially  with  the  liberty,  of  the 
several  kingdoms  to  which  they  respectively  belonged. 
Monmouth,  whether  because  he  had  begun  at  this 
time,  as  he  himself  said,  to  wean  his  mind  from  ambi- 
tion,* or  from  the  observations  he  had  made  upon  the 
apparently  rapid  turn  which  had  taken  place  in  the 
minds  of  the  English  people,  seems  to  have  been  very 
averse  to  rash  councils,  and  to  have  thought  that  all 
attempts  against  James  ought  at  least  to  be  deferred 
till  some  more  favorable  opportunity  should  present 
itself.  So  far  from  esteeming  his  chance  of  success 
the  better,  on  account  of  there  being,  in  James's  par- 
liament, many  members  who  had  voted  for  the  Exclu- 
sion Bill,  he  considered  that  circumstance  as  unfavor- 
able. These  men,  of  whom  however  he  seems  to  have 
over-rated  the  number,  Avould,  in  his  opinion,  be  more 
eager  than  others,  to  recover  the  ground  they  had  lost 
by  an  extraordinary'  show  of  zeal  and  attachment  to 
the  Crown.  But  if  Monmouth  was  inclined  to  dilatory 
councils,  far  different  were  the  views  and  designs  oi 
other  exiles,  who  had  been  obliged  to  leave  their  coun- 
tr}'  on  account  of  their  having  engaged,  if  not  with  him 
personally,  at  least  in  the  same  cause  with  him,  and 
who  were  naturally  enough  his  advisers.  Among  these 

*  Yide   his  letter  in  Wellwood's  Memoirs,  and  in  Ralph,  1 
953. 


126 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


1685. 


Impatience 
of  Arg-yle. 


CHAP.  III.  were  Lord  Grey  of  Wark  and  Ferguson  ;  though  the 
latter  afterwards  denied  his  having  had  much  inter- 
course with  the  Duke,  and  the  former,  in  his  narra- 
tive,* insinuates  that  he  rather  dissuaded  than  pressed 
the  invasion. 

But  if  Monmouth  was  inclined  to  delay,  Arg)'le 
seems,  on  the  other  hand,  to  have  been  impatient  in 
the  extreme  to  bring  matters  to  a  crisis,  and  was,  of 
course,  anxious  that  the  attempt  upon  England  should 
be  made  in  co-operation  with  his  upon  Scotland. 
Ralph,  an  historian  of  great  acuteness,  as  well  as  dili- 
gence, but  who  falls  sometimes  into  the  common  er- 
ror of  judging  too  much  from  the  event,  seems  to 
think  this  impatience  wholly  unaccountable  ;  but  Ar- 
gyle  may  have  had  many  motives,  which  are  now  un- 
known to  VIS.  He  may  not  improbably  have  foreseen, 
that  the  friendly  terms  upon  which  James  and  the 
Prince  of  Orange  affected  at  least  to  be,  one  with  the 
other,  might  make  his  stay  in  the  United  Provinces 
impracticable,  and  that,  if  obliged  to  seek  another  asy- 
lum, not  only  he  might  have  been  deprived,  in  some 
measure,  of  the  resources  which  he  derived  from  his 
connections  at  Amsterdam,  but  that  the  very  circum- 
stance of  his  having  been  publicly  discountenanced 
by  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  States  General,  might 
discredit  his  enterprise.  His  eagerness  for  action 
may  possibly  have  proceeded  from  the  most  laudable 
piotives,  his  sensibility  to  the  horrors  which  his  coun- 
trymen were  daily  and  hourly  suffering,  and  his  ardor 
to    relieve   them.     The   dreadful   state  of  Scotland, 


*  It  is  ho^vcver  notorious  that  he  did  press  ^Monmouth  very 
much  ;  and  this  circumstance,  if  any  were  wanting,  would  suffi- 
ciently prove  that  his  Narrative  is  very  little  to  be  relied  upon,  iii 
any  point  where  he  conceived  the  falsification  of  a  fact  might 
serve  him  with  the  King,  upon  whose  mercy  his  life  at  that  time 
depended. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  127 

t 
%vhile  it  affords  so  honourable  an  explanation  of  his   cilAP.  ill. 

impatience,  seems  to  account  also,  in  a  great  measure,  i685. 
for  his  acting  against  the  common  notions  of  prudence, 
in  making  his  attack  without  any  previous  concert 
■with  those  whom  he  expected  to  join  him  there.  That 
this  was  his  view  of  the  matter  is  plain,  as  we  are  in- 
formed by  Burnet  that  he  depended  not  only  on  an 
army  of  his  own  clan  and  vassals,  but  that  he  took  it 
for  granted,  that  the  western  and  southern  counties 
would  all  at  once  come  about  him,  when  he  had  ga- 
thered a  good  force  together  in  his  own  countrj' ;  and 
surely,  such  an  expectation,  when  we  reflect  upon  the 
situation  of  those  counties,  was  by  no  means  unrea- 
sonable. 

Argyle's  counsel,  backed  by  Lord  Grey   and  the  rreparations 
rest  of  Monmouth's  advisers,  and  opposed  by  none  f^\..J|j)"  " 
except  Fletcher  of  Salton,  to  whom  some  add  Captain 
Matthev/s,  prevailed,   and   it  was  agreed  to    invade 
immediately,   and  at    one  time,  the  two    kingdoms. 
Monmouth  had  raised  some  money  from  his  jewels, 
and  Argyle  had  a  loan  of  ten  thousand  pounds  from 
a  rich  widow  in  Amsterdam.     With  these  resources,  Ai-g-yle's  cx- 
such   as  they  were,  ships   and  arms   were  provided,  May  2. 
and  Argj'le  sailed  from  Vly  on  the  second  of  May, 
with  three  small  vessels,  accompanied  by  Sir  Patrick 
Hume,  Sir  John   Cochrane,  and  a  few   more   Scotch 
gentlemen,  and  by  two   Englishmen,  Ayloffe,  a  ne- 
phew by  marriage  to  Lord  Chancellor  Clarendon,  and 
Rumboldthe  maltster,  who  had  been  accused  of  being 
principally  concerned  in  that  conspiracy  which,  from 
his  farm   in  Hertfordshire,  where  it  was  pretended 
Charles  the  Second  was  to  have  been  intercepted  in 
his  way  from  Newmarket,  and  assassinated,  had  been 
called   the   Rye-hoUse  plot.*     Sir   Pati-ick    Hume  is 

•  The  detailed  account  of  the  exiles  from  England  and  Scot- 
land, from  pag-e  120  to  123,  was  inserted  in  the   work  by  Mr. 


128 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


1685. 


CHAP.  nr.  said  to  have  advised  the  shortest  passage,  in  order  to 
come  more  unexpectedly  upon  the  enemy  ;  .but  Ar- 
g}^ie,  who  is  represented  as  remarkably  tenacious  of 
his  own  opinions,  persisted  in  his  plan  of  sailing  round 
the  north  of  Scotland,  as  well  for  the  purpose  of  land- 
ing at  once  among  his  own  vassals,  as  for  that  of  being 
nearer  to  the  western  counties,  which  had  been  most 
severely  oppressed,  and  from  which,  of  course,  he  ex- 
pected most  assistance.  Each  of  these  plans  had  no 
doubt  its  peculiar  advantages  ;  but,  as  far  as  we  can 
judge  at  this  distance  of  time,  those  belonging  to  the 
Earl's  scheme  seem  to  preponderate  ;  for  the  force  he 
carried  with  him  was  certainly  not  sufficient  to  enable 
him,  by  striking  any  decisive  stroke,  to  avail  himself 
even  of  the  most  unprepared  state  in  which  he  could 
hope  to  find  the  King's  government.  As  he  must 
therefore  depend  entirely  upon  reinforcements  from 
the  country,  it  seemed  reasonable  to  make  for  that 
part  where  succour  was  most  likely  to  be  obtained, 
even  at  the  hazard  of  incurring  the  disadvantage 
which  must  evidently  result  fi-om  the  enemy's  having 
early  notice  of  his  attack,  and  consequently  propor- 
tionable time  for  defence. 

Unfortunately,  this  hazard  was  converted  into  a 
certainty,  by  his  sending  some  men  on  shore  in  the 
Orkneys.  Two  of  these,  Spence  and  Blackadder, 
were  seized  at  Kirkwall  by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese, 
and  sent  up  prisoners  to  Edinburgh,  by  which  means 
the  government  was  not  only  satisfied  of  the  reality 
of  the  intended  invasion,  of  which,  however,  they 
had  before  had  some  intimation,*  but  could  gues!^ 

Fox,  after  this  passage  was  written. — As  it  is  there  introduced. 
Mr.  Fox  would,  no  doubt,  have  erased  the  repetition  oi"  it ;  but 
it  has  been  the  object  of  the  Editor  to  preserve  scrupulously  th^ 
words  of  the  MSS.     E. 

*  Vide  Appendix      Hurnet  U  "13-     Woodrow,  U  51"! 


Discovered 
by  his  land- 
ing- in  the 
Orkneys. 


OF  JAMKS  THE  SECOND.  1^ 

with  a  reasonable  certainty,  the  part  of  the  coast  CHAP.  Ill 
where  the  descent  was  to  take  place  j  for  Argyle  1685, 
could  not  possibly  have  sailed  so  far  to  the  north  with 
an}'  other  view,  than  of  maicing  his  landing  either  on 
his  own  estate,  or  in  some  of  the  western  counties. 
Among  the  numberless  charges  of  imprudence  against 
the  unfortunate  Argyle,  charges  too  often  inconside- 
rately urged  against  him  who  fails  in  any  enterprize 
of  moment,  that  which  is  founded  upon  the  circum- 
stance just  mentioned  appears  to  me  to  be  the  most 
weighty,  though  it  is  that  which  is  the  least  men- 
tioned, and  by  no  author,  as  far  as  I  recollect,  much 
enforced.  If  the  landing  in  the  north  was  merely  for 
the  purpose  of  gaining  intelligence  respecting  the 
disposition  of  the  country,  or  for  the  more  frivolous 
object  of  making  some  few  prisoners,  it  was  indeed 
imprudent  in  the  highest  degree.  That  prisoners, 
such  as  were  likely  to  be  taken  on  this  occasion, 
should  have  been  a  consideration  with  any  man  of 
common  sense,  is  impossible.  The  desire  of  gaining 
intelligence  concerning  the  disposition  of  the  people^ 
was  indeed  a  natural  curiosity ;  but  it  would  be  a 
strong  instance  of  that  impatience  which  has  been 
often  alleged,  though  in  no  other  case  proved,  to 
have  been  part  of  the  Earl's  character,  if,  for  the  sake 
of  gratifying  such  a  desire,  he  gave  the  enemy  any 
important  advantage.  Of  the  intelligence  which  he 
sought  thus  eagerly,  it  was  evident  that  he  could  not, 
in  that  place,  and  at  that  time,  make  any  immediate 
use  ;  whereas,  of  that  which  he  afforded  his  enemies, 
they  could,  and  did  avail  themselves  against  him. 
The  most  favourable  account  of  this  proceeding,  and 
which  seems  to  desen^e  most  credit,  is,  that  having 
missed  the  proper  passage  through  the  Orkney  islands, 
he  thought  proper  to  send  on  shore  for  pilots,  and 
that  Spence  very  impVudentlv  took  the  opportiuiit}'  pf 


4 


130 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REIGN 


1685. 


His  descent 
on  Argylc- 
shire. 


CHAP.  III.  going  to  confer  with  a  relation  at  Kirkwall ;  *  but  it 
is  to  be  remarked,  that  it  was  not  necessary,  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  pilots,  to  employ  men  of  note,  such 
as  Blackadder  and  Spence,  the  latter  of  whom  was 
the  Earl's  Secretary  ;  and  that  it  was  an  unpardonable 
neglect  not  to  give  the  strictest  injunctions  to  those 
who  were  employed,  against  going  a  step  further  into 
the  country  than  was  absolutely  necessary. 

Argyle,  with  his  wonted  generosity  of  spirit,  was 
at  first  determined  to  lay  siege  to  Kirkwall,  in  order 
to  recover  his  friends ;  but  partly  by  the  dissuasions 
of  his  followers,  and  still  more  by  the  objections 
made  by  the  masters  of  the  ships,  to  a  delay  which 
might  make  them  lose  the  favourable  winds  for  their 
intended  voyage,  he  was  induced  to  prosecute  his 
course,  f  In  the  mean  time  the  government  made 
the  use  that  it  was  obvious  they  would  make,  of  the 
information  they  had  obtained,  and  when  the  Earl  ar- 
rived at  his  destination,  he  learned  that  considerable 
forces  were  got  together  to  repel  any  attack  that  he 
might  meditate.  Being  prevented  by  contrary  winds 
from  reaching  the  isle  of  Hay,  Avhere  he  had  propo- 
sed to  make  his  first  landing,  he  sailed  back  to  Duns- 
tafnage  in  Lorn,  and  there  sent  ashore  his  son,  Mr. 
Charles  Campbell,  to  engage  his  tenants,  and  other 
friends,  and  dependants  of  his  family,  to  rise  in  his 
behalf;  but  even  there  he  found  less  encouragement 
and  assistance  than  lie  had  expected,  and  the  Laird  of 
Lochniel,  who  gave  him  tlie  best  assurances,  treacU,- 
erously  betrayed  him,  sent  his  letter  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  joined  the  royal  forces  under  the  Marquis 
of  Athol.  He  then  proceeded  southwards,  and  landed 
at  Campbelltown  in  Kintyre,  where  his  first  step  was 
to  publish  his  Declaration,  which  appears  to  ha^e pro- 
duced little  or  no  effect. 


'  WoodroV.  11.  51'^. 


Woolirov.  U.  531 


OF  JA\rES  THR  SECOND.  1 31 

This  bad  beginning  served,  as  is  usual  in  such  ad-  CiiAP.  IiL 
.  cntures,  rather  to  widen  than  to  reconcile  the  differ-  1685. 
ences  which  liad  early  begun  to  manifest  themselves  Difference 
between  the  leader  and  his  followers.  Hume  and  «P'"'"" 
Cochrane,  partly  construing  perhaps  too  sanguinely 
the  intelligence  which  was  received  from  Airshirc, 
Galloway,  and  the  other  lowland  districts  in  that  quar- 
ter, partly  from  an  expectation  that  where  the  oppres- 
sion had  been  most  grievous,  the  revolt  would  be  pro- 
poitionably  the  more  general,  were  against  any  stay, 
or,  as  they  termed  it,  loss  of  time  in  the  Highlands^ 
but  wei-e  for  proceeding  at  once,  weak  as  they  were  in 
point  of  numbers,  to  a  country  where  every  man  en- 
dowed with  the  common  feelings  of  human  nature, 
must  be  their  well-wisher,  every  man  of  spirit  their 
coadjutor.  Argyle,  on  the  contrary,  who  probabl}' 
considered  the  discoui'aging  accounts  from  the  Low- 
lands as  positive  and  distinct,  while  those  Avhich  were 
deemed  more  favourable,  appeared  to  him  to  be  at 
least  uncertain  and  provisional,  thought  the  most  pru- 
dent plan  was,  to  strengthen  himself  in  his  own  coun- 
tr}%  before  he  attempted  the  invasion  of  provinces 
where  the  enemy  was  so  well  prepared  to  receive  him. 
He  had  hopes  of  gaining  time,  not  only  to  increase 
his  own  army,  but  to  avail  himself  of  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth's  intended  invasion  of  England,  an  event 
which  must  obviously  have  great  influence  upon  his 
^airs,  and  which,  if  he  could  but  maintain  himself 
in  a  situation  to  profit  by  it,  might  be  productive  of 
advantages  of  an  importance  and  extent  of  which  no 
man  could  presume  to  calculate  the  limits.  Of  these 
two  contraiy  opinions,  it  may  be  difficult  at  this  time 
of  day  to  appreciate  the  value,  seeing  that  so  much 
depends  upon  the  degree  of  credit  due  to  the  different 
accounts  from  the  lowland  counties,  of  which  our  im- 
perfect information  docs  not  enable  us  to  form  any 


132. 


HisTORV  OF  THE  keig:> 


168^ 


CHAP.  III.  accurate  judgment.  But  even  though  we  should  nut 
decide  absokitely  in  favour  of  the  cogency  of  these 
reasonings  which  influenced  the  chief,  it  must  surely 
be  admitted,  that  there  was  at  least  sufficient  probabi- 
lity in  them,  to  account  for  his  not  immediately  giving 
way  to  those  of  his  followers,  and  to  rescue  his  me- 
mory from  the  reproach  of  any  micommon  obstinacy, 
or  of  carrying  things,  as  Burnet  phrases  it,  with  an 
air  of  authority  that  Avas  not  easy  to  men  who  were 
setting  up  for  liberty.  On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be 
more  difficult  to  exculpate  the  gentlemen  engaged  with 
Argyle,  for  not  acquiescing  more  cheerfully,  and  not 
entering  more  cordially  into  the  views  of  a  man  whom 
they  had  chosen  for  ^.heir  leader  and  general  ;  of 
whose  honour  they  had  no  doubt,  and  whose  opinion, 
even  those  who  dissented  from  him,  must  confess  to 
be  formed  upon  no  light  or  trivial  grounds. 

The  differences  upon  the  general  scheme  of  attack, 
led,  of  course,  to  others  upon  points  of  detail.  Upon 
every  projected  expedition  there  appeared  a  contrarir 
ety  of  sentiment,  which  on  some  occasions  produced 
the  most  violent  disputes.  The  Earl  was  often  thwart- 
ed in  his  plans,  and  in  one  instance  actually  over-ruled 
by  the  vote  of  a  council  of  war.  Nor  were  these  di'* 
visions,  which  might  of  themselves  be  deemed  suffici- 
ent to  mar  an  enterprise  of  this  nature,  the  only  ad- 
verse circumstances  which  Argyle  had  to  encounter. 
By  the  forward  state  of  preparation  on  the  part  of  the 
Government,  its  friends  were  emboldened  ;  its  ene- 
mies, whose  spirit  had  been  already  broken  by  a  long 
series  of  sufferings,  were  completely  intimidated,  and 
men  of  fickle  and  time-serving  dispositions,  were  fixed 
in  its  interests.  Add  to  all  this,  that  where  spirit  was, 
not  wanting,  it  ^yas  accompanied  with  a  degree  and 
species  of  perversity  wholly  inexplicable,  and  which 
Can  hardlv  gain  belief  from  am-  one,  whose  experi- 


Dissensions 
with  his  fol- 
lowers. 


QF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  133 

ence  has  not  made  him  acquainted  with  the  extreme  CHAP.  III. 
difficulty  of  persuading  men,  who  pride  themselves  .gg^ 
upon  an  extravagant  love  of  libert}-,  rather  to  com- 
promise upon  some  points  with  those  who  have,  in  the 
main,  the  same  views  with  themselves,  than  to  give 
power,  (a  power  which  will  infallibly  be  used  for  their 
own  destruction,)  to  an  adversary  of  principles  diame- 
trically opposite ;  in  other  words,  rather  to  concede 
something  to  a  friend,  than  every  thing  to  an  enemy. 
Hence,  those  even,  whose  situation  was  the  most  des- 
perate, who  were  either  wandering  about  the  fields, 
or  seeking  refuge  in  rocks  and  caverns,  from  the  au- 
thorized assassins  who  were  on  eveiy  side  pursuing 
them,  did  not  all  join  in  Argyle's  cause  with  that 
frankness  and  cordiality  which,  v/as  to  be  expected. 
The  various  schisms  which  had  existed  among  differ- 
ent classes  of  Presb}'terians,  were  still  fresh  in  their 
memoiy.  Not  even  the  persecution  to  which  they  had 
been  in  common,  and  almost  indiscriminately  subject- 
ed, had  reunited  them.  According  to  a  most  expres- 
sive phrase  of  an  eminent  minister  of  their  church, 
who  sincerely  lamented  their  disimion.  The  furnace 
had  not  yet  healed  the  rents  and  breaches  among 
them.*  Some  doubted  whether,  short  of  establishing 
all  the  doctrines  preached  by  Cargill  and  Cameron 
there  was  any  thing  worth  contending  for  ;  while 
others,  still  further  gone  in  enthusiasm,  set  no  value 
upon  libert}-,  or  even  life  itself,  if  they  were  to  be  pre- 
served by  the  means  of  a  nobleman,  who  had,  as  well 
bv  his  services  to  Charles  the  Second,  as  by  other  in- 
stances, been  guilty,  in  the  former  parts  of  his  con- 
duct, of  what  they  tenned  unlawful  compliances. 

Perplexed,  no  doubt,  but  not  dismayed,  by  these  jii^  pia„ 
cUfficulties,  the  Earl  proceeded  to  Tarbet,  which  he  ovcr-ride,c] 

-'  Woodrov,  ir.  530 


134 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


1685. 


CHAP.  III.  had  fixed  as  the  place  of  rendezvous,  and  there  issued 
a  second  Declaration,  (that  which  has  been  mentioned 
as  having  been  laid  before  the  House  of  Commons,) 
with  as  little  effect  as  the  first.  He  was  joined  by  Sir 
Duncan  Campbell,  who  alone  of  all  his  kinsmen,  seems 
to  have  afforded  him  any  material  assistance,  and  who 
brought  with  him  nearly  a  thousand  men ;  but  even 
with  this  important  reinforcement  his  whole  army 
does  not  appear  to  have  exceeded  two  thousand.  It 
was  here  that  he  was  over-ruled  by  a  council  of  war, 
when  he  proposed  marching  to  Inverary;  and  after 
«iuch  debate,  so  far  was  he  from  being  so  self-willed 
as  he  is  represented,  that  he  consented  to  go  over 
with  his  army  to  that  part  of  Arg}'leshire  called  Cow- 
al,  and  that  Sir  John  Cochrane  should  make  an  at- 
tempt upon  the  Lowlands ;  and  he  sent  with  him  Ma- 
jor FuUerton,  one  of  the  officers  in  whom  he  trusted, 
and  who  appears  to  have  best  deserved  his  confidence. 
This  expedition  could  not  land  in  Airshire,  where  it 
had  at  first  been  intended,  owing  to  the  appearance  of 
two  king's  frigates,  which  had  been  sent  into  those 
seas ;  and  when  it  did  land  near  Greenoch,  no  other 
advantage  was  derived  from  it,  than  the  procuring 
from  the  town  a  very  small  supply  of  provisions.* 

When  Cochrane,  with  his  detachment,  returned  to 
Cowal,  all  hopes  of  success  in  the  Lowlands  seemed, 
for  the  present  at  least,  to  be  at  an  end,  and  Argyle's 
original  plan  was  now  necessarily  adopted,  though  un- 
der circumstances  greatly  disadvantageous.  Among 
these  the  most  important  was,  the  appi-oach  of  tlie 
frigates,  which  obliged  the  Earl  to  place  his  ships  un- 
der the  protection  of  the  castle  of  Ellengreg,  which 
he  fortified  and  garrisoned,  as  well  as  his  contracted 
means  would  permit.    Yet  even  in  this  situation,  de 


loss  of  his 
shipping. 


Woodrow. 


i.>Jh  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  135 

prived  of  thp  co-operation  of  his  little  fleet,  as  well  CHAP.III. 
as  of  that  part  of  his  force  which  he  left  to  defend  i685. 
It,  being  well  seconded  by  the  spirit  and  activity  of 
Riunbold,  who  had  seized  the  castle  of  Ardkinglass 
near  the  head  of  J.och  Fine,  he  was  not  without 
hopes  of  success  in  his  main  entcrprize  against  In- 
verary,  when  he  was  called  back  to  Ellengreg,  by 
intelligence  of  fresh  discontents  having  Ijroken  out 
there,  upon  the  nearer  ajjproach  of  the  frigates.  Some 
of  the  most  dissatisfied  had  e\en  threatened  to  leave 
both  casde  and  ships  to  their  fate ;  nor  did  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  Earl  himself  by  any  means  bring  widi 
it  that  degree  of  authority  which  was  requisite  in  such 
a  juncture.  His  first  motion  was  to  disregard  the  su- 
perior force  of  the  men  of  war,  and  to  engage  them 
with  his  small  fleet;  but  he  soon  discovered  that  he 
was  far  indeed  from  being  furnished  with  the  mate- 
rials necessary  to  put  in  execution  so  bold,  or  as  it 
may  possibly  be  thought,  so  romantic  a  resolution. 
His  associates  remonstrated,  and  a  mutiny  in  his 
ships  was  predicted  as  a  certain  consequence  of  the 
attempt.  Leaving  therefore,  once  more,  Ellengreg 
with  a  garrison  under  the  command  of  the  Laird  of 
Lopness,  and  strict  orders  to  destroy  both  ships  and 
fortifications,  rather  than  suffer  them  to  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemj',  he  marched  towards  Gareloch. 
But  whether  from  the  inadequacy  of  the  provisions 
with  which  he  was  able  to  supply  it,  or  from  cowar- 
dice, misconduct,  or  treachery,  it  does  not  appear,  the 
castle  was  soon  evacuated  without  any  proper  mea- 
sures being  taken  to  execute  the  Earl's  orders,  and 
the  military  stores  in  it  to  a  considerable  amount,  as 
well  as  the  ships  which  had  no  other  defence,  were 
abandoned  to  the  King's  forces. 

This  was  a  severe  blow ;  and  all  hopes  of  acting  His  armv 
according  to  the  Earl's  plan  of  establishing  himself  ^ii^perscd. 


136 


HISTORY  OP  THE  REIGN 


1685. 


CHAP.  ni.  strongly  in  Argyleshire,  were  now  extinguished.  He 
therefore  consented  to  pass  the  Leven,  a  Httle  above 
Dumbarton,  and  to  march  eastwards.  In  this  march 
he  was  overtaken,  at  a  place  called  Killerne,  by  Lord 
Dumbarton  at  the  head  of  a  large  body  of  the  King's 
troops ;  but  he  posted  himself  with  so  much  skill  and 
judgment,  that  Dumbarton  thought  it  prudent  to  wait 
at  least,  till  the  ensuing  morning,  before  he  made  his 
attack.  Here  again  Argyle  was  for  risking  an  en- 
gagement, and  in  his  nearly  desperate  situation,  it 
was  probably  his  best  chance,  but  his  advice,  (for  his 
repeated  misfortunes  had  scarcely  left  him  the  shadow 
of  command,)  was  rejected.*  On  the  other  hand,  a 
proposal  was  made  to  him,  the  most  absurd  as  it 
should  seem,  that  ever  was  suggested  in  similar  cir- 
cumstances, to  pass  the  enemy  in  the  night,  and  thus 
exposing  his  rear,  to  subject  himself  to  the  danger  of 
being  surrounded,  for  the  sake  of  advancing  he  knew 
not  whither,  or  for  what  purpose.  To  this  he  could 
not  consent ;  and  it  was  at  last  agreed  to  deceive  the 
enemies  by  lighting  fires,  and  to  decamp  in  the  night 
towards  Glasgow.  The  first  part  of  this  plan  was  exe- 
cuted with  success,  and  the  army  went  off  unperceiv- 
ed  by  the  enemy ;  but  in  their  night  march  they  were 
mislead  by  the  ignorance,  or  the  treachery  of  their 
guides,  and  fell  into  difficulties  which  would  have 
caused  some  disorder  among  the  most  regular  and 
best  disciplined  troops.  In  this  case  such  disorder 
was  fatal,  and  produced,  as  among  men  circumstan- 
ced as  Argyle's  were,  it  necessarily  must,  an  almost 
general  dispersion.  Wandering  among  bogs  and  mo- 
rasses, disheartened  by  fatigue,  terrified  by  rumours 
of  an  approaching  enemy,  the  darkness  of  the  night 
aggravating  at  once  every  real  distress,  and  adding 

*  Lord  Fountainhall's  Memoirs,  MS.     AVoodrow,  536 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECONl).  137 

terror   to  every  vain  alarm;  in  this  situation,  -when   CHAP.  iii. 

even  the  bravest  and  tlie  best,  (for  according  to  one       x6S6i 

account  Rumbold  himself  was  missing  for  a  time,) 

were  not  able  to  find  their  leaders,  nor  the  corps  to 

which  they  respectively  belonged;  it  is  no   wonder 

that  many  took  this  opportunity  to  abandon  a  cause 

now  become  desperate,  and  to  effect  individually  that 

escape  which,  as  a  body,  they  had  no  longer  any  hopes 

to  accomplish.'* 

Wlien  the  small  remains  of  this  ill-fated  army  got 
together,  in  the  morning,  at  Kilpatrick,  a  place  far  dis- 
tant from  their  destination,  its  number  was  reduced  tO 
Tess  than  five  hundred.  Argjde  had  lost  all  authority ; 
nor  indeed,  had  he  retained  any,  does  it  appear  that 
he  could  now  have  used  it  to  any  salutary  purpose. 
The  same  bias  which  had  influenced  the  two  parties 
in  the  time  of  better  hopes,  and  with  regard  to  their 
early  operations,  still  prevailed,  now  that  they  were 
dri\en  to  their  last  cxtremit}-.  Sir  Patrick  Hume  and 
Sir  John  Cochrane  would  not  stay  even  to  reason  the 
matter  with  him  whom,  at  the  onset  of  their  expedi- 
tion, they  had  engaged  to  obey,  but  crossed  the  Clyde, 
with  such  as  Avould  follow  them,  to  the  number  of 
about  tM'o  hundred,  into  Renfrewshire.! 

Arg\'le,  thus  deserted,  and  almost  alone,  still  look-  Argyle  taker 
ed  to  his  own  country  as  the  sole  remaining  hope,  P^i**oner 
and  sent  off  Sir  Duncan  Campbell,  with  the  two  Dun- 
cansons,  father  and  son,  persons  all  three,  by  whom  he 
seemed  to  have  been  sei-ved  with  the  most  exemplary 
;ieal  and  fidelity,  to  attempt  new  levies  there.  Having 
done  this,  and  settled  such  means  of  coiTespondencc 
as  the  state  of  affairs  would  permit,  he  repaired  to  the 
house  of  an  old  servant,  upon  whose  attachment  ht 
had   relied  for  an  asylum,  but  was  peremptorily  de- 

"  Woodrow,  U.  535,  526:        ilh\d,  53-^ 


1 38  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  III.  nied  entrance.  Concealment  in  this  part  of  the  country 
1685.  seemed  now  impracticable,  and  he  was  forced  at  last  to 
pass  the  Clyde,  accompanied  by  the  brave  and  faithful 
FuUarton.  Upon  coming  to  a  ford  of  the  Inchanon, 
they  were  stopped  by  some  militia  men.  FuUarton 
used  in  vain,  all  the  best  means  which  his  presence  of 
mind  suggested  to  him  to  save  his  General.  He  at- 
tempted one  while  by  gentle,  and  then  by  harsher  lan- 
guage, to  detain  the  commander  of  the  party  till  the 
Earl,  who  was  habited  as  a  common  countryman,  and 
whom  he  passed  for  his  guide,  should  have  made  his 
escape.  At  last  when  he  saw  them  determined  to  go 
after  his  pretended  guide,  he  offered  to  surrender  him- 
self without  a  blow,  upon  condition  of  their  desisting 
from  their  pursuit.  This  agreement  was  accepted  but 
not  adhered  to,  and  two  horsemen  were  detached  to 
seize  Argyle.  The  Earl,  who  was  also  on  horseback, 
grappled  with  them,  till  one  of  them  and  himself  came 
to  the  ground.  He  then  presented  his  pocket  pistols, 
on  which  the  two  retired ;  but  soon  after  five  more 
came  up,  who  fired  without  effect,  and  he  thought 
himself  like  to  get  rid  of  them,  but  they  knocked  him 
down  with  their  swords,  and  seized  him.  When  they 
knew  whom  they  had  taken  they  seemed  much  trou- 
bled, but  dared  not  let  him  go.*  FuUarton  perceiving, 

*  In  my  relation  of  the  taking'  of  Argyle's  person,  I  have  fol- 
lowed his  own  account,  and  mostly  in  his  own  words.  As  the 
authenticity  of  the  paper  written  in  prison,  wliercin  he  gives  this 
account,  has  never  been  called  In  question,  it  seems  strange  tliat 
any  historian  should  have  adopted  a  different  one,  I  take  no  no- 
tice of  the  story,  by  which  he  is  made  to  exclaim  in  falling,  "  Un- 
"  fortunate  Argyle  !"  and  thus  to  discover  himself  Besides,  that 
there  is  no  authority  for  it,  it  has  not  the  air  of  a  real  fact,  but  ra- 
ther resembles  a  clumsy  contrivance  in  some  play,  where  the  po. 
et  is  put  to  his  last  shift,  for  means  to  produce  a  discovery  neces_ 
sary  to  his  plot. 


OF  JA.MES  THE  SECOND.  1^9 

ihat  the  stipulation  on  which  he  had  surrendered  him-    cilAP.  III. 
self  was  viohxted,  and  determined  to  defend  himself      i685. 
to  the  last,  or  at  least  to  wreak,  before  he  fell,  his  just 
vengeance  upon  his  perfidious  opponents,  grasped  at 
the  sword  of  one  of  them,  but  in  vain ;  he  was  over- 
powered and  made  prisoner.* 

Argyle  was  immediately  cax'ried  to  Renfrew,  thence  Tlic  indigni- 
to  Glasgow,  and  on  the  20th  of  June  was  led  in  tri-  ^^  jj^^ 
umph  into  Edinburgh.  The  order  of  the  council  was 
particular;  that  he  should  be  led  bare-headed,  in  the 
midst  of  Graham's  guards,  with  their  matches  cocked, 
his  hands  tied  behind  his  back,  and  preceded  by  the 
common  hangman,  in  which  situation,  that  he  might 
be  the  more  exposed  to  the  insults  and  taunts  of  the 
vulgar,  it  was  directed  that  he  should  be  carried  to 
the  Castle  by  a  circuitous  route,  f  To  the  equanimity  endured 
with  which  he  bore  these  indignities,  as  indeed  to  the  )^i'^|t'"'^^"^ 
manly  spirit  exhibited  by  him  throughout,  in  these 
last  scenes  of  his  life,  ample  testimony  is  borne  by  all 
the  historians  who  have  treated  of  them,  even  those 
who  are  the  least  partial  to  him.  He  had  frequent 
opportunities  of  conversing,  and  some  of  writing, 
during  his  imprisonment,  and  it  is  from  such  parts  of 
these  conversations  and  writings  as  have  been  pre- 
sented to  us,  that  we  can  best  form  to  ourselves  a  just 
notion  of  his  deportment  during  that  trying  period  j 
at  the  same  time,  a  true  representation  of  the  temper 
of  his  mind,  ift  such  circumstances,  will  serve,  in  no 
small  degree,  to  illustrate  his  general  character  and 
disposition. 

We  have   already  seen  how  he  expressed  himself  His  mildness 
with  regard  to  the  men,  who  by  taking  him,  became  ^j^^j    ^^'^ 
the  immediate  cause  of  his  calamity.^;     He  seems  to 

*  Woodrow,  336,  527-        f  Woodrow,  538. 
T  "  As  soon  as  they  knew  wliat  I  was,  they  seemed  to  be  much 
"  troiibledj  but  durst  not  let  me  go."    Woodrow,  537.    In  ano- 


140  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIG?. 

f  CHAP.  Ill,  I'eel  a  sort  of  gratitude  to  them,  for  the  sorrow  he  saw, 
1685.  or  fancied  he  saw  in  them,  when  they  knew  who  he 
>vas,  and  immediately  suggests  an  excuse  for  them,  by 
saying,  that  they  did  not  dare  to  follow  the  impulse 
q(  their  hearts.  Speaking  of  the  supineness  of  his 
countr}^men,  and  of  the  little  assistance  he  had  receive 
ed  from  them,  he  declares  with  his  accustomed  piety, 
his  resignation  to  the  will  of  God,  which  was  that 
Scotland  should  r^ot  be  delivered  at  this  time,  nor  es- 
pecially by  his  hand ;  and  then  exclaims,  with  the  re- 
gret of  a  patriot,  biit  with  no  bitterness  of  disappoint- 
ment, "  But  alas!  y/ho  is  there  to  be  delivered!  There 
'■''  may,"  says  he,  "  be  hidden  ones,  but  there  appears 
"  no  great  party  in  the  country,  who  desire  to  be  re- 
.  "  lieved."*  Justice,  in  some  degree,  but  still  more, 
that  warm  affection  for  his  own  kindred  and  vassals, 
which  seems  to  have  formed  a  marked  feature  in  this 
noblenaan's  character,  then  induces  him  to  make  an  ex- 
ception in  favour  of  his  poor  friends  in  Argyleshire, 
in  treating  for  whom,  though  in  what  particular  Avay 
does  not  appear,  he  was  employing,  and  with  some 
hopes  of  success,  the  few  remaining  hours  of  his  life. 
In  recounting  the  failure  of  his  expedition,  it  is  impos- 
silale  for  him  not  to  touch  upon  what  he  deemed  the 
misconduct  of  his  friends ;  and  this  is  the  subject  upon 
which,  of  all  others,  his  temper  must  have  been  most 
irritable.  A  certain  description  of  friends,  (the  woi'ds 
describing  them  are  omitted,)  were  all  of  them,  with- 
out exception,  his  greatest  enemies,  both  to  betray  and 

destroy  him ;  and and (the  names 

again  omitted,)  were  the  greatest  cause  of  his  rout,  and 
his  being  taken,  though  not  designedK"  he  acknow- 

tber  paper,  he  says,  "  Of  the  mliitia  who  wounded  and  took  me, 

'•'  borac  v.e.pt,  but  dursi;  no  let  mc  g'o."  Id.  538.  Supra,  '20o.     E. 

•  A\oodrow.  .'?.^8. 


or  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  141 

ledges,  but  by  ignorance,  cowardice,  and  faction.*  CHAl'.  HI. 
This  sentence  had  scarce  escaped  him,  when,  not-  j685. 
withstanding  the  qualifying  words  with  which  his 
candor  had  acquitted  the  last  mentioned  persons  of 
intentional  treacheiy,  it  appeared  too  harsh  to  his  gen- 
tle nature,  and  declaring  himself  displeased  with  the 
hard  epithets  f  he  had  used,  he  desires  they  may  be 
put  out  of  any  accoimt  that  is  to  be  given  of  these 
transactions.  The  manner  in  which  this  request  is 
worded,  shows,  that  the  paper  he  was  writing  was  in- 
tended for  a  letter,  and  as  it  is  supposed,  to  a  Mrs. 
Smith,  who  seems  to  have  assisted  him  with  money ; 
but  whether  or  not,  this  lady  was  the  rich  widow  of 
Amsterdam,  before  alluded  to,  I  have  not  been  able 
to  learn. 

When  he  is  told  that  he  is  to  be  put  to  the  torture,  Threatened 
he  neither  breaks  out  into  any  high-sounding  bravado,  ^"      °   ^^^ 
any  premature  vaunts  of  the  resolution  with  which  he 
will  endure  it,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  into  passionate 
exclamations  on  the  cruelty  of  his  enemies,  or  unman- 
1\-  lamentations  of  his  fate,     After  stating  that  orders 

*  " friends  were  our  greatest  enemies,  all   witiiout- 

*'  exception,  both  to  betray  and  destroy  us  ;  and  indeed 

"  and were  the  greatest  cause  of  our  rout,  and  (of)  my 

"  being' taken  ;  though  not  designedly  I  acknowledge,  yet  by  ig- 
"  norancc,  cowardice,  and  faction."     E. 

y  "  I  am  not  pleased  with  myself.  I  have  such  hai'd  epithets 
"  of  some  of  my  countrymen,  seeing  they  are  Christians  ;  pray 
"  put  it  out  of  any  account  you  give  ;  only  I  must  acknowledge, 
"  they  were  not  governable,  and  the  humour  you  found  begun, 
'•  continued."  Woodrow,  II.  538.  After  an  ineffeClual  research 
to  discover  the  original  MS.  Mr.  Fox  observes  in  a  letter,  "  Cork. 
"  vane  and  Hume  certainly  filled  up  tlie  two  principal  blanks  ; 
"  with  respect  to  the  other  blank,  it  is  more  difficult,  but  neither 
•^  is  it  very  material."  Accordingly,  the  blanks  in  the  text,  and 
in  the  preceding  note,  may  be  filled  up  thus,  "  {Cochrane' s) 
"  friends  were  our  greatest  enemies,"  &c.  "  and  indeed  Ifums 
"  and  Cochrane,  were  the  greate.?t  cause  of  our  rout."  &c.    E. 


142 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGS 


CHAP.  HI. 

1685. 


His  exami- 
nation by 
Queensber- 

ry. 


Considers 
his  entei'- 
prize  as  law- 
ful.. 


were  arrived,  that  he  must  be  tortured,  unless  he  an= 
swers  all  questions  upon  oath,  he  simply  adds,  that 
he  hopes  God  will  support  him ;  and  then  leaves  off 
writing,  not  from  any  want  of  spirits  to  proceed,  but 
to  enjoy  the  consolation  which  was  yet  left  him,  in 
the  society  of  his  wife,  the  Countess  being  just  then 
admitted. 

Of  his  interview  with  Queensberry,  who  examined 
him  in  private,  little  is  known,  except  that  he  denied 
his  design  having  been  concerted  with  any  persons  in 
Scotland ;  that  he  gave  no  information  with  respect  to 
his  associates  in  England ;  and  that  he  boldly  and 
frankly  averred  his  hopes  to  have  been  founded  on  the 
cruelty  of  the  administration,  and  such  a  disposition 
in  the  people  to  revolt,  as  he  conceived  to  be  the  na- 
tural consequence  of  oppression.  He  owned  at  the 
same  time,  that  he  had  trusted  too  much  to  this  prin- 
ple.*  The  precise  date  of  this  conversation,  whether 
it  took  place  before  the  threat  of  the  torture,  whilst 
that  threat  was  impending,  or,  when  there  was  no 
longer  any  intention  of  putting  it  into  execution,  I 
have  not  been  able  to  ascertain ;  but  the  probability 
seems  to  be,  that  it  was  during  the  first  or  second  of 
these  periods. 

Notwithstanding  the  ill  success  that  had  attended 
his  enterprize,  he  never  expresses,  or  even  hints  the 
smallest  degree  of  contrition  for  having  undertaken  it: 
on  the  contrary,  when  Mr.  Charteris,  an  eminent  di- 
vine, is  permitted  to  wait  on  him,  his  first  caution  to 
that  minister  is,  not  to  try  to  convince  him  of  the  un- 
lawfulness of  his  attempt,  concerning  which  his  opi- 
nion was  settled,  and  his  mind  made  up.  f  Of  some 
parts  of  his  past  conduct  he  does  indeed  confess  that 
he  repents,  but  these  are  the  compliances  of  which  he 


Burnet,  U.  515. 


j  Burnet. 


or  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  143 

had  been  guilty  in  support  of  the  King,  or  his  prede-  CHAP.  HI. 
cessors.  Possibly  in  this  he  may  allude  to  his  having  i685 
in  his  youth  borne  arms  against  the  Covenant,  but 
with  more  likelihood  to  his  concurrence,  in  the  late 
reign,  with  some  of  the  measures  of  Lauderdale's  ad- 
ministration, for  whom  it  is  certain  that  he  entertained 
a  great  regard,  and  to  whom  he  conceived  himselt  to 
be  principally  indebted  for  his  escape  from  his  first 
sentence.  Friendship  and  gratitude  might  have  car- 
ried him  to  lengths  which  patriotism  and  justice  must 
condemn. 

Religious  concerns,  in  which  he  seems  to  have  His  deport- 
been  very  serious  and  sincere,  engaged  much  of  his  j'aTlf  hiV^ 
thoughts  ;  but  his  religion  was  of  that  genuine  kind,  execution, 
which  by  representing  the  performance  of  our  duties 
to  our  neighbour,  as  the  most  acceptable  service  to 
God,  strengthens  all  the  charities  of  social  life.  While 
he  anticipates,  with  a  hope  of  approaching  to  certainty 
a  happy  futurity,  he  does  not  forget  those  who  had 
been  justly  dear  to  him  in  this  world.  He  writes,  on 
the  day  of  his  execution,  to  his  wife,  and  to  some  other 
relations,  for  who.n  he  seems  to  have  entertained 
a  sort  of  parental  tenderness,  short  but  the  most  affec- 
tionate letters,  wherein  he  gives  them  the  greatest 
satisfaction  then  in  his  power,  by  assuring  them  of  his 
composure  and  ti-anquillity  of  mind,  and  refers  them 
for  further  consolations  to  those  sources  from  which 
he  deri\'ed  his  own.  In  his  letter  to  Mrs.  Smith, 
written  on  the  same  day,  he  says,  "  While  any  thing 
"  was  a  burden  to  me,  your  concern  was ;  which  is 
*'  a  cross  greater  than  I  can  express,"  (alluding  pro- 
bably to  the  pecuniaiy  loss  she  had  incurred,)  "  but 
"  I  have,  I  thank  God,  overcome  all."*  Her  name, 
he  adds,  could  not  be  concealed,  and  that  he  knows 

•  Woodrow,  n.  541,  542- 


144 


History  op  the  reig?? 


CHAP.  III.  not  what  may  have  been  discovered  from  any  papef 
1685.  which  may  have  been  taken  ;  otherwise  he  has  named 
none  to  their  disadvantage.  He  states  that  those  in 
whose  hands  he  is,  had  at  first  used  him  hardly,  but 
that  God  had  melted  their  hearts,  and  that  he  was 
no\v^  treated  with  civility.  As  an  instance  of  this,  he 
tnentions  the  liberty  he  had  obtained  of  sending  this 
letter  to  her  ;  a  liberty  which  he  takes  as  a  kindness  on 
their  part,  and  which  he  had  sought  that  she  might  not 
think  he  had  forgotten  her. 

Never  perhaps  did  a  few  sentences  present  so  strik- 
ing a  picture  of  a  mind  truly  virtuous  and  honorable. 
Heroic  courage  is  the  least  part  of  his  praise,  and  va- 
nishes as  it  were  fi'om  our  sight,  when  we  contemplate 
the  sensibility  with  which  he  acknowledges  the  kind-* 
ness,  such  as  it  is,  of  the  very  men  who  are  leading 
him  to  the  scaffold  ;  the  generous  satisfaction  which  he 
feels  on  reflecting  that  no  confession  of  his  has  en- 
dangered his  associates ;  and  above  all,  his  anxiety,  in 
such  moments,  to  perform  all  the  duties  of  friendship 
aixi  gratitude,  not  only  with  the  most  scrupulous  ex- 
actness, but  with  the  most  considerate  attention  to  the 
feelings  as  well  as  to  the  interests  of  the  person  who' 
was  the  the  object  of  them.  Indeed,  it  seems  thi-ough- 
out,  to  have  been  the  peculiar  felicity  of  this  man's 
mind,  that  every  thing  was  present  to  it  that  ought 
to  be  so ;  nothing  that  ought  not.  Of  his  countr;-  he 
coufld  not  be  unmindful ;  and  it  was  one  among  other 
consequences  of  his  happy  temper,  that  on  this  subject 
he  did  not  entertain  those  gloomy  ideas,  which  the 
then  state  of  Scotland  was  but  two  well  fitted  to  in- 
spire. In  a  conversation  with  an  intim  ate  friend,  he 
says,  that  though  he  does  not  take  upon  him  to  be  a 
prophet,  he  doubts  not  but  that  deliverance  will  come, 
and  suddenly,  of  which  his  failings  had  rendered  him 
unworthy  to  be  the  instrument.   In  some  verses  which 


or  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  14j 

he  composed  on  the   night  preceding  his  execution,    CHAP.  HI. 
and  which  he  intended  for  his  epitaph,  he  thus  cypres-        1685 
ses  tills  hope  still  more  distinctly  : 

"  On  my  attempt  though  Providence  did  frown, 
"  His  oppressed  people  God  at  length  shall  own  ; 
*"'  Another  hand,  by  more  successful  speed, 
"  Shall  raise  tlie  remnant,  bruise  the  serpent's  head." 

With  fespect  to  the  epitaph  itself,  of  which  these 
lines  form  a  part,  it  is  probable  diat  he  composed  it 
chiefly  with  a  view  to  amuse  and  relieve  his  mind, 
fatigued  Avith  exertion  ;  and  partly,  perhaps,  in  imita- 
tion of  the  famous  Marquis  of  Montrose,  who,  in  si- 
milar circ\imstances,  had  written  some  verses  which 
have  been  much  celebrated.  The  poetical  merit  of  the 
pieces  appears  to  be  nearly  equal,  and  is  not  in  either 
instance  considerable,  and  they  are  only  in  so  far  va- 
luable, as  they  may  serve  to  convey  to  us  some  image 
of  the  minds  by  which  they  were  produced.  He  who 
reads  them  with  this  view,  will  perhaps  be  of  opinion, 
that  the  spirit  manifested  in  the  two  compositions,  is 
rather  equal  in  degree,  than  like  in  character ;  that  the 
courage  of  Montrose  was  more  turbulent,  that  of  Ar- 
gyle  more  calm  and  sedate.  If  on  the  one  hand  it 
is  to  be  regretted,  that  we  have  not  more  memorials 
left  of  passages  so  interesting,  and  that  even  of  those 
which  we  do  possess,  a  great  part  is  obscured  by  time  j 
it  must  be  confessed,  on  the  other,  that  we  have  quite 
enough  to  enable  us  to  pronounce,  that  for  constancy 
and  equanimity  under  the  severest  trials,  few  meil 
have  equalled,  none  ever  sui^passed, the. Earl  of  Ar- 
gyle.  The  most  powerful  of  all  tempters,  liope,  was 
not  held  out  to  him,  so  that  he  had  not,  it  is  true,  in 
addition  to  his  other  hard  tasks,  that  of  resisting  her 
seductive  influence  ;  but  the  pti^sions  of  a  different 
class  had  the*  fi^llefr-t  scope  for  ih';-  nnicks.     These. 


146 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


CHAP.  III.  however,  could  make  no  impresson  on  his  well-dis- 
1585.  ciplined  mind.  Anger  could  not  exasperate,  fear  could 
not  appal  him  ;  and  if  disappointment  and  indignation 
at  the  misbehaviour  of  his  followers,  and  the  supine- 
ness  of  the  country,  did  occasionally,  as  sure  they  must, 
cause  vmeasv  sensations,  they  had  not  the  power  to 
extort  from  him  one  unbecoming,  or  even  querulous 
expression.  Let  him  be  weighed  ever  so  scrupulous  j 
ly,  and  in  the  nicest  scales,  he  will  not  be  found,  in  a 
single  instance,  wanting  in  the  charity  of  a  Christian, 
the  firmness  and  benevolence  of  a  patriot,  the  integri- 
ty and  fidelity  of  a  man  of  honour. 
An  Address  The  Scotch  Parliament  had,  on  the  eleventh  of  June, 
Scotch^Par-  ^^^^  '^^  Address  to  the  King,  wherein,  after  praising 
liament  a-  his  Majesty  as  usual  for  his  extraordinary  prudence, 
"  courage,  and  conduct,  and  loading  Argyle,  whom 
they  style  an  hereditary  traitor,  with  every  reproach 
they  can  devise,  among  others,  that  of  ingratitude  for 
the  favours  which  he  had  received,  as  well  from  his 
Majesty,  as  from  his  predecessor,  they  implore  his 
Majesty  that  the  Earl  may  find  no  favour ;  and  that 
the  Earl's  family,  the  heritors,  ring-leaders,  and 
preachers  who  joined  him,  should  be  for  ever  declared 
incapable  of  mercy,  or  beai'ing  any  honour  or  estate 
in  the  kingdom ;  and  ail  subjects  discharged  under 
the  highest  pains  to  intercede  for  them  in  any  manner 
of  way.  Never  was  address  more  graciously  re- 
ceived,  or  more  readily  complied  with;  and  accord- 
ingly, the  following  letter  with  the  royal  signature, 
and  countersigned  by  Lord  Melford,  Secretary  of 
State  for  Scotland,  A\'as  dispatched  to  the  council  at 
Edinburgh,  and  by  them  entered  and  registered  on 
the  twenty -ninth  of  June. 
The  warrant  "  Whereas,  the  late  Earl  of  Argyle  is,  by  the  pro- 
iorhxsexc-  «  yidence  of  God,  fiillcn  into  our  rower,  it  is  our  will 
"  and  pleasure  that  you  take  all  ways  to  know  from 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  14; 

''  him  those  things  which   concern  our  government   CHAP.  ril. 
''  most,  as  his  assisters  with  men,  arms,  rind  money  ;       168.5. 
''  his  associates  and  correspondents  ;  his  designs,  &c. 
^'  But  tliis  must  be  done,  so  as  no  time  may  be  lost 
*'•  in  bringing  him  to  condign  punishment,  bv  causing 
"  him  to   be  demeaned  as  a  traitor,  within  the  space 
"  of  three  days  after  this  shall  come  to  your  hands  ; 
•"  an   account  of  which,  with  what  he  shall   confess, 
"  you   shall  send  immediately  to  us  or  our  Secreta- 
"  ries  ;  for  doing  which,  this  shall  be  }our  warrant."* 
When  it  is  recollected  that  torture   had  been  in 
common  use  in  Scotland,  and  that  the    persons   to 
whom  the  letter  was  addressed,  had  often  caused  it  to 
be  inflicted,  the  words  "  It  is   our  ■will  and  pleasure 
*'  that  you  take  all  ways,"  seem  to  convey  a  positive 
command  for  apph'ing  of  it  in  this  instance  ;  yet  it  is 
certain  that  Argjle  was  not  tortured.     "SA'hat  Avas  the 
cause  of  this  seeming  disregard  of  the  royal  injunc- 
tions, does  not  appear.     One  would  hope,  for  the  ho- 
nour of  human  nature,  that  James,  struck  with  some 
compunction  for  the  injuries  he  had   already  heaped 
upon   the   head  of  this   unfortunate   nobleman,  sent 
some  private  orders  contradictory  to  this  public  letter  ; 
but  there  is  no  trace  to  be  discovered  of  such  a  cir- 
cumstance.    The   managers  themselves  might  feel  a 
sympathy  for  a  man  of  their  own  rank,  which  had  no 
influence  in  the  cases  where  only  persons  of  an   infe- 
rior station  were  to  be  the  sufferers ;    and  in  those 
words  of  the    King's  letter,  which   enjoin  a  speedy 
punishment,  as  the  primary  object  to  which  all  others 
must  give  way ;  they  might  find  a  pretext  for  over- 
looking the  most  odious  part  of  the  order,  and  of  in- 
dulging their  humanity,  such  as  it  was,  by  appointing 
the  earliest  day  possible  for  the  execution.     In  order 

'  Woodrow,  II.  539. 


148 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGX 


1685. 


An  incident 
before  his 
execution. 


CHAP.  in.  that  the  triumph  of  injustice  might  be  complete,  u 
was  determined,  that  without  any  new  trial,  the  Earl 
should  suffer  upon  the  iniquitous  sentence  of  sixteen 
hundred  and  eighty-two.  Accordingly,  the  very  next 
day  ensuing  was  appointed,  and  on  the  thirtieth  of 
June  he  was  brought  from  the  Castle,  first  to  the 
Laigh  Council-House,  and  thence  to  the  place  of  ex- 
ecution. 

Before  he  left  the  Castle  he  had  his  dinner  at  the 
usual  hour,  at  which  he  discoursed,  not  only  calmly, 
but  even  cheerfully  with  Mr.  Charteris  and  others- 
After  dinner  he  retired,  as  was  his  custom,  to  his 
bed-chamber,  where,  it  is  recorded,  that  he  slept  qui- 
etly for  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour.  While  he  was  in 
bed,  one  of  the  members  of  the  council  came  and  in- 
timated to  the  attendants  a  desire  to  speak  with  him  ; 
upon  being  told  that  the  Earl  was  asleep,  and  had  left 
orders  not  to  be  disturbed,  the  manager  disbelieved 
the  account,  which  he  considered  as  a  device  to  avoid 
further  questionings.  To  satisfy  him,  the  door  of 
the  bed-chamber  was  half  opened,  and  he  then  beheld, 
enjoying  a  sweet  and  tranquil  slumber,  the  man,  who 
by  the  doom  of  him  and  his  fellows,  was  to  die  v/ithiu 
the  space  of  two  short  hours !  Struck  with  the  sight, 
he  hurried  out  of  the  room,  quitted  the  Castle  with 
the  utmost  precipitation,  and  hid  himself  in  the  lodg- 
ings of  an  acquaintance  who  lived  near,  where  he 
flung  himself  upon  the  first  bed  that  presented  itself, 
and  had  every  appearance  of  a  man  suffering  the  most 
excruciating  torture.  His  friend,  who  had  been  ap- 
prized by  the  servant  of  the  state  he  was  in,  and  v.ho 
naturally  concluded  that  he  was  ill,  offered  him  some 
wine.  He  refused,  saying,  "  No,  no,  that  will  not 
"  help  me  ;  I  have  been  in  at  Argyle,  and  saw  him 
"  sleeping  as  pleasantly  as  ever  man  did,  widiin  an 


or  .lAMES  THE  SECOND.  149 

*"  hour  of  etemity.    But  as  for  me ."*  The  name   CIIAV.  iir. 

of  the  person  to  whom  this  anecdote  relates,  is  not  iggo 
mentioned,  and  the  truth  of  it  may  therefore  be  fairly 
considered  as  liable  to  that  degree  of  dovibt,  with 
which  men  of  judgment  receive  every  species  of  tra- 
ditional histor}'.  Woodrow,  however,  whose  veracity 
is  above  suspicion,  says  he  had  it  from  the  most  un- 
questionable authority.  It  is  not  in  itself  unlikely, 
and  who  is  there  that  would  not  wish  it  true  ?  What 
a  satisfactory  spectacle  to  a  philosophical  mind,  to  see 
the  oppressor,  in  the  zenith  of  his  power,  envying"  his 
victim  I  What  an  acknowledgment  of  the  superiority 
of  virtue !  what  an  affecting,  and  forcible  testimony 
to  the  value  of  that  peace  of  mind,  which  innocence 
alone  can  confer !  We  know  not  who  this  man  was  ; 
but  when  we  reflect,  that  the  guilt  which  agonized 
him  was  probably  incurred  for  the  sake  of  some  vain 
title,  or  at  least  of  some  increase  of  wealth,  which  he 
did  not  want,  and  possibly  knew  not  how  to  enjoy, 
our  disgust  is  turned  into  something  like  compassion 
for  that  veiy  foolish  class  of  men,  whom  the  world 
calls  wise  in  their  generation. 

Soon  after  his  short  repose  Argyle  was  brought,  His  bcha- 
according  to  order,  to  the  Laigh  Council-House,  from  gcuftbld 
which  place  is  dated  the  letter  to  his  wife,  and  thence 
to  the  place  of  execution.  On  the  scaffold  he  had 
some  discourse,  as  well  with  Mr.  Annand,  a  minister 
appointed  by  government  to  attend  him,  as  with  Mr. 
Chartcris.  He  desired  both  of  them  to  pray  for  him, 
and  prayed  himself  with  much  fervency  and  devo- 
tion. The  speech  which  he  made  to  the  people  was 
such  as  might  be  expected  from  the  passages  already 
i'elated.  The  same  mixture  of  firmness  and  mildness 
Is  conspicuous  in  every  part  of  it.  "  We  ought  not/' 

•  Woodrow,  II.  541 


1 50  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIG JJ 

CHAP.  III.  says  he,  "  to  despise  our  afflictions,  nor  to  faint  under 
1685.  "  them.  We  must  not  suffer  oui'selves  to  be  exaspe- 
"  rated  against  the  instruments  of  our  troubles,  nor  by 
"  fraudulent,  nor  pusillanimous  compliances,  bring 
*■'  guilt  upon  ourselves ;  faint  hearts  are  ordinarily 
"  false  hearts,  choosing  sin,  rather  than  suffering." 
He  offers  his  prayers  to  God  for  the  three  kingdoms 
of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  and  that  an  end 
may  be  put  to  their  present  trials.  Having  then  asked 
pardon  for  his  own  failings,  both  of  God  and  man,  he 
would  have  concluded :  but  being  reminded  that  he 
had  said  nothing  of  the  Royal  family,  he  adds  that  he 
refers,  in  this  matter,  to  what  he  had  said  at  his  trial 
concerning  the  test ;  that  he  prayed  there  never  might 
be  wanting  one  of  the  Royal  Family  to  support  the 
Protestant  Religion,  and  if  any  of  them  had  swerved 
from  the  true  faith,  he  prayed  God  to  turn  their  hearts, 
but  at  ary  rate  to  save  his  people  from  their  machina- 
tions. When  he  had  ended,  he  turned  to  the  south 
side  of  the  scaffold,  and  said,  "  Gentlemen,  I  pray  you 
"  do  not  misconstruct  my  behaviour  this  day  :  I  free- 
"  ly  forgive  all  men  their  wrongs  and  injuries  done 
"  against  me,  as  I  desire  to  be  forgiven  of  God.** 
Mr.  Annand  repeated  these  words  louder  to  the  peo- 
ple. The  Earl  then  went  to  the  north  side  of  the 
scaffold,  and  used  the  same  or  the  like  expressions. 
Mr.  Annand  repeated  them  again,  and  said,  "  This 
"  nobleman  dies  a  Protestant."  The  Earl  stept  for- 
ward again,  and  said,  "  I  die  not  only  a  Protestant, 
"  but  with  a  heart-hatred  of  Popery,  prelacv,  and  all 
"  superstition  whatsomever."  *  It  would  perhaps 
have  been  better  if  these  last  expressions  had  never 
l)een  uttered,  as  there  appears  certainly  something  of 
violence  in  them,  imsuitable  to  the  general  tenor  of 

*  Woodfow,  513,  545. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  I5I 

his  language  ;  but  it  must  be  remembered,  first,  that  CHAP.  HI. 
the  opinion  that  the  Pope  is  Antichrist  was  at  that  iggj. 
time  general  among  almost  all'  the  zealous  Protestants 
in  these  kingdoms ;  secondly,  that  Annand,  being 
employed  by  government,  and  probably  an  PLpiscopa- 
lian,  the  Earl  might  apprehend  that  the  declaration  of 
such  a  minister,  might  not  convey  the  precise  idea, 
which  he,  Argjle,  affixed  to  the  word  Protestant. 

He  then  embraced  his  friends,  gave  some  tokens  of  His  execu- 
remembrance  to  his  son-in-law.  Lord  Maitland,  for  '""" 
his  daughter  and  giand-children,  stript  himself  of  part 
of  his  apparel,  of  which  he  likewise  made  presents, 
and  laid  his  head  upon  the  block.  Having  uttered  a 
short  prayer,  he  gave  the  signal  to  the  executioner, 
which  was  instantly  obeyed,  and  his  head  severed 
from  his  body.*  Such  were  the  last  hours,  and  such 
the  final  close,  of  this  great  man's  life.  May  the  like 
happy  serenity  in  svich  dreadful  circumstances,  and  a 
death  equally  glorious,  be  the  lot  of  all,  whom  tyran- 
ny, of  whatever  denomination  or  description,  shall  in 
any  age,  or  in  any  countr}%  call  to  expiate  their  vir- 
tues on  the  scaffold  ! 

Of  the  followers  of  Argyle,  in  the  disastrous  expe-  Patc  of  \\\s 
dition  above  recounted,  the  fortunes  were  various,  followers. 
Among  those  who  either  surrendered  or  were  taken, 
some  suffered  the  same  fate  with  their  commander, 
others  were  pardoned  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  of 
those  who  escaped  to  foreign  parts,  many  after  a  short 
exile  returned  triumphantly  to  their  country  at  the  pe- 
riod of  the  Revolution,  and  under  a  system  congenial 
to  their  principles,  some  even  attained  the  highest 
honours  and  dignities  of  the  state.  It  is  to  be  recol- 
lected, that  when,  after  the  disastrous  night-murch 
from  Killeme,  a  separation  took  place  at  Kilpatrick 

*  Woodrow,  54.3,  545 


f^ 


152 


mSTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


1685. 


CHAP.  III.  between  Argyle  and  his  confederates,  Sir  John  Cocii^ 
■'  rane,    Sir  Patrick  Hume,  and   others,    crossed  the 

Clyde  into  Renfrewshire,  with  about,  it  is  supposed, 
two  hundred  men.  Upon  their  landing,  they  met  with 
some  opposition  from  a  troop  of  militia  horse,  which 
was  however  feeble  and  ineffectual ;  but  fresh  parties 
of  militia,  as  well  as  regular  troops  drawing  together, 
a  sort  of  scuffle  ensued,  near  a  place  called  Muirdyke  ; 
an  offer  of  quarter  was  made  by  the  King's  troops, 
but  (probably  on  account  of  the  conditions  annexed  to 
it,)  was  refused  ;  and  Cochrane  and  the  rest,  now 
reduced  to  the  number  of  seventy,  took  shelter  in  a 
a  fold-dyke,  where  they  were  able  to  resist  and  repel, 
though  not  without  loss  on  each  side,  the  attack  of 
the  enemy.  Their  situation  was  nevertheless  still 
desperate,  and  in  the  night  they  determined  to  make 
their  escape.  The  King's  troops  having  retired,  this 
was  effected  without  difficulty  ;  and  this  remnant  of 
an  army  being  dispersed  by  common  consent,  every 
man  sought  his  own  safety  in  the  best  manner  he 
could.  Sir  John  Cochrane  took  refuge  in  tlie  house 
of  an  uncle,  by  Avhom,  or  by  whose  wife  it  is  said,  he 
was  betrayed.  He  was  however  pardoned  ;  and  from 
this  circumstance,  coupled  with  the  constant  and 
seemingly  peevish  opposition  which  he  gave  to  al- 
most all  Arg}le's  plans,  a  suspicion  has  arisen,  that 
he  had  been  treacherous  throughout.  But  the  account 
given  of  his  pardon  by  Burnet,  who  says  his  father, 
Lord  Dundonald,  who  was  an  opulent  nobleman,  pur- 
chased it  with  a  considerable  sum  of  money,*  is  more 
credible,  as  well  as  more  candid  ;  and  it  must  be  re- 
membered, that  in  Sir  John's  disputes  with  his  gene- 
ral, he  v/as  almost  always  acting  in  conjunction  a\  ith 
Sir  Patrick  Hume,  who  is  proved  by  the  subsequent 
events,  and  indeed  bv  the  whole  tenor  of  his  life  and 


Cochrane 
betrayed 
and  pardon 
cd. 


*  Burnet,  II.  31(?. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  153 

tonduct,  to  have  been  uniformly  sincere  and  zealous  chap.  hi. 
in  the  cause  of  his  country,     Cochrane  was  sent  to       jsgs. 
England,  where  he  had  an  interview  with  the  King, 
and  gave  such  answers  to  the  questions  put  to  him, 
as  were  deemed  satisfactory  by  his  Majesty  ;    and 
the  information  thus  obtained,  whatever  might  be  the 
real  and  secret  causes,  furnished  a  plausible  pretence 
at  least  for  the  exercise  of  royal  mercy.     Sir  Patrick  Hume  and 
Hume,  after  having  concealed  himself  some  time  in  p^j  ^^  iH^' 
the  house,  and  under  the  protection,  of  Lady  Eleanor  land. 
Dunbar,  sister  to  the  Earl  of  Eglington,  found  means 
to  escape  to  Holland,   whence  he  returned  in  better 
times,  and  was  created  first  Lord  Hume  of  Polwarth, 
and  afterward  Earl  of  Marchmont.     FuUarton,  and 
Campbell  of  Auchinbreak,  appear  to  have  escaped, 
but  by  what  means  is  not  known.     Two  sons  of  Ar- 
gyle,  John  and  Charles,  and  Archibald  Campbell,  his 
nephew,  were  sentenced  to  death  and  forfeiture,  but 
the  capital  part  of  the  sentence  was  remitted.  Thomas  Archer  exe- 
Archer,  a  clergyman,  who  had  been  wounded  at  Muir-  cuted. 
dyke,  was  executed,  notwithstanding  many  applica- 
tions in  his  favour,  among  which  was  one  from  Lord 
Drumlanrig,  Queensbeny's  eldest  son.     Woodrow, 
who  was  himself  a  Presbyterian  minister,  and  though 
a  most  valuable  and  coiTCCt  historian,  was  not  with- 
out a  tincture  of  the  prejudices  belonging  to  his  or- 
der, attributes  the  unrelenting  spirit  of  the  Govern- 
ment in   this   instance,   to   their  malice  against  the 
clergy  of  his  sect.     Some  of  the  holy  ministr}-,  he 
observes,  as   Guthrie  at  the  Restoration,  Kidd  and 
Mackail  after  the  insurrections  at  Pentland  and  Both- 
well-bridge,  and  now  Archer,  were  upon  every  occa- 
sion to  be  sacrificed  to  the  fury  of  the  persecutors.* 
But  to  him  who  is  well  acquainted  with  the  history 

*  Woodrow,  553. 

V 


154 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REKiM 


1685. 


A3'loffe  exe- 
cuted in 
England. 


CHAP,  m,  of  this  period,  the  habitual  cruelty  of  the  government 
will  fully  account  for  any  particular  act  of  severity  ; 
and  it  is  only  in  cases  of  lenity,  such  as  that  of  Coch- 
rane, for  instance,  that  he  will  look  for  some  hidden 
or  special  motive. 

Ayloffe,  having  in  vain  attempted  to  kill  himself, 
was,  like  Cochrane,  sent  to  London  to  be  examined. 
His  relationship  to  the  King's  first  wife  might  perhaps 
be  one  inducement  to  this  measure,  or  it  might  be 
thought  more  expedient  that  he  should  be  executed 
for  the  Rye-house  plot,  the  credit  of  which  it  was  a 
favourite  object  of  the  Court  to  uphold,  than  for  his 
recent  acts  of  rebellion  in  Scotland.  Upon  his  exami- 
nation he  refused  to  give  any  information,  and  suffer- 
ed death  upon  a  sentence  of  outlawry,  which  had  passed 
in  the  fonner  reign.  It  is  recorded,  tha,t  James  in- 
terrogated him  personally,  and  finding  him  sullen,  and 
unwilling  to  speak,  said,  "  Mr.  Ayloffe,  you  know  it 
"  is  in  my  power  to  pardon  you,  therefore  say  that 
"  which  may  deserve  it ;"  to  which  Ayloffe  replied, 
"  Though  it  is  in  your  power,  it  is  not  in  your  nature 
"  to  pardon."  This,  howt  vcr,  is  one  of  those  anec- 
dotes, which  is  believed  rather  on  account  of  the  air  of 
nature  that  belongs  to  them,  than  upon  any  very  good 
traditional  authority,  and  which  ought,  therefore,  when 
any  very  material  inference,  Vtith  respect  either  to  fact 
or  character,  is  to  be  drawn  from  them,  to  be  received 
with  great  caution. 

Rumbold,  covered  with  wounds,  and  defending 
himself  with  uncommon  exertions  of  strength  and 
courage,  was  at  last  taken.  However  desirable  it 
might  have  been  thought,  to  execute  in  England  a  man 
so  deeply  implicated  in  the  Rye-house  plot,  the  state 
of  Rumbold's  health  made  such  a  project  impractica- 
ble. Had  it  been  attempted,  he  would  probably,  by  a 
natural  death,  have  disappointed  the  views  of  a  govern- 


Rumbold. 


Ol'  JAAUiS  THK  SECOND.  155 

ment  who  were  eager  to  sec  brought  to  the  block,  a  cilAP.  ill. 
man  whom  they  thought,  or  pretended  to  think,  guihy  i685. 
of  having  projected  the  assassination  of  the  Uite  and 
present  King.  Weakened  as  he  was  in  body,  his  mind 
was  firm,  his  constancy  unshaken ;  and  notwithstand- 
ing some  endeavours  that  were  made  by  drums,  and 
other  instruments,  to  drown  his  voice  wiien  he  was 
addressing  the  people  from  the  scaffold,  enough  has 
been  preserved  of  what  he  then  uttered,  to  satisfy  us, 
that  his  personal  courage,  the  praise  of  which  has  not 
been  denied  him,  was  not  of  the  vulgar  or  constitu- 
tional kind,  but  was  accompanied  with  a  propoitionaljle 
vigour  of  mind.  Upon  hearing  his  sentence,  whether 
in  imitation  of  Montrose,  or  from  that  congeniality  of 
character,  Avhich  causes  men  in  similar  circumstances 
to  conceive  similar  sentiments,  he  expressed  the  same 
wish  which  that  gallant  nobleman  had  done ;  he  wish- 
ed he  had  a  limb  for  every  town  in  Christendom.  With  His  denial  of 

t,nc  Lissiissi' 

respect  to  the  intended  assassination  imputed  to  him,  nation  plot, 
he  protested  his  innocence,  and  desired  to  be  believed 
upon  the  faith  of  a  dying  man ;  adding,  in  terms  as 
natural  as  they  are  forcibly  descriptive  of  a  conscious 
dignity  of  character,  that  he  was  too  well  kno-svn,  for 
any  to  have  had  the  imprudence  to  make  such  a  pro- 
position to  him.  He  concluded  with  plain,  and  appa- 
rently sincere,  declarations  of  his  undiminished  attach- 
ment to  the  principles  of  libert)^,  civil  and  religious  ; 
denied  that  he  was  an  enemy  to  monarchy,  affirming, 
on  the  contrary",  that  he  ronsidercd  it,  when  properly 
limited,  as  the  most  eligible  form  of  government ;  but 
that  he  never  could  believe  that  anv  man  was  born 
marked  by  God  above  another,  "  for  none  comes  into 
"  the  world  with  a  saddle  on  his  hack,  neither  any 
"  booted  and  spurred  to  ride  him."* 

*  Ralph,  I.  872 


156 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


CHAP.  ni.  Except  by  Ralph,  who,  with  a  warmth  that  does 
1685.  honour  to  his  feelings,  expatiates  at  some  length  upon 
Overlooked  the  subject,  the  circumstances  attending  the  death  oi 
rians^.^  ^'  ^^^^  extraordinary  man  have  been  little  noticed.  Ra- 
pin,  Echard,  Kennet,  Hume,  make  no  mention  of  them 
whatever  ;  and  yet,  exclusively  of  the  interest  always 
excited  by  any  great  display  of  spirit  and  magnanimi- 
ty, his  solemn  denial  of  the  project  of  assassination 
imputed  to  him  in  the  aifair  of  the  Rye-house  plot,  is 
in  itself  a  fact  of  great  importance,  and  one  which 
might  have  been  expected  to  attract,  in  no  small  de- 
gree, the  attention  of  the  historian.  That  Hume,  who 
has  taken  some  pains  in  canvassing  the  degree  of  cre- 
dit due  to  the  diiferent  parts  of  the  Rye-house  plot, 
ohould  pass  k  over  in  silence,  is  the  more  extraordi- 
nary, because,  in  the  case  of  the  Popish  plot,  he  lays, 
and  justly  lays,  the  greatest  stress  upon  the  dying  de- 
clarations  of  the  sufferers.  Burnet  adverts,  as  well  tO' 
the  peculiar  language  used  by  Rumbold,  as  to  his  de- 
nial  of  the  assassination ;  but  having  before  given  us 
to  understand,  that  he  believed  that  no  svtch  crime 
had  been  projected,  it  is  the  less  to  be  wondered  at^ 
that  he  does  not  much  dwell  upon  this  further  evidence 
in  favour  of  his  former  opinion.  Sn-  John  Dalrymple, 
upon  the  authority  of  a  paper  which  he  does  not  pro- 
duce, but  from  which  he  quotes  enough  to  show,  that 
if  produced  it  would  not  answer  his  purpose,  takes 
Rumbold's  guilt  for  a  decided  fact,  and  then  states  his 
dying  protestations  ot  his  innocence,  as  an  instance  of 
aggravated  wickedness.*  It  is  to  be  remarked  too, 
that  although  Sir  John  is  pleased  roundly  to  assert, 
that  Rumbold  denied  the  share  he  had  had  in  the  Rye- 
house  plot,  yet  the  particular  words  which  he  cites 
neither  contain,  nor  express,  nor  imply  any  such  de- 


*  Dalrj-mplc's  Memoirs,  I.  141 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  157 

nial.  He  has  not  even  selected  those,  by  which  the  cilAP.  ill. 
design  of  assassination  was  denied,  (the  only  denial  i685. 
that  was  uttered,)  but  refers  to  a  gcnertU  declaration 
made  by  Rumbold,  that  he  had  done  injustice  to  no 
man ;  a  declaration  which  was  by  no  means  inconsist- 
ent with  his  having  been  a  party  to  a  plot,  which  he, 
no  doubt,  considered  as  justifiable,  and  even  meritori- 
ous. This  is  not  all :  the  paper  referred  to  is  addres- 
sed to  Walcot,  by  whom  Rumbold  states  himself  to 
have  been  led  on ;  and  Walcot  with  his  last  breath, 
denied  his  own  participation  in  any  design  to  murder 
either  Charles  or  James.  Thus,  therefore,  whether 
the  declaration  of  the  sufferer  be  interpi*eted  in  a  gene- 
ral, or  in  a  particular  sense,  there  is  no  contradiction 
whatever  between  it  and  the  paper  adduced ;  but  thus 
it  is,  that  the  character  of  a  brave,  and,  as  far  as  ap- 
pears, a  virtuous  man,  is  most  unjustly  and  cruelly 
traduced.  An  incredible  confusion  of  head,  and  an 
uncommon  want  of  reasoning  powers,  which  distin- 
guish the  author  to  whom  I  refer,  are,  I  shoidd  cha- 
ritably hope,  the  true  sources  of  his  misrepresentation ; 
while  oihers  may  probably  impute  it  to  his  desire  of 
blackening,  upon  any  pretence,  a  person  whose  name 
is  more  or  less  connected  with  tho3»  of  Sidney  and 
Russel.  It  ought  not,  pcrhups,  to  pass  without  obser- 
vation, that  this  attack  upon  Rumbold  is  introduced 
only  in  an  oblique  manner:  the  rigour  of  government 
destroyed,  says  the  historian,  the  morals  it  intended 
to  correct,  and  made  the  unhappy  sufferer  add  to  his 
former  crimes,  the  atrocity  of  declaring  a  falsehood  iu 
his  last  moments.  Now,  what  particular  instances  of 
rigour  are  here  alluded  to,  it  is  difficult  to  guess :  for 
surely  the  execution  of  a  man  whom  he  sets  down  as 
guilty  of  a  design  to  murder  the  two  royal  brothers, 
could  not,  even  in  the  judgment  of  persons  much  less 
accustomed  than  Sir  John  to  palliate  the  crim.es  of 


158  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  III.  princes,  be  looked  upon  as  an  act  of  blameable  seve- 
^gg^  rity ;  but  it  was  thought,  perhaps,  that  for  the  purpose 
of  conveying  a  calumny  upon  the  persons  concerned, 
or  accused  of  being  concerned,  in  the  Rye-house  plot, 
an  affected  censure  upon  the  government  would  be  the 
fittest  vehicle. 
His  declava-  The  fact  itself,  that  Rumbold  did,  in  his  last  hours, 
tion  examin-  gQjgj^jjly  deny  the  having  been  concerned  in  any  pro- 
ject for  assassinating  the  King  or  Duke,  has  not,  I  be- 
lieve, been  questioned.*  It  is  not  invalidated  by  the 
silence  of  some  historians  :  it  is  confirmed  by  the  mis- 
representation of  others.  The  first  question  that  na- 
turally presents  itself,  must  be,  was  this  declai^ation 
true?  The  asseverations  of  dying  men  have  always 
had,  and  will  always  have,  great  influence  upon  the 
minds  of  those  who  do  not  push  their  ill  opinion  of 
mankind  to  the  most  outrageous  and  unwarrantable 
length :  but  though  the  >veight  of  such  asseverations 
be  in  all  cases  great,  it  will  not  be  in  all  equal.  It  is 
material  therefore  to  consider,  first,  what  are  the  cir- 
cumstances which  may  tend  in  particular  cases  to  dimi- 
nish their  credit;  and  next,  how  far  such  circumstan- 
ces appear  to  have  existed  in  the  case  before  us.  The 
case  where  thisfpecies  of  evidence  would  be  the  least 
convincing,  would  be  wlitre  hope  of  pardon  is  enter- 
tained ;  for  then  the  man  is  not  a  dying  man  in  the 
sense  of  the  proposition,  for  he  has  not  that  certainty 
that  his  falsehood  will  not  avail  him,  which  is  the 
principal  foundation  of  the  credit  due  to  his  asser- 
tions. For  the  same  reason,  though  in  a  less  degree, 
he  who  hopes  for  favour  to  his  children,  or  to  other 
surviving  connections,  is  to  be  listened  to  Avidi  some 
caution  J  for  the  existence  of  one  virtue,  docs  not  ne- 

*  It  is  confirmed,  beyond  contradiction,  by  Lord  rontaiulmirs 
account  of  his  trial  and  execution.     Vide  Appendix.     E 


OF  JAMES  TlIK  SECOND.  159 

cessarily  prove  that  of  another,  and  he  who  loves  his  CHAP.  III. 
children  and  friends  may  yet  be  profligate  and  unprin-  i685. 
cipled,  or,  deceiving  himself,  may  think,  that  "while 
his  ends  are  laudable,  he  ought  not  to  hesitate  con- 
cerning the  means.  Besides  these  more  obvious 
temptations  to  prevarication,  there  is  another,  which, 
though  it  may  lie  somewhat  deeper,  yet  experience 
teaches  us  to  be  rooted  in  human  nature.  I  mean  that 
sort  of  obstinacy,  or  false  shame,  which  makes  men 
so  unwilling  to  retract  what  they  have  once  advanced, 
%vhether  in  matter  of  opinion,  or  of  fact.  The  general 
character  of  the  man  is  also  in  this,  as  in  all  other  hu- 
man testimony,  a  circumstance  of  the  greatest  mo- 
ment. Where  none  of  the  abovementioned  objections 
occur,  and  where,  therefore,  the  weight  of  evidence 
in  question  is  confessedly  considerable,  yet  is  it  still 
liable  to  be  balanced  or  outweighed  by  evidence  in  the 
opposite  scale. 

Let  Rumbold's  declaration  then,  be  examined  upon  His  testimo- 
these  principles,  and  we  shall  find  that  it  has  everv  "^  apparent^ 
character  of  truth,  without  a  smgle  circumstance  to 
discredit  it.  He  was  so  far  from  entertaining  any  hope 
of  pardon,  that  he  did  not  seem  even  to  wish  it ;  and 
indeed,  if  he  had  had  any  such  chimerical  object  in 
view,  he  must  have  kno^^^l,  that  to  have  supplied  the 
government  with  a  proof  of  the  Rye-house  Assassina- 
tion plot,  would  be  a  more  likely  road  at  least,  than  a 
steady  denial,  to  obtain  it.  He  left  none  behind  him, 
for  M'hom  to  entreat  favour,  or  whose  welfare  or  ho- 
nour were  at  all  affected  by  any  confession  or  declara- 
tion he  might  make.  If,  in  a  prospective  view,  he  was 
without  temptation,  so  neither  if  he  looked  back,  was 
he  fettered  by  any  former  declaration;  so  that  he  • 
could  not  be  influenced  by  that  erroneous  notion  of 
consistency,  to  which,  it  may  be  feared,  that  truth, 
<"ven  in  the  most  awful  moments,  has  in  some  cases 


160 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


1685. 


CHAP.  III.  been  sacrificed.  His  timely  escape,  in  sixteen  hun- 
dred and  eighty-three,  had  saved  him  from  the  ne- 
cessity of  making  any  protestation  upon  the  subject 
of  his  innocence  at  that  time  ;  and  the  words  of  the 
letter  to  Walcot  are  so  far  from  containing  such  a 
protestation,  that  they  are  quoted,  (veiy  absurdly,  it 
is  true,)  by  Sir  John  Dalrymple,  as  an  avowal  of  guilt. 
If  his  testimony  is  free  from  these  particular  objec- 
tions, much  less  is  it  impeached  by  his  general  cha- 
racter, which  was  that  of  a  bold  and  daring  man, 
who  was  very  unlikely  to  feel  shame  in  avowing  what 
he  had  not  been  ashamed  to  rnmmit,  and  who  seems 
to  have  taken  a  delight  in  speaking  bold  truths,  or  at 
least  what  appeared  to  him  to  be  such,  without  regard- 
ing the  manner  in  which  his  hearers  were  likelv  to  re- 
ceive them.  With  respect  to  the  last  consideration, 
that  of  the  opposite  evidence,  it  all  depends  upon  the 
veracity  of  men,  who,  according  to  their  own  account, 
betrayed  their  comrades,  and  were  actuated  by  the 
hope  either  of  pardon  or  reward. 

It  appears  to  be  of  the  more  consequence  to  clear 
up  this  matter,  because,  if  we  should  be  of  opinion, 
as  I  think  we  all  must  be,  that  the  story  of  the  in- 
tended assassination  of  the  King,  in  his  way  from 
Newmarket,  is  as  fabulous  as  that  of  the  silver  bul- 
lets by  which  he  was  to  have  been  shot  at  Windsor,  a 
most  singular  train  of  reflections  will  force  itself  upon 
our  minds,  as  well  in  regard  to  the  character  of  the 
times,  as  to  the  means  by  which  the  two  causes  gain- 
ed successively  the  advantage  over  each  other.  The 
Royalists  had  found  it  impossible  to  discredit  the  fic- 
tion, gross  as  it  was,  of  the  Popish  plot;  nor  could 
they  prevent  it  from  being  a  powerful  engine  in  the 
hands  of  the  Whigs,  who,  during  the  alarm  raised  by 
it,  gained  an  irresistible  superiority  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  in  the  City  of  London,  and  in  most  parts 


Importance 
of  the  fact. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  161 

of  the  kingdom.  But  they  Avho  could  not  quiet  a  false  CHAI'.  lU. 
alarm  raised  by  their  adversaries,  found  little  or  no  ^gy^ 
difficulty  in  raising  one  equally  false  in  their  own  fa- 
vour, by  the  supposed  detection  of  the  intended  as- 
sassination. With  regard  to  the  advantages  derived  to 
the  respective  parties  from  those  detestable  fictions,  if 
it  be  urged,  on  one  hand,  that  the  panic  spread  by  the 
Whigs  was  more  universal,  and  more  violent  in  its 
effects,  it  must  be  allowed,  on  the  other,  that  the  ad- 
vantages gained  by  the  Tories  were,  on  account  of 
their  alliance  with  the  Crown,  more  durable  and  de- 
cisive. There  is  a  superior  solidity  ever  belonging 
to  the  power  of  the  Crown,  as  compared  with  that 
of  any  body  of  men  or  party,  or  even  with  either  of 
the  other  branches  of  the  legislature.  A  party  has 
influence,  but,  properly  speaking,  no  power.  The 
Houses  of  Parliament  have  abundance  of  power,  but, 
as  bodies,  little  or  no  influence.  The  Crown  has  both 
power  and  influence,  which,  Avhen  exerted  with  wis- 
dom and  steadiness,  will  always  be  found  too  strong 
for  any  opposition  Avhatever,  till  the  zeal  and  fidelity 
of  party  attachments  shall  be  found  to  increase  in 
proportion  to  the  increased  influence  of  the  executive 
power. 

\\Tiile  these  matters  were  transacting  in  Scotland,  Monmnutu's 

Ml  r  1  1  1  •  •  t         1      ini'ci.sion 

onmouth,   coniormably  to   his  promise  to   Argyle, 

set  sail  from  Holland,  and  landed  at  Lyme  in  Dorset- 
shire on  the  eleventh  of  June.  He  was  attended  by 
Lord  Grey  of  Wark,  Fletcher  of  Salton,  Colonel 
Matthews,  Ferguson,  and  a  fcAV  other  gentlemen. 
His  reception  was,  among  the  lower  ranks,  cordial, 
and  for  some  days,  at  least,  if  not  weeks,  there  seem- 
ed to  \vA\c  been  more  foundation  for  the  san^-uine 
hopes  of  Lord  Grey,  and  others,  his  followers,  than 
the  Duke  had  supposed.  The  first  step  taken  by  the 
invader,  was  to  issue  a. proclamation,  Avhich  he  caused 

X 


162  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  III.  to  be  read  in  the  market-place.  In  this  instrument 
1685.  he  touched  upon  what  were,  no  doubt,  thought  to  be 
the  most  popular  topics  ;  and  loaded  James,  and  his 
Catholic  friends,  with  every  imputation  which  had  at 
any  time  been  thrown  against  them.  This  declaration 
appears  to  have  been  well  received,  and  the  numbers 
that  came  in  to  him  were  very  considerable ;  but  his 
means  of  arming  them  were  limited,  nor  had  he 
much  confidence,  for  the  purpose  of  any  important 
military  opei-ation,  in  men  unused  to  discipline,  and 
wholly  unacquainted  with  the  art  of  war.  Without 
examining  the  question,  whether  or  not  Monmouth, 
from  his  professional  prejudices,  carried,  as  some 
have  alleged  he  did,  his  diffidence  of  unpractised 
soldiers,  and  new  levies,  too  far,  it  seems  clear  that 
in  his  situation,  the  best,  or  rather  the  only  chance  of 
success,  was  to  be  looked  for  in  councils  of  the  bold- 
est kind.  If  he  could  not  immediately  strike  some  im- 
portant stroke,  it  was  not  likely  that  he  ever  should  j 
nor  indeed  was  he  in  a  condition  to  wait.  He  coidd 
not  flatter  himself,  as  Arg)4e  had  done,  that  he  had  a 
strong  country'-,  full  of  relations  and  dependents,  where 
he  might  secure  himself  till  the  co-operation  of  his 
confederate,  or  some  other  favorable  circumstance, 
inight  put  it  in  his  power  to  act  more  efficaciovisly. 
Of  any  brilliant  success  in  Scotland  he  could  not,  at 
this  time,  entertain  any  hope,  nor  if  he  had,  could  he 
rationally  expect  that  any  events  in  that  quarter 
svould  make  the  sort  of  impression  here,  which,  on 
the  other  hand,  his  success  would  produce  in  Scot- 
land. With  money  he  was  wholly  unprovided,  nor 
does  it  appear,  whatever  may  have  been  the  inclina- 
tion of  some  considerable  men,  such  as  Lords  ISIac- 
clesfield,  Brandon,  Delamere,  and  others,  that  any 
persons  of  that  description  were  engaged  to  join  in 
his  enterprize.  Hh  reception  liad  been  above  his 
hopes,  and  his  recruits  more  numerous  than  could  be 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  163 

expected,  or  than  he  was  able  to  furnish  witli  arms  ;  CHAP.  in. 
while  on  the  other  hand,  the  forces  in  arms  against  i685 
him  consisted  chiefly  in  a  militia,  formidable  neither 
from  numbers  nor  discipline,  and  moreover  suspected 
of  disaffection.  The  present  moment  therefore,  seem- 
ed to  oflfer  the  most  favorable  opportunity  for  eutcr- 
prize  of  any  that  was  like  to  occur ;  but  the  unfortu- 
nate Monmouth  judged  otherwise,  and,  as  if  he  were 
to  defend  rather  than  to  attack,  directed  his  chief 
policy  to  the  avoiding  of  a  general  action. 

It  being  however  absolutely  necessary  to  dislodge  His  success 
some  ti-oops  which  the  Earl  of  Faversham  had  thrown  ' 
into  Bridport,  a  detachment  of  three  hundred  men 
was  made  for  that  purpose,  which  had  the  most  com- 
plete success,  notwithstanding  the  cowardice  of  Lord 
Grey,  who  commanded  them.  This  nobleman,  who 
had  been  so  instrumental  in  persuading  his  friend  to 
the  invasion,  upon  the  first  appearance  of  danger, 
is  said  to  have  left  the  troops  whom  he  commanded, 
and  to  have  sought  his  own  personal  safety  in  flight. 
The  troops  carried  Bridport,  to  the  shame  of  the 
commander  who  had  deserted  them  and  returned  to 
Lvme. 

It  is  related  by  Ferguson,  that  Monmouth  said  to 
Matthews,  "  What  shall  I  do  with  Lord  Grey  ?"  to 
which  the  other  answered,  "  That  he  was  the  only 
*'  general  in  Europe  who  would  ask  siich  a  question  ;" 
intending,  no  doubt,  to  reproach  the  Duke  with  the 
excess  to  which  he  pushed  his  characteristic  virtues  of 
mildness  and  forbearance.  That  these  virtues  formed 
a  part  of  his  character,  is  most  true,  and  the  personal 
friendship  in  which  he  lived  with  Grev,  would  in- 
cline him  still  more  to  the  exercise  of  them  upon  this 
occasion :  but  it  is  to  be  remembered  also,  that  the 
delinquent  was,  in  respect  of  rank,  property,  and  per- 
haps too  of  talentj  by  far  the  most  considerable  man 


164  HISTORY  OF  THE  REICIX 

CHAP.  m.  he  had  with  hhii ;  and  dierefore,  that  prudential  mo- 
^^^^'  lives  might  concur,  to  deter  a  General  from  proceed- 
ing to  violent  measures  with  such  a  person,  especially 
in  a  civil  war,  where  the  discipline  of  an  armed  party 
cannot  be  conducted  upon  the  same  system,  as  that  of  a 
regular  amny  serving  in  a  foreign  war.  Monmouth's 
disappointment  in  Lord  Grey  was  aggravated  by 
the  loss  of  Fletcher  of  Salton,  who,  in  a  sort  of  scuf- 
fle that  ensued,  upon  his  being  reproached  for  hav- 
ing seized  a  horse  belonging  to  a  man  of  the  country, 
'  had  the  misfortune  to  kill  the  owner.  Monmouth, 
however  unwilling,  thought  himself  obliged  to  dis- 
miss him  ;  and  thus,  while  a  fatal  concurrence  of  cir- 
cumstances forced  him  to  part  with  the  man  he  es- 
teemed, and  to  retain  him  whom  he  despised,  he 
found  himself  at  once  disappointed  of  the  support  of 
the  two  persons  upon  whom  he  had  most  relied. 
His  subse-  On  the  fifteenth  of  June,  his  army  being  now  in- 

press,  creased  to  near  three  thousand  men,  the  Duke  march- 

ed  from  Lyme.  Pie  does  not  appear  to  have  taken 
this  step  with  a  vicw^  to  any  enterprise  of  importance, 
but  rather  to  avoid  the  danger  which  he  apprehended 
from  the  inotions  of  the  De\onshire  and  Somerset 
militias,  whose  object  it  seemed  to  be  to  shut  him  up 
in  Lyme,  In  his  first  day's  march,  he  had  opportu- 
nities of  engaging,  or  rather  of  pursuing  each  of  those 
bodies,  who  severally  retreated  from  his  forces ;  but 
conceiving  it  to  be  his  business,  as  he  said,  not  to 
fight  but  to  march  on,  he  w^ent  through  Axminstcr, 
and  encamped  in  a  strong  piece  of  ground  between 
that  town  and  Chard  in  Somersetshire,  to  which  place 
he  proceeded  on  the  ensuing  day.  According  to 
Wade's  narrative,  ■which  appears  to  afford  by  far  the 
most  authentic  account  of  these  transactions,  here  it 
was  that  the  first  proposition  was  made  for  proclaim- 
ing Monmouth  King.     I'erguson  made  tb.e  proposal, 


OF  JAMKS  THE  SKCONT).  J65 

and  was  supported  by  Lord  Grey,   but  it  was  easily    CHAP.  Ill 
run  doxrHy  as  Wade  expresses  it,  hij  those  ivho  ivcrc       1685, 
against  it^  and   whom,  therefore,   we  must  suppose 
to  have   formed  a  very  considerable  majority  of  the 
persons  deemed  of  sufficient  importance   to  be   con- 
sulted on  such  an  occasion.     These  circumstances  arc  j 
material,  because  if  that  credit  be  given  to  them  which 
thev  appear  to  deserve,  Fel-guson's  want  of  veracity- 
becomes  so  notorious,  that  it  is  hardl}-  worth  while  to                                          H 
attend  to  any  part  of  his  narrative.     Where  it  only 
con-oboratcs  accounts  given  by  others,  it  is  of  little 
use ;  and  where  it  differs  from  them,   it  deserves  no 

credit.     I  have  therefore  wholly  disregarded  it.  Ji 

From  Chard,  Monmouth  and  his  part)'  proceeded  His  recep-  ii 

to  Taunton,  a  town,  where,  as  well  for  the  tenor  of  xaunton 
former  occurrences,  as  from  the  zeal  and  number  of 
the  Protestant  Dissenters,  who  formed  a  great  por- 
tion of  its  inhabitants,  he  had  every  reason  to  expect 
the  most  favourable  reception.  His  expectations 
were  not  disappointed.  The  inhabitants  of  the  upper, 
as  well  as  the  lower  classes  vied  with  each  other  in 
testifying  their  affection  for  his  person,  and  their  zeal 
for  his  cause.  While  the  latter  rent  the  air  with  ap- 
plauses and  acclamations,  the  former  opened  their 
houses  to  him  and  to  his  followers,  and  furnished  his 
army  with  necessaries  and  supplies  of  every  kind. 
His  way  was  strewed  with  flowers :  the  windows 
were  thronged  with  spectators,  all  anxious  to  partici- 
pate in  what  the  warm  feelings  of  the  moment  made 
them  deem  a  triumph.  Husbands  pointed  out  to 
their  wives,  mothers  to  their  children,  the  brave  and 
lovely  hero,  Avho  was  destined  to  be  the  deliverer  of 
his  country.  The  beautiful  lines  which  Dr)den  makes 
Achitophel  in  his  highest  strain  of  flattery,  apply  to 
this  unfortunate  nobleman,  were  in  this  instance  lite- 
rallv  verified : 


1685. 


He  is  joined 
by  no  great 
families. 


1 66  HISTORY  OF  tHE  REIGN 

CHAP.  in.  "  Thee,  Saviour,  thee,  the  nation's  vows  confess, 

"  And  never  satisfied  with  seeing,  bless. 
"  Swift  unbespoken  pomps  thy  steps  proclaim, 
"  And  stammering  babes  are  taught  to  lisp  thy  name." 

In  the  midst  of  these  joyous  scenes,  twenty-six 
youi^g  maids,  of  the  best  families  in  the  town  pre- 
sented him,  in  the  name  of  their  townsmen,  with  co- 
lours wrought  by  them  for  the  purpose,  and  with  a 
Bible  ;  upon  receiving  which -he  said,  that  he  had  tak- 
en the  field  with  a  design  to  defend  the  truth  con- 
tained in  that  book,  and  to  seal  it  with  his  blood  if 
there  was  occasion. 

In  such  circumstances  it  is  no  wonder  that  his  army 
increased ;  and  indeed,  exclusive  of  individual  re- 
cruits, he  was  here  strengthened  by  the  arrival  of 
Colonel  Basset  with  a  considerable  corps.  But  in  the 
midst  of  these  prosperous  circumstances,  some  of  them 
of  such  apparent  importance  to  the  success  of  his  en- 
terprize,  all  of  them  highly  flattering  to  his  feelings,  he 
did  not  fail  to  observe  that  one  favourable  symptom, 
(and  that  too  of  the  most  decisive  nature,)  was  still 
wanting.  None  of  the  considerable  families,  not  a 
single  nobleman,  and  scarcely  any  gentlemen  of  rank 
and  consequence  in  the  counties  through  which  he 
had  passed,  had  declared  in  his  favoiu-.  Popular  ap- 
plause is  undoubtedly  sweet ;  and  not  only  so,  it  often 
furnishes  most  powerful  means  to  the  genius  that 
kndws  how  to  make  use  of  them.  But  Monmouth 
well  knew  that  without  the  countenance  and  assist- 
ance of  a  proportion,  at  least,  of  the  higher  ranks  in 
the  country,  there  was,  for  an  undertaking  like  his, 
little  prospect  of  success.  He  could  not  but  have  re- 
marked that  the  habits  and  prejudices  of  the  English 
people  are,  in  a  great  degree,  aristocratical ;  nor  had 
he  before  him,  nor  indeed  have  we,  since  his  time, 
had  one  single  example  of  an  insurrection  that  was 


1 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  1Q7 

successful,  unaided  by  the  ancient  families  and  great   chaf.  in. 

landed  proprietors.    He  must  have  felt  this  the  more,        i685. 

because,  in  former  parts  of  his  political  life,  he  had 

been  accustomed  to  act  with  such  coadjutors  j  and  it 

is  highly  probable,  that  if  Lord  Russel  had  been  alive, 

and  could  have  appeared  at  the  head  of  one  hundred 

only  of  his  western  tenantry,   such    a  reinforcement 

would  have  inspired  him  with   more  real  confidence, 

than  the  thousands  who  individually  flocked  to  his 

standard. 

But  though  Russel  was  no  more,  there  were  not  He  declares 
wanting,  either  in  the  provinces  through  which  the  hi'iiself 
Duke  passed,  or  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  many 
noble  and  wealthy  families,  who  were  attached  to  the 
principles  of  the  Whigs.  To  account  for  their  neu- 
trality, and,  if  possible,  to  persuade  them  to  a  differ- 
ent conduct,  was  naturally  among  his  principal  con- 
cerns. Their  present  coldness  might  be  imputed  to 
the  indistinctness  of  his  declarations,  with  respect  to 
what  was  intended  to  be  the  future  government.  Men 
zealous  for  monarchy,  might  not  choose  to  embark 
without  some  certain  pledge  that  their  favourite  form 
should  be  preserved.  They  would  also  expect  to  be 
satisfied  with  respect  to  the  person  whom  their  arms, 
if  successful,  were  to  place  upon  the  throne.  To  pro- 
mise, therefore,  the  continuance  of  a  monarchial  es- 
tablishment, and  to  designate  the  future  monarch, 
seemed  to  be  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring 
aristocratical  support.  'WTiatever  might  be  the  intrin- 
sic weight  of  this  argument,  it  easily  made  its  way 
with  Monmouth  in  his  present  situation.  The  aspi- 
ring temper  of  mind  which  is  the  natural  consequence 
of  popular  favour  and  success,  produced  in  him  a  dis- 
position to  listen  to  any  suggestion  which  tended  to 
his  elevation  and  aggiandizement ;  and  when  he  could 
persuade  himself  upon  reasons  specious  at  least,  that 


168 


IIISTO:feY  OF  THE  REIGN 


CHAP.  HL  the  measures  which  would  most  gratify  his  aspiring 
1685.  desires,  would  be,  at  the  same  time,  a  stroke  of  the 
soundest  policy,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  it 
was  immediately  and  impatiently  adopted.  Urged 
therefore,  by  these  mixed  motives,  he  declared  him- 
self King,  and  issued  divers  proclamations  in  the  roy- 
al style ;  assigning  to  those  whose  approbation  he 
doubted,  the  reasons  above  adverted  to,  and  proscrib- 
ing, and  threatening  with  the  punishment  due  to  re- 
bellion, such  as  should  resist  his  mandates,  and  adhere 
to  the  usurping  Duke  of  York. 
Dissatisfac-  If  this  measure  was  in  reality  taken  with  views  of 
occasions  ^^  policy  those  views  were  miserably  disappointed ;  for 
it  does  not  appear  that  one  proselyte  was  gained. 
The  threats  in  the  proclamation  were  received  with 
derision  by  the  King's  army,  and  no  other  sentiments 
were  excited  by  the  assumption  of  the  royal  title,  than 
those  of  contempt  and  indignation.  The  common- 
wcalthsmtn  were  dissatisfied,  of  course,  Math  the 
principle  of  the  measure  :  the  favourers  of  hereditaiy 
right  held  it  in  abhorrence,  and  considered  it  as  a 
kind  of  sacrilegious  profanation;  nor  even  among 
-those  who  considered  monarchy  in  a  more  rational 
light,  and  as  a  magistracy  instituted  for  the  good  of 
the  people,  could  it  be  at  all  agreeable  that  such  a 
magistrate  should  be  elected  by  the  army  that  had 
thronged  to  his  standard,  or  by  the  particular  parti- 
ality of  a  provincial  town.  Monmouth's  strcngtli 
therefore,  was  by  no  means  increased  by  his  new  ti- 
tle, and  seemed  to  be  still  limited  to  two  descriptions 
of  persons ;  first,  those  who  from  thoughtlessness  or 
desperation,  were  willing  to  join  in  any  attempt  at  in- 
novation ;  secondly,  such  as  directing  their  views  to  a 
single  point,  considered  the  destruction  of  James's 
tyranny  as  the  object  which,  at  all  hazards,  and  with- 
out regard   to    consequences,    they    were    bound   to 


OF  JA^fES  THE  SECOND.  169 

pui*suev  On  the  other  hand  his  reputation  both  for  CIIAP.  lU. 
moderation  and  good  faith  was  considerably  impaired,  1535 
inasmuch,  as  his  present  conduct  was  in  direct  con- 
ti'adiction  to  tliat  part  of  his  declaration,  wherein  he 
had  promised  to  leave  the  future  adjustment  of  go- 
vernment, and  especially  the  consideration  of  his  own 
claims,  to  a  free  and  independent  parliament. 

The  notion  of  imi)roving  his  new  levies  by  disci-  ^'^'•'^y  ^^ 
,.  1,1  •  I-  AT         'I'aunton. 

plme,  seems  to  have  taken  such  possession  or  iMon- 

mouth's  mind,  that  he  overlooked  the  probable,  or  la- 
ther the  certain  consequences  of  a  delay,  by  which 
the  enemy  would  be  enabled  to  bring  into  the  field, 
forces  far  better  disciplined  and  appointed  than  any 
which,  even  with  the  most  strenuous  and  successful 
exertions,  he  could  hope  to  oppose  to  them.  Upon  this 
principle,  and  especially  as  he  had  not  yet  fixed  upon 
any  definite  object  of  enterprize,  he  did  not  think  a 
stay  of  a  few  daj's  at  Taunton  would  be  materially,  if 
at  all  prejudicial  to  his  affairs,  and  it  was  not  till  the 
twenty-first  of  June  that  he  proceeded  to  Bridgewater, 
where  he  was  received  in  the  most  cordial  manner. 
In  his  march  the  follov/ing  day  from  that  town  to 
Glastonbury,  he  was  alarmed  by  a  party  of  the  Earl 
of  Oxford's  horse  ;  but  all  apprehensions  of  any  ma- 
terial intenwptions  were  removed,  by  an  account  of 
die  militia  having  left  Wells,  and  retreated  to  Bath 
and  Bristol.  From  Glastonbury  he  went  to  Shipton- 
Mallet,  where  the  project  of  an  attack  upon  Bristol  Dgsjfr-,^  t„  ^t- 
was  first  communicated  by  the  Duke  to  his  officers,  tack  Bristol. 
After  some  discussion,  it  was  agi-eed  that  the  attack 
should  be  made  on  the  Glocestershire  side  of  the 
city,  and  with  that  view,  to  pass  the  Avon  at  Keyns- 
ham-bi-idge,  a  few  miles  from  Bath.  In  their  march 
from  Shipton- Mallet,  the  troops  were  agiiin  harrassed 
in  their  rear  by  a  party  of  horse  and  dragoons,  but 
lodged  quietly  at  night  at  a  vilage  called  Pensford. 


17Q 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


CHAP.  HI.  A  detachment  was  sent  early  the  next  morning  tc 
1685  possess  itself  of  Keynsham,  and  to  repair  the  bridge, 
which  might  probably  be  broken  down,  to  prevent  a 
passage.  Upon  their  approach,  a  troop  of  the  Glouces- 
tershire horse  militia  immediately  abandoned  the  town 
in  great  precipitation,  leaving  behind  them  two  horses 
and  one  man.  By  break  of  day,  the  bridge,  Avhich 
had  not  been  much  injured,  was  repaired,  and  before 
noon  Monmouth,  having  passed  it  with  his  whole  ar- 
my, was  in  full  march  to  Bristol,  which  he  determin- 
ed to  attack  the  ensuing  night.  But  the  weather  prov- 
ing rainy  and  bad,  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  return 
to  Keynsham,  a  measure  from  which  he  expected  to 
reap  a  double  advantage ;  to  procure  dry  and  commo- 
dious quarters  for  the  soldiery,  and  to  lull  the  enemiy, 
by  a  movement  which  bore  the  semblance  of  a  retreat, 
into  a  false  and  delusive  security.  The  event  how- 
ever did  not  answer  his  expectation,  for  the  troops 
had  scarcely  taken  up  their  quarters  when  they  were 
disturbed  by  two  parties  of  horse,  v/ho  entered  the 
town  at  two  several  places.  An  engagement  ensued, 
in  which  Monmouth  lost  fourteen  men,  and  a  captain 
of  horse,  though  in  the  end  the  Royalists  were  obliged 
to  retire,  leaving  three  prisoners.  From  these  the 
Duke  had  information  that  the  King's  army  was  near 
at  hand,  and  as  they  said,  about  four  thousand  strong. 
Marches  to-  This  new  state  of  affairs  seemed  to  demand  new 
shh-e*  '  councils.     The  projected  entcrprize  upon  Bristol  was 

laid  aside,  and  the  question  was,  whether  to  make  by 
forced  marches  for  Gloucester,  in  order  to  pass  the 
Severn  at  that  city,  and  so  to  gain  the  counties  of  Sa- 
lop and  Chester  where  he  expected  to  be  met  by  ma- 
ny friends,  or  to  march  directly  into  Wiltshire,  where, 
according  to  some  intelligence  received*  ["  from  one 

*  Reference  is  made  lo  Adlum's  iiilelligence,  pac^c  238.     It  is 
' ISar  therefore  that  Mr.  Fox  ]ia?l  int-ivled  to  name  him,  but  as 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.    "  I7I 

Adlam,"]  the  clay  before,  there  was  a  considerable  ciIAP.  ill. 
bod}'  of  horse,  (under  whose  command  does  not  ap-  153.^ 
pear,)  ready,  by  their  junction,  to  afford  him  a  most 
important  and  seasonable  support.  To  the  first  of 
these  plans,  a  decisive  objection  was  stated.  The  dis- 
tance by  Gloucester  was  so  great,  that  considering 
the  slow  marches  to  which  he  would  be  limited,  by 
the  daily  attacks  with  which  the  different  small  bo- 
dies of  the  enemy's  cavalry  woidd  not  fail  to  har- 
rass  his  rear,  he  was  in  great  danger  of  being  over- 
taken by  the  king's  forces,  and  might  thus  be  driven 
to  risk  all  in  an  engagement  upon  terms  the  most 
disadvantageous.  On  the  contrary,  if  joined  in  Wilt- 
shire by  the  expected  aids,  he  might  confidently  of- 
fer battle  to  the  Royal  army;  and  provided  he  could 
bring  them  to  an  action  before  they  were  sti-engthened 
by  new  reinforcements,  there  was  no  unreasonable 
prospect  of  success.  The  latter  plan  was  therefore 
adopted,  and  no  sooner  adopted  than  put  in  execution. 
The  army  was  in  motion  without  delay,  and  being  be- 
fore Bath  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-sixth  of  June,  ji 
summoned  the  place,  rather,  (as  it  should  seem,)  in 
sport  than  in  earnest,  as  there  was  no  hope  of  it-s  sur- 
render. After  this  bravado  they  marched  on  south- 
ward to  Philip's-Norton,  where  they  rested  j  the  horse 
in  the  town,  and  the  foot  in  the  field. 

While  Monmouth  was  making  these  marches,  there  Insurrection 

were  not  wanting  in  many  parts  of  the  adjacent  coun-  ^^  Fi'oome 
~    ,  '    1       ,  suppressed 

try,  strong  symptoms  of  the  attachment  of  the  lower  June  25 

orders  of  people  to  his  cause,  and  more  especially  in 
those  manufacturing  towns,  where  the  Protestant  dis- 
senters were  numerous.  In  Froome,  there  had  been 
a  considerable  rising  headed  by  the  constable,  who 
posted  up   the    Duke's   Declaration    in  the  market- 

•      •        -^ 

he  omitted  to  do  so,  the  words  between  the  iiivcrtcd  commas.. 

lijive  been  inserted  bv  the  IStlitor 
» 


1 7^  mSTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  in.  place.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighbouring 
1685.  towns  of  Westbury  and  Warminster,  came  in  throngs 
to  the  town  to  join  the  insurgents;  some  armed  with 
fire-arms,  but  more  with  such  rustic  weapons  as  op- 
portunity could  supply.  Such  a  force,  if  it  had  joined 
the  main  army,  or  could  have  been  otherwise  directed 
by  any  leader  of  judgment  and  authority,  might  have 
proved  very  serviceable ;  but  in  its  present  state  it  was 
a  mere  rabble,  and  upon  the  first  appearance  of  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  who  entered  the  to\vn  with  a  hun- 
dred and  sixty  horse,  and  forty  musqueteers,  fell,  as 
might  be  expected,  into  total  confusion.  The  rout 
was  complete;  all  the  arms  of  the  insurgents  were 
seized;  and  the  constable,  after  having  been  compel- 
led to  abjure  his  principles,  and  confess  the  enormity 
of  his  offence,  was  committed  to  prison. 
Monmouth's  This  transaction  took  place  the  twenty-fifth,  the  day 
ment  "  '  before  Monmouth's  arrival  at  Philip's-Norton,  and 
may  have,  in  a  considerable  degree,  contributed  to  the 
disappointment,  of  which  we  learn  from  Wade,  that 
he  at  this  time  began  bitterly  to  complain.  He  was 
now  upon  the  confines  of  Wiltshire,  and  near  enough 
for  the  bodies  of  horse,  upon  whose  favourable  inten- 
tions so  much  reliance  had  been  placed,  to  have  effect- 
ed a  junction,  if  they  had  been  so  disposed;  but  whe- 
ther that  Adlaift's  intelligence  had  been  originally  bad, 
or  that  Pembroke's  proceedings  at  Froome  had  inti- 
midated them,  no  sympton  of  such  an  intention  could 
be  discovered.  A  desertion  took  place  in  his  army, 
which  the  exaggerated  accounts  in  the  Gazette  made 
to  amount  to  near  two  thousand  men.  These  dispirit- 
ing circumstances,  added  to  the  complete  disappoint- 
ment of  the  hopes  entertained  from  the  assumption  of 
the  royal  title,  pi-oduced  in  him  a  state  of  mind  but 
little  short  of  despondency.  He  complained  that  all 
people  had  deserted  him,  and  is  said  to  have  been  so  ' 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  1 73 

dejected,  as  hardly  to  have  the  spirit  requisite  for  giv-    CIIAr.  ui. 
ing  the  necessary  orders.  1685. 

From  this  state  of  torpor  however,  he  appears  to  Attacked  at 
have  been  effectually  roused,  by  a  brisk  attack  that  j^-y'i-^'on." 
was  made  upon  him  on  the  twenty-seventh,  in  the 
morning,  by  the  royalists,  under  the  command  of  his 
half-brother,  the  Duke  of  Grafton.  That  spirited 
young  nobleman,  (whose  intrepid  courage,  conspicu- 
ous upon  ever)'  occasion,  led  him  in  this,  and  many 
other  instances,  to  risk  a  life,  which  he  finally  lost*  in 
a  better  cause,)  heading  an  advanced  detachment  of 
Lord  Faversham's  anny,  who  had  marched  from  Bath, 
with  a  view  to  fall  on  the  enemy's  rear,  marched 
boldly  up  a  narrow  lane  leading  to  the  town,  and  at- 
tacked a  barricade,  which  Monmouth  had  caused  to 
be  made  across  the  way,  at  the  entrance  of  the  tOMai. 
Monmouth  was  no  sooner  apprised  of  this  brisk  at- 
tack, than  he  ordered  a  party  to  go  out  of  the  town  by 
a  bye-way,  who  coming  on  the  rear  of  the  grenadiers, 
while  others  of  his  men  were  engaged  with  their  front, 
had  nearly  surrounded  them,  and  taken  their  com- 
mander prisoner,  but  Grafton  forced  his  way  through 
the  enemy.  An  engagement  ensued  between  the  in- 
surgents and  the  remainder  of  Faversham's  detach- 
ment, who  lined  the  hedges  which  flanked  them.  The  The  Royal  J^ 
former  were  victorious,  and  after  driving  the  enemy  ^^^  ^ 
from  hedge  to  hedge,  forced  them  at  last  into  the  open 
field,  where  they  joined  the  rest  of  the  King's  forces, 

*  At  the  siege  of  Cork  m  1690.  "  In  tliis  action,"  (tlie  taking 
of  Cork  by  storm,)  "  the  Duke  of  Grafton  received  a  shot,  of 
"  which  he  diedui  a  few  days.  He  was  tlie  more  lamented,  as 
"  being  the  person  of  all  King  Charles's  childj-en,  of  wliom  there 
"  was  the  greatest  hope  ;  he  was  brave,  and  probably  would  have 
"  become  a  great  man  at  sea."  Burnet,  HI.  83.  He  distinguish- 
ed himself  particularly  in  the  action  off  Bcach}'-hoad  that  same 
>xur.     Sir  J.  Ualrymple,  H.  131.     K. 


1 74  HISTORY  OP  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  III.  newly  come  up.  The  killed  and  wounded  in  thes6 
1685.  rencounters  amounted  to  about  forty  on  Faversham's 
side,  twenty  on  Monmouth's;  but  among  the  latter 
there  were  several  officers,  and  some  of  note,  while  the 
loss  of  the  former,  with  the  exception  of  two  volun- 
teers, Seymour  and  May,  consisted  entirely  of  com- 
mon soldiers. 

The  Royalists  now  drew  up  on  an  eminence,  about 
five  hundred  paces  from  the  hedges,  while  Monmouth 
having  placed  of  his  four  field-pieces,  two  at  the  mouth 
bf  the  lane,  and  two  upon  a  rising  ground  near  it  on 
the  right,  formed  his  army  along  the  hedge.  From 
these  stations,  a  firing  of  artillery  was  begun  on  each 
side,  and  continued  near  six  hours,  but  with  little  or 
no  effect ;  Monmouth,  according  to  Wade,  losing  but 
one,  and  the  Royalists,  according  to  the  Gazatte,  not 
one  man,  by  the  whole  cannonade.  In  these  circum- 
stances,, notwithstanding  the  recent  and  convincing  ex- 
perience he  now  had,  of  the  ability  of  his  raw  troops, 
to  face,  in  certain  situations  at  least,  the  more  regular 
forces  of  his  enemy,  Monmouth  was  advised  by  some 
to  retreat  ;  but,  upon  a  more  general  consultation,  this 
advice  was  over-ruled,  and  it  was  determined  to  cut 
passages  through  the  hedges  and  to  offer  battle.  But, 
before  this  could  be  effected,  the  royal  army,  not  wil- 
ling again  to  engage  among  the  enclosures,  aimoyed 
in  the  open  field  by  the  rain,  which  continued  to  fall 
very  heavily,  and  disappointed,  no  doubt,  at  the  little 
effect  of  their  artillery,  began  their  retreat.  The  lit- 
tle confidence  v\^hich  Monmouth  had  in  his  horse,  per- 
haps the  ill  opinion  he  now  entertained  of  their  leader, 
forbad  him  to  think  of  pursuit,  and  having  staid  till  a 
late  hour  in  the  field,  and  leaving  large  fires  burning, 
he  set  out  on  his  march  in  the  night,  and  on  the  twenty- 
eighth  in  the  morning,  reached  Froome,  where  he  put 
his  troops  in  quarter  and  rested  two  days. 


QF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  1 7S 

It  was  here  he  first  heard  certain  news  of  Argyle's  CHAP.  ill. 
tliscomfiture.  It  was  in  vain  to  seek  for  any  circum-  i685. 
stance  in  his  affairs  that  might  mitigate  the  effect  of  Relapses  in- 
the  severe  bloAv^  inflicted  by  this  intelligence,  and  he  j^-ncy. 
relapsed  into  the  same  low  spirits  as  at  Philip's-Nor- 
ton.  No  diversion,  at  least  no  successful  diversion, 
had  been  made  in  his  favour:  there  was  no  appearance 
of  the  horse,  which  had  been  the  principal  motive  to 
allure  him  into  that  part  of  the  countr}- ;  and  what  was 
worst  of  all,  no  desertion  from  the  King's  army.  It 
was  manifest,  said  the  Duke's  more  timid  advisers, 
that  the  affair  must  terminate  ill,  and  the  only  mea- 
sure now  to  be  taken,  was,  that  the  General  with  his 
officers  should  leave  the  army  to  shift  for  itself,  and 
make  severally  for  the  most  convenient  sea-ports, 
whence  they  might  possibly  get  a  safe  passage  to  the 
continent.  To  account  for  iVIonmouth's  entertaining 
even  for  a  moment,  a  thought  so  unworthy  of  him,  and 
so  inconsistent  with  the  character  for  spirit  he  had  ever 
maintained,  a  character  unimpeached,  even  by  his  ene- 
mies, we  must  recollect  the  unwillingness  with  which 
he  undertook  this  fatal  expedition;  that  his  engage- 
ment to  Argyle,  M'ho  was  now  past  help,  was  perhaps 
his  principal  motive  for  embarking  at  that  time ;  that 
it  was  Avith  great  reluctance  he  had  torn  himself  from 
the  arms  of  Lady  Harriet  Wentworth,  with  whom  he 
had  so  firmly  persuaded  himself  that  he  could  be  hap- 
py in  the  most  obscure  retirement,  that  he  believed 
himself  weaned  from  ambition,  which  had  hitherto 
been  the  only  passion  of  his  mind^  It  is  true,  that 
when  he  once  yielded  to  tlie  solicitations  of  his  friends, 
so  far  as  to  undertake  a  business  of.  such  magnitude, 
it  Avas  his  dut}",  (but  a  duty  that  required  a  stronger 
mind  than  his  to  execute,)  to  discard  from  his  thoughts 
all  the  arguments  that  had  rendered  his  compliance 
r-'luctant.     But  it  is  one  of  the  great  distinctions  be- 


1  re  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  in.  tvveen  an  ordinary  mind  and  a  superior  one,  to  be  able 
1685.  to  carry  on,  without  relenting,  a  plan  we  have  not  ori- 
ginally  approved,  and  especially  when  it  appears  to 
have  turned  out  ill.  This  proposal  of  disbanding  was 
a  step  so  pusillanimous  and  dishonourable,  that  it  could 
not  be  approved  by  any  council  however  composed. 
It  was  condemned  by  all  except  Colonel  Venner,  and 
was  particularly  inveighed  against  by  Lord  Grey,  who 
was  perhaps  desirous  of  retrieving  by  bold  words  at 
least,  the  reputation  he  had  lost  at  Bridport.  It  is 
possible  too,  that  he  might  be  really  unconscious  of  his 
deficiency  in  point  of  personal  courage  till  the  moment 
of  danger  arrived,  and  even  forgetful  of  it  when  it  was 
passed.  Monmouth  was  easily  persuaded  to  give  up 
a  plan  so  uncongenial  to  his  nature,  resolved,  though 
with  little  hopes  of  success,  to  remain  with  his  army 
to  take  the  chance  of  events,  and  at  the  worst  to  stand 
or  fall  with  men  whose  attachment  to  him  had  laid 
him  under  indelible  obligations. 
RetuiMi  to  This  resolution  being  taken,  the  first  plan  was  to 

ter.  proceed  to  Warminster,  but  on  the  morning  of  his  de- 

parture, hearing,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  King's 
troops  were  likely  to  cross  his  march :  and  on  the 
other,  being  informed  by  a  Quaker  before  known  to 
the  Duke,  that  there  was  a  great  club  army,  amount- 
ing to  ten  thousand  men,  ready  to  join  his  standard  in 
the  marshes  to  the  westward,  he  altered  his  intention, 
and  returned  to  Shipton-Mallet,  where  he  rested  that 
night,  his  army  being  in  good  quarters.  From  Ship- 
ton-Mallet he  proceeded,  on  the  first  of  July,  to  Wells, 
upon  niformation  that  there  was  in  that  city  some  car- 
riages belonging  to  the  King's  army,  and  ill  guarded. 
These  lie  found  and  took,  and  stayed  that  night  in  the 
town.  The  following  day  he  marched  towards  Bridge- 
v/ater,  in  search  of  the  great  succour  he  had  been 
taught  to  expect;  but  found,  of  the  promised  ten  thou- 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  1 TJ 

saiid  men,  only  a  hundred  and  sixty.  The  army  lay  chap.  hi. 
that  night  in  the  field,  and  once  again  entered  Bridge-  i685. 
water  on  the  third  of  Jul}'.  That  the  Duke's  men 
were  not  yet  completely  dispirited  or  out  of  heart,  ap- 
pears from  the  circumstance  of  great  numbers  of  them 
going  from  Bridge  water  to  see  their  friends  at  Taun- 
ton, and  other  places  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  almost 
all  returning  the  next  day  according  to  their  promise. 
On  the  fifth  an  account  was  received  of  the  King's 
army  being  considerably  adv^anced,  and  Monmouth's 
first  thought  was  to  retreat  from  it  immediately,  and 
marching  by  Axbridge  and  Keynsham  to  Gloucester, 
to  pursue  the  plan  formerly  rejected,  of  penetrating 
into  the  counties  of  Chester  and  Salop. 

His  preparations  for  this  march  were  all  made,  Battle  of 
when,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  fifth,  he  learnt,  more  Sedgemore. 
accurately  than  he  had  before  done,  the  true  situation 
of  the  royal  army,  and  from  the  information  now  re- 
ceived, he  thought  it  expedient  to  consult  his  princi- 
pal officers,  whether  it  might  not  be  adviseable  to 
attempt  to  surprise  the  enemy  by  a  night  attack  upon 
their  quarters.  The  prevailing  opinion  was,  that  if 
the  infantrj^  were  not  intrenched,  the  plan  was  worth 
the  trial ;  otherwise  not.  Scouts  were  dispatched  to 
ascertain  this  point,  and  their  report  being,  that  there 
was  no  intrenchment,  an  attack  was  resolved  on.  In 
pursuance  of  this  resolution,  at  about  eleven  at  nrght, 
the  whole  army  was  in  march,  Lord  Grey  command- 
ing the  horse,  and  Colonel  Wade  the  vanguard  of  the 
foot.  The  Duke's  orders  were,  that  the  horse  should 
first  advance,  and  pushing  into  the  enemy's  camp, 
endeavour  to  prevent  their  infantry  from  coming  to- 
gether ;  that  the  cannon  should  follow  the  horse,  and 
the  foot  the  cannon,  and  draw  all  up  in  one  line,  and 
so  finish  what  the  cavalrv  should  have  begun,  before 
the  King's  horse  and  artillery  could  be  got  in  order. 
Z 


178  HISTORY  OK  THE  REIGX 

CHAP.  HI.  But  it  was  now  discovered  that  though  there  were  no 
1585.  intrenchments,  there  was  a  ditch  which  served  as  a 
drain  to  the  great  moor  adjacent,  of  which  no  men- 
tion had  been  made  by  the  scouts.  To  this  ditch  the 
horse  under  Lord  Grey  advanced,  and  no  farther  ; 
and  whether  immediately,  as  according  to  some  ac- 
counts, or  after  having  been  considerably  harrassed  by 
the  enemy  in  their  attempts  to  find  a  place  to  pass,  ac- 
cording to  others,  quitted  the  field.  The  cavalry  be- 
ing gone,  and  the  principle  upon  which  the  attack  had 
been  undertaken,  being  that  of  a  surprize,  the  Duke 
judged  it  necessary  that  the  infantry  should  advance 
as  speedily  as  possible.  Wade,  therefore,  when  he 
came  within  forty  paces  of  the  ditch,  was  obliged  to 
halt  to  put  his  battalion  into  that  order,  which  the  ex- 
treme rapidity  of  the  march  had  for  the  time  discon- 
certed. His  plan  was  to  pass  the  ditch,  reserving  his 
fire  ;  but  while  he  was  arranging  his  men  for  that 
purpose,  another  battalion,  newly  come  up,  began  to 
fire,  though  at  a  considerable  distance  ;  a  bad  exam- 
ple, which  it  was  impossible  to  prevent  the  vanguard 
from  following,  and  it  was  now  no  longer  in  the  pow- 
er of  their  commander  to  pei'suade  them  to  advance. 
The  King's  forces,  as  well  horse  and  artillery  as  foot, 
had  now  full  time  to  assemble.  The  Duke  had  no 
longer  cavalry  in  the  field,  and  though  his  artilleiy, 
which  consisted  only  of  three  or  four  iron  guns,  was 
well  served  under  the  direction  of  a  Dutch  gunner, 
it  was  by  no  means  equal  to  that  of  the  royal  army, 
which,  as  soon  as  it  was  light,  began  to  do  great  exe- 
cution. In  these  circumstances  the  unfortunate  Mon- 
mouth, fearful  of  being  encompassed  and  made 
prisoner  by  the  King's  cavalry,  who  were  approach- 
ing upon  his  flank,  and  urged,  as  it  is  reported,  to 
flight  by  the  same  person  who  had  stimulated  liim  to 
his  fatal   enterprize,   quitted  the   field,   accompanied 


OF  J.VMF.S  THE  SECOND.  I79 

by  Lord  (ircy  and  some  others.    The  left  wing,  un-    CHAP.  111. 
der  the  command  of  Colonel  Holmes  and  Matthews,       1685. 
next  gave  way,   and   Wade's  men,  after  having  con- 
tinued for  an  hour  and   half,  a  distant  and  ineffectual 
fire,    seeing  their   left  discomfited   began   a   retreat 
which  soon  afterwards  became  a  complete  rout. 

Thus  ended  the  decivive  battle  of  Sedgemore  ;  an  Cause  of  the 
attack  which  seems  to  have  been  judiciously  conceiv- 
ed, and  in  many  parts  spiritedly  executed.  The 
Ciencral  was  deficient  neither  in  courage  or  conduct ; 
and  the  troops,  while  they  displayed  the  native  bra- 
A-ery  of  Englishmen,  were  under  as  good  discipline 
as  could  be  expected  from  bodies  newly  raised.  Two 
circumstances  seem  to  have  principally  contributed  to 
the  loss  of  the  day ;  first,  the  unforeseen  difficulty  oc 
casioned  by  the  ditch,  of  which  the  assailants  had  had 
no  intelligence  ;  and  secondh',  the  cowardice  of  the 
commander  of  the  horse.  The  discoveiy  of  the  ditch  was 
the  more  alarming,  because  it  threw  a  general  doubt 
upon  the  information  of  the  spies,  and  the  night  being 
dark  they  could  not  ascertain  that  this  w^as  the  only  im- 
pediment of  the  kind  which  they  were  to  expect.  The 
dispersion  of  the  horse  was  still  more  fatal,  inasmucli 
as  it  deranged  the  whole  order  of  the  plan,  by  which 
it  had  been  concerted  that  their  operations  v/cre  to 
facilitate  the  attack  to  be  made  by  the  foot.  If  Lord 
Grey  had  possessed  a  spirit  more  suitable  to  his  birth 
and  name,  to  the  illustrious  friendship  with  which  he 
had  been  honored,  and  to  the  command  with  which 
he  was  intrusted,  he  would  doubtless  have  persevered 
till  he  found  a  passage  into  the  enemy's  camp,  which 
could  have  been  effected  at  a  ford  not  far  distant :  the 
loss  of  time  occasioned  by  the  ditch  might  not  have 
been  very  material,  and  the  most  important  conse- 
quences might  have  ensued  ;  but  it  would  surely  be 
rashness  to  assert,   as   Hume   does,  that  the  army 


1 80  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  m.  would  after  all  have  gained  the  victory,  had  not  the 
jgg^  misconduct  of  Monmouth  and  the  cowardice  of  Grey- 
prevented  it.  This  rash  judgment  is  the  more  to  be 
admired  at,  as  the  historian  has  not  pointed  out  the 
instance  of  misconduct  to  which  he  refers.  The  num- 
ber of  Monmouth's  men  killed  is  computed  by  some 
at  two  thousand,  by  others  at  three  hundred  ;  a  dis- 
parity, however,  which  may  be  easily  reconciled,  by 
supposing  that  the  one  account  takes  in  those  who 
were  killed  in  battle,  while  the  other  comprehends  the 
wretched  fugitives  who  were  massacred  in  ditches, 
com  fields,  and  other  hiding  places,  the  following  day. 
The  Duke's  In  general  I  have  thought  it  right  to  follow  Wade's 
the^fild  ™  narrative,  which  appears  to  me  by  far  the  most  au- 
thentic, if  not  the  only  authentic  account  of  this  im- 
portant transaction.  It  is  imperfect,  but  its  imper- 
fection arises  from  the  narrator's  omitting  all  those 
circumstances  of  which  he  was  not  an  eye  witness, 
and  the  greater  credit  is  on  that  veiy  account  due  to 
him  for  those  which  he  relates.  With  respect  to  Mon- 
mouth's quitting  the  field,  it  is  not  mentioned  by  him, 
nor  is  it  possible  to  ascertain  the  precise  point  of  time 
at  which  it  happened.  That  he  fled  while  his  troops 
were  still  fighting,  and  therefore  too  soon  for  his 
glorj'^,  can  scarcely  be  doubted  ;  and  the  account  given 
by  Ferguson,  whose  veracity  however  is  always  to  be 
suspected,  that  Lord  Grey  urged  him  to  the  measure, 
as  well  by  peruasion  as  by  example,  seems  not  impro- 
bable. The  misbehaviour  of  the  last  mentioned  no- 
bleman is  more  certain ;  but  as,  according  to  Ferguson, 
who  has  been  followed  by  others,  he  actually  conver- 
sed with  Monmouth  in  the  field,  and  as  all  accounts 
make  him  the  companion  of  his  flight,  it  is  not  to  be 
understood  that  when  he  first  gave  way  with  his  ca- 
valry, he  ran  away  in  the  literal  sense  of  the  words,  or 
if  he  did  he  must  have  returned.    The  exact  truth. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  181 

with  regard  to  this  and  many  other  interesting  parti-   CHAP.  IH. 
culars,  is  ditficult  to  be  discovered;  owing,  not  more        i685, 
to  the  darkness  of  the  night  in  which  they  were  trans- 
acted, tlian  to  the  personal   partialities  and  enmities 
by  which  they  have   been  disfigured,  in  the  relations 
of  the  different  contemporary  writers. 

Monmouth  with  his  suite  first  directed  his  coui-se  Discovered. 

Ill  d  t  ikc  1 1 . 
towards  the  Bristol-channel,  and  as  is  related  by  Old-  ' 

mixon,  was  once  inclined,  at  the  suggestion  of  Dr. 
Oliver,  a  faithful  and  honest  adviser,  to  embark  for 
the  coast  of  Wales,  with  a  view  of  concealing  himself 
some  time  in  that  principality.  Lord  Grey,  who  ap- 
pears to  have  been,  in  all  instances,  his  evil  genius, 
dissuaded  him  from  this  plan,  and  the  small  party 
having  separated,  took  each  several  ways.  Mon- 
mouth, Grey,  and  a  gentleman  of  Brandenburg,  went 
southward,  with  a  view  to  gain  the  New  Forest  in 
Hampshire,  where,  by  means  of  Grey's  connections 
in  that  district,  and  thorough  knowledge  of  the  coun- 
try, it  was  hoped  they  might  be  in  safety,  till  a  ves- 
sel could  be  procured  to  transport  them  to  the  conti- 
nent. They  left  their  horses,  and  disguised  them- 
selves as  peasants  ;  but  the  pursuit,  stimulated  as  well 
by  party  zeal,  as  by  the  great  pecuniary  rewards  of- 
fered for  the  captiu-e  of  Monmouth  and  Grey,  was 
too  vigilant  to  be  eluded.  Grey  was  taken  on  the 
7th  in  the  evening ;  and  the  German,  who  shared  the 
same  fate  early  on  the  next  morning,  confessed  that 
he  had  parted  from  Monmovith  but  a  few  hours  since. 
The  neighbouring  countr)'  was  immediately  and  tho- 
roughly searched,  and  James  had  ere  night  the  satis- 
faction of  learning,  that  his  nephew  was  In  his  power. 
The  unfortunate  Duke  was  discovered  in  a  ditch.  The  situa- 
half  concealed  by  fern  and  nettles.  His  stock  of  pro-  he  was 
vision,  which  consisted  of  some  peas  gathered  in  the  ^^^^^ 
fields  through  which  he  had  fled,  was  nearly  exhaust- 


V 


182  HISTORY  OP  THE  REIGK 

CHAP.  HI.  ed,  and  there  is  reason  to  think,  that  he  had  little  if 
1685.  ^^y  Other  sustenance,  since  he  left  Bridgewater  on  the 
evening  of  the  5th.  To  repose  he  had  been  equally 
a  stranger :  how  his  mind  must  have  been  harassed, 
it  is  needless  to  discuss.  Yet  that  in  such  circum- 
stances he  appeared  dispirited  and  crest-fallen,  is,  by 
the  unrelenting  malignity  of  party  writers,  imputed 
to  him  as  cov/ardice,  and  meanness  of  spirit.  That 
the  failure  of  his  enterprize,  together  with  the  bitter 
reflection,  that  he  had  suffered  himself  to  be  engaged 
in  it  against  his  own  better  judgment,  joined  to  the 
other  calamitous  circumstances  of  his  situation,  had 
reduced  him  to  a  state  of  despondency  is  evident ; 
and  in  this  frame  of  mind,  he  wrote  on  the  very  day 
of  his  capture,  the  following  letter  to  the  King : 

"  Sir, 

"  Your  Majesty  may  think  it  the  misfortune  I  now 
"  lie  under,  makes  me  make  this  application  to  you  ; 
"  but  I  do  assure  your  Majesty,  it  is  the  remorse  I 
"  now  have  in  me  of  the  wrong  I  have  done  you  in 
"  several  things,  and  now  in  taking  up  arms  against 
"  you.  For  my  taking  up  arms,  it  was  never  in  my 
"  thoughts  since  the  King  died :  The  Prince  and 
"  Princess  of  Orange  will  be  witness  for  me  of  the 
"assurance  I  gave- them,  that  I  would  never  stir 
"  against  you.  But  my  misfortune  was  such,  as  to 
"  meet  with  some  horrid  people,  that  made  me  be- 
"  lieve  things  of  your  Majesty,  and  gave  me  so  many 
"  false  arguments,  that  I  was  fully  led  away  to  be- 
"  lieve,  that  it  was  a  shame  and  a  sin  before  God,  not 
"  to  do  it.  But,  Sir,  I  will  not  trouble  your  Majesty 
"  at  present  with  many  things  I  could  say  for  myself, 
"  that  I  am  sure  would  move  your  compassion ;  the 
"  chief  end  of  this  letter  being  only  to  beg  of  you. 
'•'■  that  I  may  have  tha^  happiness  as  to  speak  to  youi 


or  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  1  g; 

"  Majesty;  for  I  have  that  to  say  to  you,  Sir,  tlmt  I   cjiap  hi 
"■  hope  may  give  you  a  long  and  happy  reign.  15^5. 

"  I  am  sure.  Sir,  when  you  hear  me,  you  will  be 
''  con^•inced  of  the  zeal  I  have  of  your  preservation, 
"  and  how  heartily  I  repent  of  what  I  have  done.  I 
"  can  say  no  more  to  your  Majesty  now,  being  this 
"  letter  must  be  seen  by  those  that  keep  me.  Thcre- 
"  fore.  Sir,  I  shall  make  an  end,  in  begging  of  j'our 
"  Majesty  to  believe  so  well  of  me,  that  I  would 
'^  rather  die  a  thousand  deaths,  than  excuse  any  thing 
"  I  have  done,  if  I  did  not  really  think  myself  the 
"  most  in  the  wrong  that  ever  a  man  was  ;  and  had 
^'  not  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart  an  abhorrence  fon 
"  those  that  put  me  upon  it,  and  for  the  action  itself. 
"  I  hope,  Sir,  God  Almighty  will  strike  your  heart 
"  with  mercy  and  compassion  for  me,  as  he  has  done 
"  mine  with  abhorrence  of  what  I  have  done : 
"  Wherefore,  Sir,  I  hope  I  may  live  to  shew  you  how 
"  zealous  I  shall  ever  be  for  your  ser\'ice  ;  and  could 
"  I  but  say  one  word  in  this  letter,  you  would  be  con- 
"  vinced  of  it;  but  it  is  of  that  consequence,  that  I 
"  dare  not  do  it.  Therefore,  Sir,  I  do  beg  of  you 
'■'■  once  more  to  let  me  speak  to  you ;  for  then  you 
**  will  be  convinced  how  much  I  shall  ever  be, 
"  Your  Majesty's  most  humble  and  dutiful, 

"  MONMOUTH." 

The  only  certain  conclusion  to  be  dra\vn  from  this 
letter,  which  Mr.  Echard,  in  a  manner  perhaps  not  so 
seemly  for  a  churchman,  terms  submissive,*  is,  that 
Monmouth  still  wished  anxiously  for  life,  and  was 
willing  to  save  it,  even  at  the  cruel  price  of  begging 
and  receiving  it  as  a  boon  from  his  enemy.     Ralph 

*  Echard,  p.  771-  "  His  fonner  spirit  sunk  into  pusillanimity, 
"  and  he  meanly  endeavoured,  by  the  following  submissive  let- 
•'  ter,"  &c.     E. 


184 

CHAP.  III. 

1685. 


A  mysteri- 
ous expres- 
sion in  his 
letter. 


Not  appli- 
cable to  the 
Prince  of 
Orange. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

conjectures  with  great  probability,  that  this  unhappy 
man's  feelings  were  all  governed  by  his  excessive  af- 
fection for  his  mistress  ;  and  that  a  vain  hope  of  en- 
joying, with  Lady  Harriet  Wentworth,  that  retire- 
ment which  he  had  so  unwillingly  abandoned,  induced 
him  to  adopt  a  conduct,  which  he  might  otherwise 
have  considered  as  indecent.  At  any  rate  it  must 
be  admitted,  that  to  cling  to  life,  is  a  strong  instinct 
in  human  nature,  and  Monmouth  might  reasonably 
enough  satisfy  himself,  that  when  his  death  could  not 
by  any  possibility,  benefit  either  the  public  or  his 
friends,  to  folio  *v  such  instinct,  even  in  a  manner  that 
might  tarnish  the  splendor  of  heroism,  was  no  im- 
peachment of  the  moral  virtue  of  a  man. 

With  respect  to  the  mysterious  part  of  the  letter, 
where  he  speaks  of  one  xvord^  which  would  be  of  such 
infinite  importance,  it  is  difficult,  if  not  rather  utterly 
impossible,  to  explain  it  by  any  rational  conjecture. 
IVIr.  Macpherson's  favourite  hypothesis,  that  the 
Prince  of  Orange  had  been  a  party  to  the  late  at- 
tempt, and  that  Monmouth's  intention,  when  he  wrote 
the  letter,  was  to  disclose  this  important  fact  to  the 
King,*  is  totally  destroyed  by  those  expressions,  in 
v/hich  the  unfortunate  prisoner  tells  his  Majesty  he 
had  assured  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Orange  that 
he  would  never  stir  against  him.  Did  he  assure  the 
Prince  of  Orange  that  he  would  never  do  that  which 
he  was  engaged  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  do  ?  Can 
it  be  said  that  this  was  a  false  fact,  and  that  no  such 
assurances  were  in  truth  given  ?  To  what  purpose  was 
the  falsehood  ?  In  order  to  conceal,  from  motives 
whether  honourable  or  otherwise,  his  connection  with 
the  Prince  ?  What  ?  a  fiction  in  one  paragraph  of  the 
letter  in  order  to  conceal  a  fact,  which  in  the  next  he 


Macpherson's  History. 


OF  JA^tES  THE  SECOND.  1  85 

<leclares  his  intention  of  revealing  ?  The  thing  is  im-    CHAP.  IIT 
possible.*  1685. 

The  intriguing  character  of  the  secretary  of  state, 
the  Earl  of  Sunderland,  whose  duplicity  in  many  in- 
stances cannot  be  doubted,  and  the  mysteiy  in  which 
almost  every  thing  relating  to  him  is  involved,  might 
lead  us  to  suspect  tliat  the  expressions  point  at  some 
discovery  in  Avhich  that  nobleman  was  concerned  ;  and 
that  Monmouth  had  it  in  his  power  to  be  of  import- 
ant service  to  James,  by  revealing  to  him  the  treach- 
cry  of  his  minister.  Such  a  conjuncture  might  be 
strengthened  by  an  anecdote  that  has  had  some  cur- 
rency, and  to  the  truth  of  which  in  part.  King  James's 
memoirs,  if  the  extracts  from  them  can  be  relied  on, 
bear  testimony.  It  is  said  that  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth told  Ml".  Ralph  Sheldon,  one  of  the  King's 
chamber  who  came  to  meet  him  on  his  way  to  Lon- 
don, that  he  had  had  reaSon  to  expect  Sunderland's 
co-operation,  and  authorized  Sheldon  to  mention  this 
to  the  King  :  that  while  Sheldon  Avas  relating  this  to 
his  Majesty,  Sunderland  entered,  Sheldon  hesitated, 
but  w^as  ordered  to  go  on.  "  Sunderland  seemed  at 
first  struck,"  (as  well  he  might  whether  innocent  or 
guilty,)  "but  after  a  short  time,  said  with  a  laugh, 
"  if  that  be  all  he,  (Monmouth,)  can  discover  to  save 
"  his  life,  it  will  do  him  little  good."  f  It  is  to  be  re- 
marked that  in  Sheldon's  conversation,  as  alluded  to 
by  King  James,  the  Prince  of  Orange's  name  is  not 

*  Even  if  this  complete  refutation  were  wanting-,  the  whole 
.s^lem  of  conduct  imputed  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  by  llie  above 
mentioned  author,  by  wliich  lie  is  made  to  act  in  concLrt  with 
Monmouth  at  this  time,  i.s  so  conti'ary  to  common  sense,  that  the 
hypothesis  never  could  have  been  offered  to  tlie  belief  of  man- 
kind by  Oiie  whose  mind  was  ;rot  fortified  by  some  previous  ex- 
perience of  their  unbounded  credulity. 

f  Alacpherson's  State  Papers,  I.  146. 
Aa 


i  80  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

GIIAP.  ni.  even  mentioned,  either  as  connected  with  Monn\outh 
1685.  ^  or  with  Sunderland.  But  on  the  other  hand,  the  dif- 
ficulties that  stand  in  the  way  of  our  interpreting  Mon- 
mouth's letter  as  alluding  to  Sunderland,  or  of  suppos- 
ing that  the  writer  of  it  had  any  well  founded  accusa- 
tion against  that  minister,  are  insurmountable.  If  he 
had  such  an  accusation  to  make,  why  did  he  not  make 
it  ?  The  king  says  expressly,  both  in  a  letter  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  and  in  the  extract  from  his  me- 
moirs, above  cited,  that  Monmouth  made  no  disco- 
very of  consequence,  and  the  explanation  suggested, 
that  his  silence  was  owing  to  Sunderland  the  secreta- 
ry's having  assured  him  of  his  pardon,  seems  wholly 
inadmissible.  Such  assurances  could  have  their  influ- 
ence no  longer  than  while  the  hope  of  pardon  remain- 
ed. Wliy  then  did  he  continue  silent,  when  he  found 
James  inexorable  ?  If  he  was  willing  to  accuse  the 
Earl  before  he  had  received  these  assurances,  it  is 
inconceivable  that  he  should  have  any  scruple  about 
doing  it  when  they  turned  out  to  have  been  delusive, 
and  when  his  mind  must  have  been  exasperated  by  the 
reflection  that  Sunderland's  perfidious  promises  and 
self-interested  suggestions,  had  deterred  him  from  the 
only  probable  means  of  saving  his  life. 
A  third  ex-  A  third,  and  perhaps  the  most  plausible,  interpre- 
|)ian:ition  tation  of  the  words  in  question  is,  that  they  point  to  a 
discovery  of  Monmouth's  friends  in  England,  when, 
in  the  dejected  state  of  his  mind,  at  the  time  of  writ- 
ing, unmanned  as  he  was  by  misfortune,  he  might  sin- 
cerely promise  what  the  return  of  better  thoughts  for- 
bade him  to  perform.  This  account,  however,  though 
free  from  the  great  absurdities  belonging  to  the  two 
others,  is  by  no  means  satisfactory.  The  phrase,  "  one 
word,"  seems  to  relate  rather  to  some  single  person, 
or  some  single  fact,  and  can  hardly  apply  to  any  list 
of  associates  that  might  be  intended  to  be  sacrificed. 


tfi 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  I «; 

On  the  other  hand,  the  single  denunciation  of  Lord  cilAV.  m. 


Dclamcre,  of  Lord  Brandon,  or  even  of  the  Earl  of      igyj 
Devonshire,  or  of  any  other  private  individual,  could  not  satisfus- 
not  be   considered  as  of  that  extreme  consequence,  ^017. 
which  Monmouth  attaches  to  his  promised  disclosure, 
I  have  mentioned  Lord  Devonshire,  who  was  certain- 
ly not  implicated  in  the  enterprize,  and  who  was  not 
even  suspected,  because  it  appears  from  Grey's  Nar- 
rative, that  one  of  Monmouth's  agents  had  once  given 
hopes  of  his  support  ;  and  therefore  there  is  a  bare 
possibility  that  Monmouth  may  have  reckoned  upon 
his  assistance.    Perhaps,  after  all,  the  letter  has  been 
canvassed  with  too  much  nicety,  and  the  words  of  it 
weighed  more  scrupidously,   than,  proper  allowance 
being  made  for  the  situation  and  state  of  mind  of  the 
writer,  they  ought  to  have  been.  They  may  have  been 
thrown  out  at  hazard,  merely  as  means  to  obtain  an  ♦ 

interview,  of  which  the  unhappy  prisoner  thought  he 
might,  in  some  way  or  other,  make  his  advantage.  If 
any  more  precise  meaning  existed  in  his  mind,  we 
must  be  content  to  pass  it  over  as  one  of  those  obscure 
points  of  history,  upon  which,  neither  the  sagacity  of 
historians,  nor  the  many  documents  since  made  pub- 
lic, nor  the  great  discoverer,  Time,  has  yet  thrown 
any  distinct  light. 

Monmouth  and  Grey  were  now  to  be  conveyed  to  Unfeeling- 
London,  for  which  purpose  they  set  out  on  the  11th,  ^'sposition 
......  p  \  .  '  of  James. 

and  aiTived  m  the  vicmity  of  the  metropolis  on  the 

13th  of  July.  In  the  mean  while,  the  Queen  Dowa- 
ger, who  seems  to  have  behaved  with  a  uniformity  of 
kindness  towards  her  husband's  son  that  does  hei* 
great  honour,  urgently  pressed  the  King  to  admit  his 
nephew  to  an  audience.  Importuned  therefore  by  in- 
treaties,  and  instigated  by  the  curiosity  Avhich  Mon- 
mouth's mj'sterious  expressions,  and  Sheldon's  story 
had  excited,  he  consented,  though  with  a  fixed  deter' 


1 88  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGK 

CHAP.  III.  mination  to  show  no  mercy.  James  was  not  of  the 
1685.  number  of  those,  in  whom  the  want  of  an  extensive 
understanding  is  compensated  by  a  delicacy  of  senti- 
ment, or  by  those  right  feelings  which  are  often  found 
to  be  better  guides  for  the  conduct,  than  the  most  ac- 
curate reasoning.  His  nature  did  not  revolt,  his  blood 
did  not  run  cold,  at  the  thoughts  of  beholding  the  son 
of  a  brother  whom  he  had  loved,  embracing  his  knees, 
petitioning,  and  petitioning  in  vain,  for  life  ;  of  inter- 
changing words  and  looks  with  a  nephew  on  whom  he 
was  inexorably  determined,  within  forty  eight  short 
hours,  to  inflict  an  ignominious  death. 

In  Macpherson's  extract  from  King  James's  Me- 
moirs, it  is  confessed  that  the  King  ought  not  to  have 
seen,  if  he  was  not  disposed  to  pardon  the  culprit  ;* 
but  M^hether  the  observation  is  made  by  the  exiled 
Prince  himself,  or  by  him  who  gives  the  extract,  is  in 
this,  as  in  many  other  passages  of  those  Memoirs, 
difficult  to  determine.  Surely  if  the  King  had  made 
this  reflection  before  Monmouth's  execution,  it  must 
have  occurred  to  that  Monarch,  that  if  he  had  inad- 
vertently done  that  which  he  ought  not  to  have  done 
without  an  intention  to  pardon,  the  only  remedy  was 
to  correct  that  part  of  his  conduct  which  was  still  in 
his  power,  and  since  he  could  not  recall  the  interview^ 
to  grant  the  pardon. 
liis  inter-  Pursuant  to  this  hard-hearted  arrangement,  Mon- 

view  with  lYiouth  and  Grey,  on  the  very  day  of  their  arrival, 
July  lotli.  were  brought  to  Whitehall,  where  they  had  severally 
interviews  with  his  Majesty.  James,  in  a  letter  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  dated  the  following  day,  gives  a 
short  account  of  both  these  interviews.  Monmouth, 
he  says,  betrayed  a  weakness,  which  did  not  become 
one  who  had  claimed  the  title  of  King ;   but  made  no 

*  JMacphci'Son's  State  Papers,  I.  144. 


GF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  189 

discover}'  of  consequence.  Grey  was  more  ingenuous,*  CHAi*.  ill. 
(it  is  not  certain  in  what  sense  his  Majesty  uses  the  1685. 
term,  since  he  does  not  refer  to  any  discovery  made 
by  that  Lord,)  and  never  once  begged  his  Ufe.  Short 
as  this  account  is,  it  seems  the  only  authentic  one  of 
those  inter\'iews.  Bishop  Kennet,  who  has  been  fol- 
lowed by  most  of  the  modem  historians,  relates  that 
*'  This  unhappy  captive,  by  the  intercession  of  the 
"  Queen  Dowager,  was  brought  to  the  King's  pre- 
"  sence,  and  fell  presently  at  his  feet,  and  confessed 
"  he  deserved  to  die  ;  but  conjured  him  with  tears  in 
"  his  eyes,  not  to  use  him  with  the  severity  of  justice, 
*'  and  to  grant  him  a  life,  which  he  would  be  ever 
"  readv  to  sacrifice  for  his  service.  He  mentioned  to 
"  him  the  example  of  several  great  Princes,  who  had 
"  yielded  to  the  impressions  of  clemency  on  the  like 
"  occasions,  and  who  had  never  afterwards  repented 
*'  of  those  acts  of  generosity  and  mercy  ;  concluding, 
*'  in  a  most  pathetical  manner.  Remember,  Sir,  I  am 
"  your  brother's  son,  and  if  you  take  my  life,  it  is 
"  your  0"svn  blood  that  you  will  shed.  The  King  ask- 
"  ed  him  several  questions,  and  made  him  sign  a  de- 
"  claration  that  his  father  told  him  he  was  never  mar- 
"  ried  to  his  mother :  and  then  said,  he  was  soitv 
"  indeed  for  his  misfortunes  ;  but  his  crime  was  of  too 
"  great  a  consequence  to  be  left  unpunished,  and  he 
"  must  of  necessity  suffer  fojr  it.  The  Queen  is  said 
"  to  have  insulted  him  in  a  very  aiTOgant  and  unmer- 
**  ciful  manner.  So  that  when  the  Duke  saw  there 
*'  was  nothing  designed  by  this  interview,  but  to  sa- 
*'  tisfy  the  Queen's  revenge,  he  rose  up  from  his  Ma- 
"  jesty's  feet  with  a  new  air  of  braven*,  and  was  carri- 
"  ed  back  to  the  Tower."  f 

*  Dalrymple's  Memoirs,  II.  134 
t  Kennet,  III.  432.  Echard,  III.  771- 


1 90  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGST 

CHAP.  in.  The  topics  used  by  Monmouth  are  such  as  he  migFit 
1685.  naturally  have  employed,  and  the  demeanor  attribut- 
ed to  him,  upon  finding  the  King  inexorable,  is  con- 
sistent enough  with  general  probability,  and  his  par- 
ticular character :  but  that  the  King  took  care  to  ex- 
tract from  him  a  confession  of  Charles's  declaration 
with  respect  to  his  illegitimacy,  before  he  announced 
his  final  refusal  of  mercy,  and  that  the  Queen  was  pre- 
sent for  the  purpose  of  reviling  and  insulting  him,  ai-e 
circumstances  too  attrocious  to  merit  belief,  without 
some  more  certain  evidence.  It  must  be  remarked 
also,  that  Burnet,  whose  general  prejudices  would  not 
lead  him  to  doubt  any  imputations  against  the  Queen, 
does  not  mention  her  Majesty's  being  present.  Mon- 
.mouth's  offer  of  changing  religion  is  mentioned  by 
him,  but  no  authority  quoted;  and  no  hint  of  the  kind 
appears  either  in  James's  Letters,  or  in  the  extract 
from  his  Memoirs. 
Monmouth's  From  Whitehall  Monmouth  was  at  night  carried  t© 
the  Tower,  where,  no  longer  uncertain  as  to  his  fate, 
he  seems  to  have  collected  his  mind,  and  to  have  re- 
sumed his  wonted  fortitude.  The  Bill  of  Attainder 
that  had  lately  passed,  having  superseded  the  neces- 
sity of  a  legal  trial,  his  execution  was  fixed  for  the 
next  day  but  one  after  his  commitment.  This  inter- 
val appeared  too  short  even  for  the  worldly  business 
which  he  wished  to  transact,  and  he  wrote  again  to 
the  King,  on  the  14th,  desiring  some  short  respite, 
which  was  peremptorily  refused.  The  difficulty  of 
obtaining  any  certainty  concei'ning  facts,  even  in  in- 
stances where  there  has  not  been  any  apparent  motive 
for  disguising  them,  is  no  where  more  striking,  tlian 
in  the  few  remaining  hours  of  this  unfortunate  man's 
life.  According  to  king  James's  statement  in  his  Me- 
moirs, he  refused  to  see  his  wife,  while  other  accounts 
assert  jiositively  that  she  refused  to  see  him,  unless  ir 


execution 
fixed. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  191 

presence  of  witnesses.  Burnet,  who  was  not  likely  to  CHAP,  ill 
be  misuiken  in  a  fact  of  this  kind,  says  they  did  meet,  i685. 
and  parted  very  coldly,  a  circumstance,  which,  if  true 
gives  us  no  ver}'  favourable  idea  of  the  lady's  charac- 
ter. There  is  also  mention  of  a  third  letter  written  by 
him  to  the  King,  which  being  entrusted  to  a  perfidi- 
ous officer  of  the  name  of  Scott,  never  reached  its  des- 
tination ;*  but  for  this  there  is  no  foundation.  WTiat 
seems  most  certain  is,  that  in  the  Tower,  and  not  in 
the  closet,  he  signed  a  paper,  renouncing  his  preten- 
sions to  the  crown,  the  same  which  he  afterwards  de- 
livered on  the  scaffold ;  and  that  he  was  inclined  to 
make  this  declaration,  not  by  any  vain  hope  of  life, 
but  by  his  affection  for  his  children,  whose  situation 
he  rightly  judged  would  be  safer  and  better  under  the 
reigning  monarch  and  his  successors,  when  it  should 
be  evident  that  they  could  no  longer  be  competitors 
for  the  throne. 

jNIonmouth  Avas  ver}'  sincere  in  his  religious  profes-  His  prepara- 
sions,  and  it  is  probable  that  a  great  portion  of  this  V""^,  ■ 
sad  day  was  passed  in  devotion  and  religious  dis- 
course with  the  two  prelates,  who  had  been  sent  by 
his  Majesty  to  assist  him  in  his  spiritual  concerns. 
Turner,  Bishop  of  Ely,  had  been  with  him  early  in 
the  moraing,  and  Kenn,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
was  sent,  upon  the  refusal  of  a  respite,  to  prepare  him 
for  the  stroke,  which  it  was  now  irrevocably  fixed  he 
shoidd  suffer  the  ensuing  day.  They  stayed  with  him 
all  night,  and  ifi  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth  were  join- 
ed by  Dr.  Hooper,  afterwards  in  the  reign  of  Anne, 
made  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  and  by  Dr.  Tenni- 
son,  who  succeeded  Tillotson  in  the  see  of  Canterbury. 
This  last  divine  is  stated  by  Burnet  to  have  been 
most  acceptable  to  the  Duke,  and  though  he  joined 

"  Palrj-mple's  Memoirs,  1. 127 


1 92  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGK 

CHAP.  m.  the  Others  in  some  harsh  expostulations,  to  have  done 
1685.  what  the  right  reverend  historian  conceives  to  have 
been  his  duty,  in  a  softer  and  less  perfemptory  manner. 
Certain  it  is  that  none  of  these  holy  men  seem  to  have 
erred  on  the  side  of  compassion  or  complaisance  to 
their  illustrious  penitent.  Besides  endeavouring  to 
convince  him  of  the  guilt  of  his  connection  with  his 
beloved  Lady  Harriet,  of  which  he  could  never  be 
brovight  to  a  due  sense,  they  seem  to  have  repeatedly 
teased  him  with  controversy,  and  to  have  been  far 
more  solicitous  to  make  him  profess  what  they  deem- 
ed the  true  creed  of  the  church  of  England,  than  to 
soften  or  console  his  sorrows,  or  to  help  him  to  that 
composure  of  mind  so  necessary  for  his  situation.  He 
declared  himself  to  be  a  member  of  their  church,  but 
they  denied  that  he  could  be  so,  unless  he  thoroughly 
believed  the  doctrine  of  passive  obedience  and  non- 
resistance.  He  repented  generally  of  his  sins,  and  es- 
pecially of  his  late  enterprize,  but  they  insisted  that 
he  must  repent  of  it  in  the  way  they  prescribed  to  him, 
that  he  must  own  it  to  have  been  a  wicked  resistance 
to  his  lawful  king,  and  a  detestable  act  of  rebellion.* 
Some  historians  have  imputed  this  seemingly  cruel 
conduct  to  the  King's  particular  instructions,  who 
might  be  desirous  of  extracting,  or  rather  extorting, 
from  the  lips  of  his  dying  nephew,  such  a  confession 
as  would  be  matter  of  triumph  to  the  royal  cause. 
But  the  character  of  the  two  prelates  principally  con- 
cerned, both  for  general  uprightness,  and  sincerity  as 
church  of  England  men,  makes  it  more  candid  to  sup- 
pose, that  they  did  not  act  from  motives  of  servile 
compliance,  but  rather  from  an  intemperate  party 
zeal  for  the  honour  of  their  churcli,  which  they  judg- 
ed would  be  signally  promoted,  if  such  a  man  as 

*  Burnet,  H.  330.     Ecliard  IlL  772. 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  193 

Monmouth,  after  having  throughout  his  life  acted  in  ciiAlv  III. 
defiance  of  their  favourite  doctrine,  could  be  brought  less. 
in  his  last  moments  to  acknowledge  it  as  a  divine 
truth.  It  must  never  be  forgotten,  if  we  would  un- 
derstand the  history  of  this  period,  that  the  truly  or- 
thodox members  of  our  church  regarded  monarchy 
not  as  a  human,  but  as  u  divine  institution,  and  pas- 
sive obedience,  and  non-resistance,  not  as  political 
maxims,  but  as  articles  of  religion. 

At  ten  o'clock  on  the  15th,  Monmouth  proceeded  Circum- 
in  a  carriage  of  the  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  to  Tow-  j^jj'*  c^^^u- 
er  Hill,  the  place  destined  for  his  execution.  The  tiou. 
two  bishops  were  in  the  carriage  with  him,  and  one 
of  them  took  that  opportunity  of  informing  him,  that 
their  controversial  altercations  were  not  yet  at  an 
end ;  and  that  upon  the  scaffold,  he  would  again  be 
pressed  for  more  explicit  and  satisfactoiy  declarations 
of  repentance.  When  arrived  at  the  bar,  which  had 
been  put  up  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  out  the  mul- 
titude, Monmouth  descended  from  the  carriage,  and 
mounted  the  scaffold,  with  a  firm  step,  attended  by 
his  spirituid  assistants.  The  sheriffs  and  execution- 
ers were  already  there.  The  concourse  of  spectators 
was  innumerable,  and  if  we  are  to  credit  traditional 
accounts,  never  was  the  general  compassion  more  af- 
fectingly  expressed.  The  tears,  sighs^?  and  groans, 
which  the  first  sight  of  this  heart-rending  spectacle 
produced,  were  soon  succeeded  by  an  universal  and 
awful  silence  ;  a  respectful  attention,  and  affectionate 
anxiety,  to  hear  every  syllable  that  should  pass  the 
lips  of  the  sufferer.  The  Duke  began  by  saying 
he  should  speak  little ;  he  came  to  die,  and  he 
should  die  a  Protestant  of  the  church  of  England. 
Here  he  was  interrupted  by  the  assistants,  and  told,  Persecuted 

that,  if  he  was  of  the  church  of  England,  he  must  ac-  ^^  '"^  '''-^" 
'  T  gious  assis- 

knowledge  the  doctrine  of  Non-resistance  to  be  true,  tants. 

Bb 


194  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  HI.   In  vain  did  he  reply  that  if  he  acknowledged  the  doc- 

1 1  1 1  168^-        trine  of  the  church  in  general,  it  included  all :  they 

^   i  insisted  he  should  own  that  doctrine  particularly  with 

,^  respect  to  his  case,  and  urged  much  more  concerning 

their  favourite  point,  upon  which,  however,  they  ob- 

I  tained  nothing  but  a  repetition  in  substance  of  former 

jinswers.     He  was  then  proceeding  to  speak  of  Lc.dy 

Harriet  Wentworth,  of  his  high  esteem  for  her,  and 

of  his  confirmed  opinion  that  their  connection  was  in- 

,  nocent  in  the  sight  of  God  ;  when  Goslin,  the  sheriff, 

asked  him,  with  all  the  unfeeling  bluntness  of  a  vul- 

I  gar  mind,  whether  he  was  ever  married  to  her.     The 

Duke  refusing  to  answer,  the  same  magistrate,  in  the 

like  strain,  though  changing  his  subject,  said  he  hoped 

to  have  heard  of  his  repentance   for  the  treason  and 

bloodshed  which  had  been  committed ;  to  which  the 

prisoner  replied  with  great  mildness,  that  he  died  very 

penitent.     Here  the  churchmen  again  interposed,  and 

renewing  their  demand  of  partkular  penitence   and 

public  acknowledgment  upon  public  affairs,  Monmouth 

referred  them  to  the  following  paper  which  he  had 

signed  that  morning : 

"  I  declare,  that  the  title  of  King  was  forced  upon 
"  me  ;  and,  that  it  was  very  much  contraiy  to  my  opi- 
"  nion,  when  I  was  proclaimed.  For  the  satisfaction 
*'  of  the  worl^,  I  do  declare,  that  the  late  King  told 
"  me,  he  was  never  married  to  my  mother.  Having 
"  declared  this,  I  hope  the  King,  who  is  now,  will  not 
"  let  my  children  suffer  on  this  account.  And  to  this 
"  I  put  my  hand  this  fifteenth  day  of  July,  1685. 

"  MONMOUTH." 

There  was  nothing,  they  said,  in  that  paper  about 
resistance  ;  nor,  though  Monmouth,  quite  worn  out 
with  their  importunities,  said  to  one  of  them,  in  a  most 
affecting  manner,  "  I  am  to  die, — Pray  my  Lord, — 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  195 

*•  I  refer  to  mv  paper,"  would  these  men  think  it  con-  chap.  ill. 
sistent  with  their  duty  to  desist.  They  were  only  a  iesT 
few  words  they  desired  on  one  point.  The  substance 
of  these  applications  on  one  hand,  and  answers  on  the 
other,  was  repeated,  over  and  over  again,  in  a  manner 
that  could  not  be  believed,  if  the  facts  were  not  at- 
tested by  the  signature  of  the  persons  principall}*  con- 
cerned.* If  the  Duke,  in  declaring  his  sorrow  for 
what  had  passed,  used  the  word  invasion,  "  give  it 
"  the  true  name,"  said  they,  "  and  call  it  rebellion." 
"  What  name  you  please,"  replied  the  mild-tempered 
Monmouth.  He  was  sure  he  was  going  to  everlast- 
ing happiness,  and  considered  the  serenity  of  his 
mind  in  his  present  circumstances,  as  a  certain  ear- 
nest of  the  favour  of  his  Creator.  His  repentance, 
he  said,  must  be  true  for  he  had  no  fear  of  dying,  he 
should  die  like  a  lamb.  "  iNIuch  may  come  from  na- 
"  tural  courage,"  was  the  unfeeling  and  stupid  reply 
of  one  of  the  assistants.  Monmouth,  with  that  mo- 
desty inseparable  from  tnie  bravery,  denied  that  he 
"vviAs  in  general  less  fearful  than  other  men,  maintain- 
ing that  his  present  courage  w^as  owing  to  his  con- 
sciousness that  God  had  forgiven  him  his  past  trans- 
gi'essions,  of  all  which  generally  he  repented  with  all 
his  soul. 

At  last  the  reverend  assistants  consented  to  join 
with  him  in  prayer,  but  no  sooner  were  they  risen 
from  their  kneeling  posture,  than  they  returned  to 
their  charge.  Not  satisfied  with  what  had  passed, 
they  exhorted  him,  to  a  true  and  thorough  repentance  ; 
would  he  not  pray  for  the  King  ?  and  send  a  dutiful 
message  to  his  Majesty,  to  recommend  the  Dutchess 
and  his  children  ?  "  As  you  please  ;"  was  the  reply, 
-'I  pray  for  him  and  for  all  men."     He  now  spoke 

*  vide  Somers's  Tracts.  I.  4'^.t 


196  HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.  m.  to  the  executioner,  desiring  that  he  might  have  no 
1685.  cap  over  his  eyes,  and  began  undressing.  One  would 
have  thought  that  in  this  last  sad  ceremony,  the  poor 
prisoner  might  have  been  unmolested,  and  that  the  di- 
vines would  have  been  satisfied,  that  prayer  was  the 
only  part  of  their  function  for  which  their  duty  now 
called  upon  them.  They  judged  differently,  and  one 
of  them  had  the  fortitude  to  request  the  Duke,  even 
in  this  stage  of  the  business^  that  he  would  address 
himself  to  the  soldiers  then  present,  to  tell  them  he 
stood  a  sad  example  of  rebellion,  and  entreat  the  peo- 
ple to  be  loyal  and  obedient  to  the  King,  "  I  have 
*'  said  I  will  make  no  speeches,"  repeated  Mon- 
mouth, in  a  tone  more  peremptory  than  he  had  before 
been  provoked  to ;  "I  will  make  no  speeches.  I  come 
"  to  die."  "  My  Lord,  ten  words  will  be  enough," 
said  the  persevering  divine,  to  which  the  Duke  made 
no  answer,  but  turning  to  the  executioner,  expressed 
a  hope  that  he  would  do  his  work  better  now  than  in> 
the  case  of  Lord  Russel.  He  then  felt  the  axe,  which 
he  apprehended  was  not  sharp  enough,  but  being  as- 
sui'ed  that  it  was  of  proper  sharpness  and  weight,  he 
laid  down  his  head.  In  the  meantime,  many  fervent 
ejaculations  were  used  by  the  reverend  assistants,, 
who,  it  must  be  observed,  even  in  these  moments  of 
horror,  showed  themself  not  unmindful  of  the  points 
upon  which  they  had  been  disputing  ;  praying  God  to- 
accept  his  imperfect  and  general  repentai-ice. 

The  executioner  now  struck  the  bloAV,  but  so  feebly 
or  unskilfully,  that  Monmouth  being  but  slighdy 
woundi  d,  lifted  up  his  head,  and  looked  hnn  in  the 
face  as  if  to  upbraid  him,  but  said  notliin'^.  Tht  two 
following  strokes  were  as  ineffectual  as  the  first,  .-yid 
the  headsman  in  a  fit  of  horror,  declared  he  could  not 
finish  his  work.  The  sheriffs  threatened  him  ;  he  was 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  197 

forced  again  to  make  a  further  trial,  and  in  tAVO  more   CHAP.  Hi. 
strokes  separated  the  head  from  the  body.  1685. 

Thus  fell,   in  thirtv-sixth  year  of  his  age,  James,  Chamcicr  of 

■     .  11    1       1        Monmouui. 

Duke  ot  Monmouth,  a  man  agamst  whom  all  tliut  has 

b^en  said  by  the  most  inveterate  enemies  both  to  him 
and  his  party,  amounts  to  little  more  than  this,  that  he 
had  not  a  mind  equal  to  the  situation  in  which  his  am- 
bition, at  different  times,  engaged  him  to  place  him- 
self. But  to  judge  him  with  candor,  we  must  make 
great  allowances,  not  only  for  the  temptations  into 
which  he  was  led  by  the  splendid  prosperity  of  the  ear- 
lier parts  of  his  life,  but  also  for  the  adverse  prejudi- 
ces with  which  he  was  regarded  by  almost  all  the  con- 
temporary writers  from  whom  his  actions  and  charac- 
ter are  described.  The  Tories  of  course  are  unfavor- 
able to  him  ;  and  even  among  the  Whigs,  there  seems, 
in  many,  a  strong  inclination  to  disparage  him ;  some 
to  excuse  themselves  for  not  having  joined  him ;  others 
to  make  a  display  of  their  exclusive  attachment  to 
their  more  successful  leader.  King  William.  Eurnet 
says  of  Monmouth,  that  he  was  gentle,  brave,  and  sin- 
cere :  to  these  praises,  from  the  united  testimony  of 
all  who  knew  him,  we  may  add  that  of  generosity,  and 
surely  those  qualities  go  a  great  way  in  making  up  the 
catalogue  of  all  that  is  amiable  and  estimable  in  human 
nature.  One  of  the  most  conspicuous  features  in  his 
character,  seems  to  have  been  a  remarkable,  and  as 
some  think,  a  culpable  degree  of  flexibility.  That 
such  a  disposition  is  preferable  to  its  opposite  extreme, 
will  be  admitted  by  all  who  think  that  modesty,  even 
in  excess,  is  more  nearly  allied  to  wisdom  than  con- 
ceit and  self-sufficiency.  He  who  has  attentively  con- 
sidered the  political,  or  indeed  the  general,  concerns 
of  life,  may  possibly  go  still  further,  and  rank  a  wil- 
lingness to  be  convinced,  or  in  some  cases  even  with- 
out conviction,  to  concede  our  owu  opinion  to  that  of 


199  tnSTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 

CHAP.m.   other  men,  among  the  principal  ingredients  in  the 
1685.        composition  of  practical  wisdom.      Monmouth  had 
suffered  this  flexibility,  so  laudable  in  many  cases,  to 
degenerate  into  a  habit,  which  made  him  often  follow 
the  advice,  or  yield  to  the  entreaties,  of  persons  whose 
characters  by  no  means  entitled  them  to  such  defer- 
ence.    The  sagacity  of  Shaftesbury,  the  honour  of 
Russel,  the  genius  of  Sidney,  might  in  the  opinion  of 
a  modest  man,  be  safe  and  eligible  guides.     The  par- 
tiality of  friendship,  and  the  conviction  of  his  firm  at- 
tachment, might  be  some  excuse  for  his  listening  so 
much  to  Grey ;  but  he  never  could,  at  any  period  of 
his  life,  have  mistaken  Ferguson  for  an  honest  man. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  advice  of  the  two 
last  mentioned  persons  had  great  weight  in  persuading 
him  to  the  unjustifiable  step  of  declaring  himself  King, 
But  far  the  most  guilty  act  of  this  unfortuate  man's 
life,  was  his  lending  his  name  to  the  Declaration  which 
was  published  at  Lpne,  and  in  this  instance,  Fergu- 
son, who  penned  the  paper,  was  both  the  adviser  and 
the  instrument.     To  accuse  the  King  of  having  burnt 
London,  murdered  Essex  in  the  Tower,  and  finallv, 
poisoned  his  brother,  unsupported  by  evidence  to  sub- 
stantiate  such   dreadful  charges,  was  calumnj^  of  the 
most  atrocious  kind  ;  but  the  guilt  is  still  heightened, 
when  we  observe,  that  from  no  conversation  of  Mon- 
mouth, nor  indeed  from  any  other  circumstance  Avliat- 
ever,  do  we  collect  that  he  himself  believed  the  horrid 
accusations  to  be  true.    With  regard  to  Essex's  death 
in  particular,  the  only  one  of  the  three  charges  which 
was  believed  by  any  man  of  common  sense,  the  late 
King  was  as  much  implicated   in    the   suspicion    as 
James.     That  the  latter  should  have  dared  to  be  con- 
cerned in  such  an  act  without  the  privacy  of  his  bro- 
ther, was  too  absurd  an  imputation  to  be  attempted, 
oven  in  the  days  of  the   Popish  plot.     On  the  other 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  19^J 

hand,  it  was  certainiy  not  the  intention  of  the  son  to  CIIAI'.  ill. 
brand  his  father  as  an  assassin.  It  is  too  plain,  that  in  i685. 
the  instance  of  this  Declaration,  Monmouth,  with  a  fa- 
cility highly  criminal,  consented  to  set  his  name  to 
whatever  Ferguson  recommended  as  advantageous  to 
the  cause.  Among  the  many  dreadful  circumstances 
attending  civil  wars,  perhaps  there  arc  few  more  re- 
volting to  a  good  mind,  than  the  wicked  ciilumnies 
with  which,  in  the  heat  of  contention,  men,  otherwise 
men  of  honour,  have  in  all  ages  and  countries  permit- 
ted themseh'cs  to  load  their  adversaries.  It  is  re- 
markable that  there  is  no  trace  of  the  Divines  who 
attended  this  unfortunate  man,  having  exhorted  him 
to  a  particular  repentance  of  his  Manifesto,  or  having 
called  for  a  retraction  or  disavowal  of  the  accusations 
contained  in  it.  They  were  so  intent  upon  points  more 
immediately  connected  with  orthodoxy  of  faith,  that 
they  omitted  pressing  their  penitent  to  the  only  de- 
claration, by  which  he  could  make  any  satisfactory 
atonement  to  those  whom  he  had  injured. 


FRAGMENTS. 

The  following  detached  paragraphs  were  probably  intended  for 
the  Fourth  Chapter.  They  are  here  printed  in  the  incomplete 
and  unfinished  state  in  which  they  were  found. 

1685.  WHILE  the  Whigs  considered  all  religious  opi- 

nions with  a  view  to  politics,  the  Tories,  on  the  other 
hand,  referred  all  political  maxims  to  religion.  Thus 
the  former,  even  in  their  hatred  to  Popery,  did  not  so 
much  regard  the  superstition,  or  imputed  idolatry  of 
that  unpopular  sect,  as  its  tendency  to  establish  arbi- 
trary power  in  the  state,  while  the  latter  revered  abso- 
lute monarchy  as  a  divine  institution,  and  cherished 
the  doctrines  of  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance, 
as  articles  of  religious  faith. 


To  mark  the  importance  of  the  late  events,  his  Ma- 
jesty caused  two  medals  to  be  struck  ;  one  of  himself, 
with  the  usual  inscription,  and  the  motto,  Aras  et  scep- 
tra  tiiemur ;  the  other  of  Monmouth,  without  any  in- 
scription. On  the  reverse  of  the  former,  were  repre- 
sented the  two  headless  trunks  of  his  lately  vanquished 
enemies,  with  other  circumstances  in  the  same  taste 
and  spirit,  the  motto,  Amhitio  malesuada  j-idt:  on  that 
of  the  latter  appeared  a  young  man  falling  in  the  at- 
tempt to  climb  a  rock  with  three  crowns  on  it,  under 
which  was  the  insulting  motto,  Sitperi  risere. 


With  the  lives  of  Monmouth  and  Argyle  ended,  or 
at  least  seemed  to  end,  all  prospect  of  resistance  to 
James's  absolute  power ;  and  that  class  of  patriots  who 
feel  the  pride  of  submission,  and  the  dignity  of  obe- 


OF  JAMES  THE  SECOND.  201 

dience,  might  be  completely  satisfied  that  the  Cro^vii        1685. 
was  in  its  full  lustre. 

James  was  sufficiently  conscious  of  the  increased 
strength  of  his  situation,  and  it  is  probable  that  the 
security  he  now  felt  in  his  power,  inspired  him  ^v•ith 
the  design  of  taking  more  decided  steps  in  favour  of 
the  Popish  religion  and  its  professors,  than  his  con- 
nexion widi  the  Church  of  England  party  had  before 
allowed  him  to  entertain.  That  he  from  this  time  atr 
tached  less  importance  to  the  support  and  affection  of 
the  Tories,  is  evident  from  Lord  Rochester's  observa- 
tions, communicated  afterwards  to  Burnet.  This  no- 
bleman's abilities  and  experience  in  business,  his  he- 
reditary merit,  as  son  of  Lord  Chancellor  Clarendon, 
and  his  uniform  opposition  to  the  Exclusion  Bill,  had 
raised  him  high  in  the  esteem  of  the  Church  party. 
This  circumstance,  perhaps,  as  much,  or  more  than 
the  King's  personal  kindness  to  a  brother-in-law,  had 
contributed  to  his  advancement  to  the  first  office  in  the 
state.  As  long  therefore  as  James  stood  in  need  of 
the  support  of  the  party,  as  long  as  he  meant  to  make 
them  the  instruments  of  his  power,  and  the  channels  of 
his  favour,  Rochester  was,  in  every  respect,  the  fittest 
person  in  whom  to  confide ;  and  accordingly,  as  that 
nobleman  related  to  Burnet,  his  Majesty  honoured 
him  with  daily  confidential  communications  upon  all 
his  most  secret  schemes  and  projects.  But  upon  the 
defeat  of  the  rebellion,  an  immediate  change  took 
place,  and  from  the  day  of  Monmouth's  execution, 
the  King  confined  his  conversations  with  the  Trea- 
surer to  the  mere  business  of  his  office. 


C  c 


APPENDIX. 

CONTAINING, 

I.  Correspondence  between  Louis  XIV.  and  M.  Barillon 

on  English  Affairs,  from  December  1684,  to  Decem- 
ber 1685. 

II.  Correspondence  between  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  and 

the  Bishop  of  Oxford  respecting  Mr.  Locke. 

III.  The  Bill  for  the  preservation  of  the  King's  Person. 

IV.  Account  of  Rumbold,  from  Lord  Fountainhall's  MSc 

Memoirs,  he. 


CONTENTS 

OF  THE  LETTERS  BETWEEN  LOUIS  AND  BARILLON. 


Barillon  to  the  King.     7th  Dec.  1684. 

Changes  in  the  Government  of  New  Eng-land — sentiments  of  the  Mar- 
quis of  Halifax  upon  them  combated  by  the  other  Ministers — at- 
tempts to  bring  Halifax  into  disgrace — Charles  intends  to  send  the 
Duke  of  York  into  Scotland,     p.  ix — xi. 

The  King  to  Barillon.     13th  Dec.  1684. 

Louis's  opinion  of  Halifax — and  of  the  Duke  of  York's  mission  to  Scot- 
land, p.  xi — xii. 

Barillon  to  the  King.    25th  Dec.  1684. 

offers  of  submission  and  reconciliation  from  the  Prince  of  Orange- 
rejected  by  Charles  at  the  instigation  of  Sunderland,  p.  xii — xiv. 

Barillon  to  the  King. 

Charles  the  Second's  illness — he  declares  himself  a  Catholic — his 
death,  p.  xiv — xx.  , 

Barillon  to  the  King.     19th  Feb.  1684-5. 

James  the  Second's  accession — his  speech  to  the  Council — proclaimed 
in  London — state  of  his  Court  and  Ministry — sends  Lord  Churchill 
to  Paris — informs  Barillon  of  his  intention  to  simimon  a  Parliament, 
and  why — issues  a  proclamation  for  levying  the  former  King's  reve- 
nue— his  professions  of  attachment  to  France — promises  to  establish 
the  Catholic  religion — solicits  a  supply  of  money  from  Louis — Ba- 
rillon's  opinion  of  the  stnte  of  England — Duke  of  Monmouth — arrc5t 
of  one  of  his  servants,  p.  xx — xxxi. 

The  King  to  Barillon.     20th  Feb. 

Louis's  "private  instructions  to  Barillon  respecting  James — and  the 
state  of  Parties  in  England — recommends  the  Earl  of  Sunderland — 
sends  a  supply  of  mnney  for  the  King's  use — his  apprehensions  of 

a-* 


n  CONTENTS. 

the  designs  of  the  Prince  of  Oi'ange,  and  the  Duke  of  Monmouth-* 
orders  Barillon  to  caution  the  King  against  them.  p.  xxxii — xxxv. 

The  King  to  Barillon.     26th  Feb. 

Louis  approves  of  James's  resolution  to  call  a  Parliament — recom- 
mends precautions  against  the  designs  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  and 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  p.  xxxv — xxxvii. 

Barillon  to  the  King.    26th  Feb-. 

Barillon  informs  James  of  the  supply  sent  to  him  by  Louis — the  King's 
extravagant  expressions  of  gratitude — conversation  between  Baril- 
lon and  Rochester  respecting  the  old  subsidy,  and  the  treaty  with 
Spain — James  goes  publicly  to  Mass — his  conversation  with  Barillon 
upon  it — informs  him  of  his  designs  with  regard  to  the  Catholics — 
King-  Charles  the  Second's  funeral — James  re-appoints  the  House- 
hold, and  why — Rochester  iTiade  Lord  Treasurer — Barillon  endeav- 
ours to  prevent  the  King  from  allowing  the  Prince  of  Orange  to 
visit  England — Duke  of  Monmouth,   p.  xxxvii — xlviii. 

Barillon  to  the  King.     1st  March. 

Mass  publicly  celebrated  iti  Whitehall — attended  by  the  King  and 
Queen — sentiments  of  the  public  upon  it — -further  arrangements  in 
the  Household — the  King's  reasons  for  retaining  Halifax  and  others 
. — the  additional  duties  levied  as  in  the  former  reign — preparations 
for  the  coronation— Prince  of  Orange  sends  Overkirk  to  effect  a  re- 
conciliation witli  James — Barillon  endeavours  to  prevent  it — offers 
of  submission  fi-om  the  Duke  of  Monmouth — Barilloil  tells  James 
they  are  insincere,  p.  xlviii— Ivi. 

Biirillon  to  the  King.    5th  March. 

The  people  alarmed  at  James's  public  profession  of  the  Catholic  reli- 
gion— proceedings  respecting  the  ensuing  Parliament — Catholics 
discontented  at  the  re-appointment  of  the  Household — Jaines  forms 
a  Council  of  Catholics — further  conversations  between  James  and 
Overkirk  on  the  part  of  the  Prince  of  Orange — confided  to  Barillon, 
who  endeavoui's  to  prevent  any  sort  of  reconciliation — Rochester 
advises  a  reconciliation — Sunderland  opposes  it — Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth— James's  conduct  with  i^egard  to  Spaui — his  pi'ofcssions  of 
attachment  to  France,   p.  Ivii — Ixix. 

The  King  to  Barillon.     9th  March. 

Louis  satisfied  With  James — promises  to  afford  him  succoiu-s  wlun 
.     w;^ntcd— sends  over  the  Marechal  de  Lorg'c — applauds  James's  re- 


CONTENTS.  1JI-. 

Kolution  to  levy  the  duties— instructs  Barillon  to  inspire  him  witii  a 
<listrust  of  the  Priucc  ol'Orang'c.   p.  Ixix — Ixxi. 

The  King  to  Barillon.      16th  March. 
On  tlie  appoiiitiiicut  vt'  Hoiiiun  Catholic  Bishops  in  England,     p.  Ixxii. 

Barillon  to  the  King. 

James  and  his  Ministers  make  further  demands  of  succours  from 
Louis — various  discussions  between  Barillon  and  the  Ministers  res- 
pecting'the  subsidy  granted  to  Charles — arguments  to  induce  Louis 
to  continue  the  subsidy — James  acquaints  Barillon  with  his  designs, 
and  his  determination  to  establish  the  Catholic  religion — Barillon 
adviees  Louis  to  send  more  money — treatment  of  the  Dutch  Ambas- 
sadors— indisposition  of  the  Queen  of  England,  p.  Ixxii — Ixxxi. 

The  King  to  Barillon.     24th  April. 

Louis  sends  over  a  fresh  supply — promises  to  support  James,  and  par- 
liculai'lv  in  establishing  the  Catholic  religion — explanations  with  re- 
gard to  Spain,    p.  Ixxxi — Ixxxiv. 

Barillon  to  the  King.     30th  April. 

James's  satisfaction  at  the  result  of  the  explanations  between  the 
Courts  of  Versailles  and  Madrid — he  resolves  to  go  to  Chapel  In 
state — the  Earlof  Rochester  refuses  to  accompany  him — altercation 
between  them — Dutch  Ambassadors — their  public  entry — Barillon's 
account  of  the  state  of  parties — points  out  to  Louis  the  measures  he 
ought  to  adopt  to  secure  James's  attachment  to  his  interests,  p. 
Ixxxiv— xcii. 

The  King  to  Barillon*     9th  May. 

Louis  permits  Barillon  to  complete  the  payment  of  the  old  subsidy- 
promises  further  assistance,  if  James  be  obliged  to  dissolve  the 
Parliament,  and  use  force  to  can-y  his  designs— begins  to  entertain 
suspicions  of  a  new  alliance  between  England  and  the  States'  Gene- 
ral,   p.  xcil — xcv. 

Barillon  to  the  King.     14th  May. 

Various  matters  relating  to  the  States'  General  and  the  Prince  of 
Orange — temper  of  the  Parliament — Its  design  against  some  of  the 
Ministers — state  of  the  Court  In  the  last  years  of  Charles  the  Se- 
cond's reign — Dutchess  of  Portsmoutli— designs  of  the  Eng-llsh  ex- 
'-■xlles   at  Amsterdam — Dutch  Ambassadors— Scottish  P&rliaBicnt 


iv  CONTENTS, 

grants  the  revenue  for  life — arrest  of  one  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's 
cqueries.    p.  xcv — c. 

Barillon  to  the  King.     17th  May. 

Barillon  assures  Louis  that  James  does  not  intend  to  foi-m  a  treaty 
with  the  States  or  the  Prince  of  Orange — explains  his  conduct  on 
this  head — describes  the  misettled  state  of  England — urges  Louis 
to  grant  further  supplies — discussions  between  the  English  and 
Dutch  East  India  Companies  respecting  Bantam — James  wishes  to 
thwart  the  Dutch  trade,    p.  c — cv. 

Barillon  to  the  King.    21st  May. 

Earl  of  Argyle  sails  from  Holland — James's  discontent  at  the  condnct 
of  the  States  and  the  Prince  of  Orange,  which  BariUon  endeavours 
to  encrease — trade  of  the  Dutch  in  pepper,  &c. — James's  precaution 
against  the  Earl  of  A-i-gyle's  enterprise — state  of  the  army  in  Ireland 
— apprehensions  of  the  attempts  of  the  disaffected  there— a  publica-^ 
tion  on  liberty  of  conscience  by  the  Duke  of  Buckingham — Trial 
and  condemnation  of  Titus  Oates.   p.  cv — cxi. 

The  King  to  Barillon.    25th  May. 

Louis's  observations  upon  the  principal  points  in  the  preceding  letter 
— refuses  to  grant  any  more  money  than  what  is  necessary  to  pay 
the  arrears  of  the  old  subsidy,   p.  cxi — cxiii. 

The  King  to  Barillon.     Jst  June. 

Louis's  opinion  of  the  E.arl  of  Argyle's  invasion — begins  to  entertain 
suspicions  of  James's  intentions,    p.  cxiii — cxv. 

Barillon  to  the  King.     28th  May. 
Barillon  assures  Louis  of  James's  attachment  to  him.    p.  cxv. 

Barillon  to  the  King.    2d  June. 

Proceedings  in  the  House  of  Commons — James's  professions  of  attach- 
ment to  France — Barillon  urges  Louis  to  grant  further  supplies — 
Lord  Montague  solicits  his  pension  from  Louis,    p.  cxvi — cxx. 

Barillon  to  the  King.    4th  June. 

Substance  of  Mr.  Seymour's  Speech  in  Parliament  against  the  validity 
of  the  elections,  and  the  designs  of  the  Court — Lord  Lorn.  p.  cxi; 
— cxxii. 


CONTENTS. 


Barillon  to  the  King.    7th  June. 

Procecdinjjs  of  Argyle— transactions  in  Parliament  respecting'  the 
Catholics — James's  displeasure  at  them — its  consequence — discus- 
sions between  tlie  Eng'llsh  and  Dutch  India  Companies— further  pro- 
ceedings of  Argjle.     p.  cxxii— cxxvii. 

The  King  to  Barillon.  15th  June. 

Louis's  observations  on  parts  of  the  preceding  letter— his  opinion  oi 
Argyle's  invasion — urges  the  establishment  of  the  Catholic  religion 
in  England— refuses  to  grant  further  supplies,  till  James  shall  un- 
dertake it.    p.  cxxvii — cxxix. 

Barillon  to  the  King.     1 8th  June. 

Reports  that  Louis  secretly  foments  troubles  in  England— disbelieved 
by  James,    p.  cxxx. 

The  King  to  Barillon.    13th  July. 

Louis's  suspicions  of  the  Prince  of  Orange — recalls  the  sums  in  Baril 
Ion's  hands,    p.  cxxx — cxxxii. 

Barillon  to  the  King.    16th  July. 

Barillon  acquaints  the  King  and  liis  Ministers  with  the  suspension  of 
all  fuither  supplies — their  surprize  and  embaiTassment  at  it — ^their 
various  arguments  to  induce  Louis  to  continue  them — abject  offer.s 
to  Louis  by  James — he  dechires  he  cannot  establish  Popery  without 
his  aid — conversations  between  Barillon  and  Sunderland — Barillon 
solicits  Louis  to  allow  him  to  advance  a  further  supply — describes 
the  state  of  affairs  in  England,  and  James's  pati'onage  of  the  Catho- 
lics— discredits  certain  reports  in  Holland — progress  of  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth,  and  state  of  the  Royal  army — execution  of  Argyle.  p. 
cxxxii—cxlviii. 

The  King  to  Barillon.     26th  July. 

Louis  censures  Barillon  for  not  having  deprived  James  of  all  hope  of 
further  supplies,    p.  cxlix— cli. 

The  King  to  Barillon.     —  Aug. 

Louis's  arguments  to  induce  James  to  establish  Popery— his  suspicions 
with  regard  to  Spain,    p  cli— cUi. 


VI  CONTENTS. 

The  King  to  Barillon.  24th  Aug. 

Ditto.  30th  Aug. 

Ditto.  4th  Sept. 

^          Ditto.  16th  Sept. 

The  above  four  letters  relate  principally  to  James's  renewing  the 
treaty  with  the  States'  General — Louis  instructs  Bai'illon  how  he  is 
to  act  in  future,  and  to  wave  eveiy  proposal  for  a  new  alliance  be- 
tween Eng'land  and  France— orders  him  to  prevent  if  possible  the 
renewal  of  any  other  ti-eaties  with  James,    p.  cliii— clvii. 

Barillon  to  the  King.    10th  Sept. 

Substance  of  a  deposition  made  by  one  of  jNIonmouth's  Equeries,  res- 
pecting certain  designs  of  the  Protestants  in  France,  p.  clvii— clviii. 

The  King  to  Barillon.    20th  Sept. 

Louis  continues  to  instruct  Barillon  to  prevent  any  fresh  treaties  be- 
tween England  and  other  States — does  not  entirely  approve  of  the 
appointment  of  Sir  AV.  Trumball  to  be  Ambassador  in  France,  p. 
clviii — clx. 

Barillon  to  the  King.     17th  Sept. 

Barillon  acquaints  Louis  with  the  hopes  entertained  by  the  Austrian 
and  Spanish  ministers,  of  an  alliance  with  England,  p.  clx— clxi. 

The  King  to  Barillon.  28th  Oct. 

Repecting  the  English  Parliament,     p.  clxi — clxii. 

to  Barillon.    1st  Nov. 


The  writer  of  this  letter  wishes  to  know  from  Barillon,  upon  what  &n- 
thority  he  had  advanced  to  James  300,000  livres  more  than  the  ar- 
rears of  the  old  subsidy,     p.  clxii. 

Barillon  to  the  King.     29th  Oct. 

James  Intends  to  dismiss  Halifax,  and  why — an  affair  relating  to  the 
Prince  and  Princess  of  Orange— Lord  Castlemaine  appointed  Ambas- 
sador to  Rome— Barillon's  observations  on  it.    p.  clxii— clxvi. 

The  King  to  Barillon.    6th  Nov. 

Louis's  opinion  of  Halifax— hopes  James  will  accomplish  llic  repeal 
of  tlie  'iV«i  and  Habeas  Corpus  acts.      p.  clxxi. 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

Barillon  to  the  King.    5th  Nov. 

Various  circumstances  rcspcctini^  Halifax's  dismissal— conjectures  up- 
on the  conduct  of  the  ensuing-  Pai-liament — execution  of  Mr.  Cornish 
and  Mrs.  Gaunt  noticed,    p.  clxvii— clxx. 

The  King  to  Barillon.    16th  Nov. 

Louis  applauds  the  dismissal  of  Halifax— entertains  suspicions  of 
James's  intentions,    p.  clxx— clxxii. 

Baiillon  to  the  King.    12th  Nov. 

State  of  the  Protestant  and  Catholic  Parties  in  England — supposed 
effect  of  Halifax's  dismissal  upon  the  other  Ministers,  clxxii — clxxiv. 

The  King  to  Barillon.    19th  Nov. 

Louis  suspects  an  approaching  alliance  between  England  and  Spain— 
insti'ucts  Barillon  to  excite  a  spirit  of  opposition  in  the  principal 
members  of  Parliament  if  he  find  that  James  is  determined  to  mako 
fresh  treaties,  p,  clxxv— clxxvi. 

The  King  to  Barillon.  29th  Nov. 

Observations  upon  a  Letter  from  Barillon  respecting  the  proceedings 
in  Parliament,  p.  clxxvi — clxxvii. 

Barillon  to  the  King. 

Lord  Grey  is  said  to  have  Implicated  the  Earl  of  Devonshire  in  Mon.- 
mouth's  rebellion,  p.  cLxxvii. 

Barillon  to  the  King.    26th  Nov. 

Joiu-nal  of  the  proceedings  in  Parliament — Spanish  Ambassatlor 
iu"ges  the  renewal  of  the  treaty  of  1680 — state  of  the  interior  of  tlie 
English  Court — opposite  views  of  Rochester  and  Sunderland — their 
consequences — Barillon  advises  Louis  to  pension  Sunderland — fur. 
ther  proceedings  in  the  Parliament,  p.  clxxviii — clxxxvjil. 

Barillon  to  the  King.  30th  Nov. 

Prorogation  of  the  Parliament,  and  its  probable  consequences,  p, 
cl  xxxviii — clxxxix . 

The  King  to  Barillon.   6th  Dec. 

Louis's  observations  on  the  Prorogation— agrees  to  allow  Sunderland 
an  annual  pension  of  from  ?0  to  ^5.000  Cvowns,  p.  clxxxix— oxc 


APPENDIX. 


L    CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  LOUIS  XIV. 
AND  M.  BARILLON. 

M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

December  7th,  1684,  at  London. 

I  RECEIVED  your  Majesty's  dispatch  of  December  the 
first.  I  have  begun  the  execution  of  the  order  which  your 
Majesty  gives  me  concerning  my  Lord  Halifax.  There  hap- 
pened here,  not  long  since,  an  affair,  which  has  already 
given  an  opportunity  to  the  Duke  of  York  and  the  other 
ministers  of  taking  active  measures  for  entirely  discrediting 
him,  and  with  some  hope  of  success. 

The  King  of  England  gave  the  government  of  Nev/  Eng- 
land to  Colonel  Kirk,  who  had  been  previously  govem- 
nor  of  Tangier.  King  James  had  before  that  established 
by  letters  patent,  there,  a  company  which,  with  an  almost 
Sovereign  and  independent  authority  governed  the  coun- 
tries comprized  under  the  government  of  New  England. 
The  privileges  of  that  company  were  annulled  in  the  King's 
bench ;  and  his  Britannic  Majestj'  became  repossessed  of 
the  power  to  give  the  government  a  new  form,  and  to  es- 
tablish new  laws,  under  which  the  inhabitants  of  those  coun- 
tries are  henceforth  to  live.  This  occasioned  a  deliberation 
in  the  privy  council.  It  was  carefully  investigated  whether 
the  same  government   which   is  established  in   England 

b 


%  APPENDIX. 

should  be  introduced  there,  or  whether  the  inhabitants  oV 
those  regions  should  be  subjected  to  the  orders  of  a  gover- 
nor and  council  who  should  possess  all  the  authority,  with- 
out being  bound  to  observe  any  other  rules  but  those  which 
should  be  prescribed  to  them  from  hence.  My  Lord  Ha- 
lifax chose  to  maintain  with  vehemence  that  it  was  unques- 
tionable, the  same  laws  under  which  they  live  in  England 
ought  to  be  established  in  a  country  inhabited  by  English- 
men. He  expatiated  at  full  length  on  this  head,  and  forgot 
not  one  of  those  reasons  which  are  calculated  to  prove 
that  an  absolute  government  is  neither  so  happy  nor  so 
stable  as  that  which  is  tempered  by  laAvs  and  sets  bounds  to 
the  authority  of  the  prince.  He  exaggerated  the  inconve- 
niences of  the  Sovereign  power,  and  plainly  declared  that 
he  could  never  like  to  live  under  a  King  who  should  have 
it  in  his  power  to  take  at  pleasure  the  money  out  of  his 
pocket.  This  discourse  was  strongly  withstood  by  all  the 
other  ministers,  and  without  examining  the  question  whe- 
ther one  form  of  government  in  general  is  better  than  ano- 
ther, they  maintained  that  his  Britannic  Majesty  could  and 
ought  to  govern  countries,  so  far  distant  from  England,  in 
the  w^ay  which  should  appear  to  him  best  calculated  to 
maintain  the  country  in  the  state  in  which  it  is,  and  to 
augment  its  forces  and  wealth.  It  was,  therefore,  resolved, 
that  the  Governor  ajid  council  should  not  be  subjected  to 
convene  assemblies  of  the  whole  country  in  order  to  lay 
taxes  and  regulate  other  important  matters,  but  that  the 
governor  and  council  should  act  as  they  should  deem  it 
proper,  being  accountable  only  to  his  Britannic  Majes- 
t)'.  This  business  is  perhaps  not  very  important  in  itself; 
but  the  Duke  of  York  availed  himself  of  it  to  show  the 
King;  of  England  how  inconvenient  it  is  to  retain  in  the 


APPENDIX,  xi 

secrets  of  his  affairs  a  man  so  much  opposed  to  the  in- 
terests of  ro)alty  as  my  Lord  Halifax.  The  Lady  Ports- 
mouth has  the  same  design,  and  my  Lord  Sunderland  could 
not  desire  any  thing  more  eagerly.  They  both  think  they 
can  succeed  in  a  little  time. 

The  Duke  of  York  confidently  told  me  that  the  King 
his  bi'Other  had  determined  to  send  him,  next  spring,  to 
Scotland  on  a  jouraey  of  three  weeks  in  order  to  convene 
the  parliament  there,  without  which  the  estates  of  those 
who  are  declared  rebels  cannot  be  confiscated  j  that  his 
journey  will  last  nearly  as  long  as  the  court  remains  at 
New-market,  that  meanwhile  he  thought  he  ought  to  give 
me  early  information  thereof,  well  knowing  that  his  enemies 
would  endeavour  to  give  this  journey  an  air  of  disgrace, 
though  at  the  bottom,  it  is  a  new  mark  of  the  confidence 
and  friendship  the  King  his  brother  has  for  him.  The  Mar- 
quis of  Huntley,  chief  of  the  house  of  Gordon,  has  been 
made  a  Duke,  and  the  Marquis  of  Queensberry  likewise ; 
This  latter  is  of  the  house  of  Douglas,  and  great  treasurer 
of  Scotland.  It  is  not  a  matter  of  little  consequence  that 
the  Marquis  of  Huntley  who  is  a  Catholic  has  been  made 
a  Duke. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Versailles,  December  13,  168-1 

The  reasonings  of  Lord  Halifax,  on  the  manner  of  gov- 
erning New-England,  little  deserve  the  confidence  which 
the  King  of  England  places  in  him,  and  I  am  not  surpri- 
zed to  hear  that  the  Duke  of  York  called  the  King  his 
brother''s  attention  to  the  consequences  thereof.  I  am  also 
induced  to  think,  that  what  that  prince  is  to  do  in  Scotland, 
will  not  change  at  all  the  situation  of  affairs  in  England^ 


xii  APPENDIX. 

and  I  am  glad  to  know  that  it  is  rather  a  mark  of  the  con 
fidence  which  the  King  his  brother  has  in  him,  than  a  de- 
sign to  remove  him  from  his  councils. 

London,  21st  December,  1684. 

*  Barillon  says,  the  Dutches  of  Portsmouth  tells  him  the 
King  waited  till  Halifax  gave  him  some  further  pretext,  for 
dismissing  him,  but  that  he  represented  to  them  the  danger 
of  delay.  They  had  no  apprehensions  of  Halifax's  altering 
his  conduct,  and  regaining  the  King's  confidence. 

M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

25th  December,  1684,  at  London. 

The  King  of  England  seems  to  me  to  be  as  ill  pleased  as 
he  ever  was  with  the  Prince  of  Orange's  conduct.  M.  Zit- 
ters  handed  the  former  a  letter  from  the  latter,  by  which 
he  assures  him  in  general  terms,  that  he  considers  himself 
as  very  unhappy  for  having  lost  his  favour,  well  knowing 
that  he  had  done  nothing  that  ought  to  displease  him.  M. 
Zitters  added  thereto,  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  very 
much  grieved  that  his  enemies  had  been  able  to  prepossess 
his  Britannic  Majesty's  mind  to  such  a  degree  against  him, 
though  his  conscience  does  not  upbraid  him  with  having 
done  any  thing  that  could  be  against  his  wishes  or  inten- 
tions. The  King  of  England  gave  me  to  understand,  his 
answer  to  M.  Zitters  was,  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  made 
a  fool  of  him  as  well  as  M.  Zitters,  by  charging  him  to  say 
things  which  he  knows  to  have  no  foundation  at  all  ;  that 
the  Prince  of  Orange  had  no  enemies  at  his  court  who 
could  take  an  interest  in  injuring  him,  but  that  he  had 
himself  done  every  thing  in  his  power  to  effect  it,  since  he 

*  This  is  printed  from  a  note  In  Mr.  Fox's  band  writing-. 


APPENDIX.  xiii 

had  conducted  himself  in  a  manner  quite  opposite  to  what 
he  ought  to  have  done  both  with  respect  to  general  affairs, 
and  with  regard  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  and  other  ring- 
leaders. M.  Zitters  tried  to  excuse  what  the  Prince  of 
Orange  had  done  with  respect  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth: 
His  Britannic  Majesty  spumed  it  and  told  him  that  the 
Prince  of  Orange  was  more  skilful  than  anybody  else,  since 
he  could  use  so  gently,  a  man  whose  designs  could  aim  at 
nothing  less  than  establishing  a  republic  in  England,  or 
maintaining  chimerical  pretensions  which  could  not  suc- 
ceed without  ruining  the  Prince  of  Orange  himself.  The 
King  of  England's  intention  was,  according  to  my  judg- 
ment, to  cut  still  shorter  his  conversation  with  M.  Zitters ; 
but  this  is  not  congenial  to  his  humour.  The  Duke  of  York 
spoke  to  JNI.  Zitters  in  a  very  decisive  manner,  and  gave 
him  no  room  to  defend  the  Prince  of  Orange's  conduct. 
M.  Zitters  told  my  Lord  Sunderland,  the  Prince  of  O- 
rangc  would  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  regain  the  good 
graces  of  the  King  of  England  and  of  the  Duke  of  York. 
That  it  required  only  to  be  made  known  to  him  what  he 
ought  to  do  for  that  purpose  ;  My  Lord  Sunderlaud  an- 
swered, that  it  was  not  from  hence  he  ought  to  wait  for  in- 
structions, and  that  he  knew  well  enough  what  part  of  his 
conduct  might  have  displeased  the  King  of  England,  in  or- 
der to  change  it,  if  he  was  disposed  to  do  so. 

I  have  been  informed  by  the  Duke  of  York,  that  my 
Lord  Sunderland,  when  speaking  of  these  matters  with 
the  King  of  England  and  his  most  confidential  ministers, 
had  said  that  his  Britannic  Majesty's  dignity  and  interest 
requires  him  to  suffer  the  prince  of  Orange  to  take  of  him- 
self the  resolution  which  he  shall  think  proper,  without 
prescribing  any  thing  to  him,  nay,  even  without  shewing 


xiv  APPENDIX. 

him  that  any  thing  is  expected  of  him,  that  after  having 
for  three  years  past,  done  every  thing  in  his  power  against 
the  interests  and  designs  of  the  King  of  England,  he  ought 
iiot  to  think  that  what  he  has  done  was  to  be  atoned  for  by 
compliments ;  that  at  present  it  is  impossible  to  point  out 
wherein  he  could  show  his  good  will  and  zeal ;  that  much 
time,  perhaps,  is  requisite  to  find  fit  opportunities  for  do- 
ing so,  and  that  all  he  can  hope  for  is,  that  the  King  of 
England  will  please  to  consider  what  will  henceforth  be 
his  behaviour;  that  meanwhile  M.  Zitters  ought  to  be 
spoken  to  on  svich  subjects  in  as  short  and  decisive  a  way 
as  possible.  This  advice  was  approved  of  by  his  Britannic 
Majesty,  and  it  was  resolved,  that  M.  Zitters  should  not 
even  be  listened  to,  if  he  should  speak  any  more  about  it. 
There  has  been  these  two  days  a  great  talk  here  about 
the  sedition  that  took  place  at  Brussels,  and  the  manner  in 
xvhich  it  was  suppressed  by  the  Marquis  of  Grave,  that  is, 
by  granting  every  thing  to  the  people.  The  king  of  Eng- 
land spoke  of  it  as  an  example  of  a  very  pernicious  tenden- 
cy, and  which  would  unquestionably  induce  the  other  cities 
in  the  Netherlands  to  do  the  same  thing,  seeing  that  at 
Brussels,  it  remains  unpunished  and  rewarded. 

M.  BARILLON'S  DISPATCH  TO  THE  KING. 

It  is  merely  to  give  your  Majesty  an  account  of  the  most 
important  events  that  took  place  on  the  death  of  the  late 
King  of  England,  that  I  do  myself  the  honour  to  address 
the  present  letter  to  your  Majesty.  His  sickness  which 
began  on  Monday  morning  the  12th  of  February,  under- 
went divers  changes  during  the  following  days ;  sometimes 
he  was  thought  to  be  out  of  danger,  and  then  some  acci- 
dent happened  ^vhich  induced  a  belief  his  illness  was  mor- 


APPENDIX.  XV 

tftl ;  at  length  on  Thursday  the  fifteenth  of  February,  about 
noon,  I  was  informed  from  a  creditable  quarter,  there  was 
no  longer  any  hope,  and  that  the  physicians  believed  he 
could  not  survive  the  night;  immediately  afterwards  I  went 
to  ^V1fltehall ;  the  Duke  of  York  had  given  orders  to  the 
officers  who  guarded  the  door  of  the  antichamber  to  let 
me  pass  at  any  hour ;  he  was  always  in  the  King  his  bro- 
ther's room,  and  left  it  now  and  then  to  give  his  orders 
concerning  eveiy  thing  that  happened  in  the  city ;  a  report 
was  spread  more  tlian  once  during  the  day,  that  the  King 
was  dead :  as  soon  as  I  had  arrived,  the  Duke  of  York  told 
me  "  The  physicians  believed  the  King  to  be  very  dange- 
rously ill;  I  beseech  you  to  assure  your  master  that  he 
shall  always  have  in  me  a  faithful  and  gi-ateful  servant." 
1  was  till  five  o'clock  in  the  King  of  England's  anti- 
chamber  ;  the  Duke  of  York  called  me  several  times  into 
the  room,  and  spoke  to  me  of  what  was  going  on  without 
doors,  and  of  the  assurances  which  were  given  him  from 
all  sides,  that  all  was  very  quiet  in  the  city,  and  that  he 
would  be  proclaimed  King  there  as  soon  as  the  King  his 
brother  should  be  dead.  I  went  out  for  some  time  and  re- 
paired to  the  Lady  Portsmouth's  apartment ;  I  found  her 
in  exti-eme  grief ;  the  physicians  had  bereft  her  of  every 
kind  of  hope,  yet  instead  of  talking  to  me  of  her  grief  and 
of  the  loss  she  was  about  to  sustain,  she  went  into  a  little 
closet  and  said  to  me  "  Ambassador,  I  am  going  to  tell  you 
the  greatest  secret  in  the  world,  and  my  head  would  be 
forfeited  if  it  was  known :  the  King  of  England  is  at  the 
bottom  of  his  heart  a  Catholic,  but  he  is  surrounded  with 
the  protestant  bishops,  and  nobody  either  tells  him  in  what 
condition  he  is,  or  speaks  to  him  of  God.  Decency  forbids 
me  from  entering  his  chamber,  besides  the  Queen  is   al- 


xvi  APPENDIX. 

most  continually  there ;  the  Duke  of  York  thinks  of  his  own 
affairs  and  is  too  busy  to  take  due  care  of  the  King's  con- 
science :  go  and  tell  him  that  I  entreated  you  to  warn  him 
that  he  ought  to  think  of  what  may  be  done  to  save  the 
King's  soul ;  he  is  master  in  the  room,  he  can  bid  whom 
he  pleases  go  out ;  don't  lose  any  time  j  for  if  you  delay 
ever  so  little,  it  will  be  too  late." 

I  returned  that  very  instant  to  the  Duke  of  York,  I  be- 
sought him  to  appear  as  if  he  went  to  the  Queen  who  had 
left  the  King's  room  and  had  just  been  bled  because  she 
had  fallen  into  a  swoon  :  the  room  communicates  with  both 
apartments ;  I  followed  him  to  the  Queen,  and  told  him 
what  the  Lady  Portsmouth  had  said  to  me.  He  recover- 
ed, as  it  were,  from  a  profound  reverie,  and  told  me 
"  you  are  right ;  there  is  no  time  to  be  lost,  I  shall  venture 
every  thing  rather  than  not  discharge  my  duty  on  this  oc- 
casion." One  hour  after  he  returned  to  me,  still  under  the 
pretence  of  going  to  the  Queen,  and  told  me,  he  had  spoken 
to  the  King  his  brother  and  found  him  determined  on  not 
taking  the  sacrament  which  the  protestant  Bishops  pressed 
him  to  receive  ;  that  they  had  very  much  wondered  at  it,  but 
there  remained  always  some  of  them  in  his  room,  if  he  did 
not  make  some  pretence  for  bidding  ever)'  body  leave  it  in 
order  to  speak  freely  to  the  King  his  brother,  and  to  dispose 
him  to  make  a  formal  adjuration  of  heresy  and  to  confess 
to  a  Catholic  priest. 

We  agitated  several  expedients  ;  the  Duke  of  York  pro- 
posed I  should  ask  to  speak  to  the  King  his  brother,  in  or- 
der to  communicate  to  him  some  secret  business  from  your 
Majesty,  and  that  ever}-  bod^-  should  be  required  to  go 
out.  I  offered  to  do  it ;  but  I  represented  to  him,  besides, 
that  it  would  cause  a  great  noise,  it  was  not  likely  to  make 


>i 


TO   THE  READER.  XVl'l 

"  and  r,  (which  pray  advert  to,)  one  would  have  supposed, 
'^  not  only  that  he  had  inspected  it  accurately,  but  that  all 
"  his  extracts  at  least,  if  not  Caite's  also,  were  taken  from 
''  it.  Macpherson's  impudence  in  attempting  such  an  im- 
"  position,  at  a  time  when  almost  any  man  could  have  de- 
"  tected  him,  would  have  been  in  another  man,  incredible, 
"  if  the  internal  evidence  of  the  extracts  themselves  against 
"  him  were  not  corroborated  by  the  testimony  of  the  prin- 
*'  cipal  persons  of  the  College.  And  this  leads  me  to  a 
"  point  of  more  importance  to  me.  Principal  Gordon 
"  thought,  when  I  saw  him  at  Paris,  in  October  1802,  that 
"  all  the  papers  were  lost.  I  now  hear  from  a  well-inform- 
"  ed  person,  that  the  most  material,  viz.  those  written  in 
"  James's  own  hand-writing,  were  indeed  lost,  and  in  the 
"  way  mentioned  by  Gordon,  but  that  the  Narrative,  from 
"  which  only  Macpherson  made  his  extracts,  is  still  exist- 
"  ing,  and  that  Mr.  Alexander  Cameron,  Blackfriars  W}Tid, 
"  Edinburgh,  either  has  it  himself,  or  knows  where  it  is  to 
"  be  found." 

The  above  information  was  correct.  There  is  strong 
presumptive  evidence,  that  the  Manuscripts  of  King  James 
the  Second  w^ere  destroyed,  but  the  Narrative,  as  described, 
was  then,  and  is  now,  in  the  hands  of  Dr.  Cameron,  Roman 
Catholic  Bishop  in  Edinburgh.  It  could  not  be  in  posses- 
sion of  a  person  who  is  better  qualified  to  judge  of  it3 
merits,  and  on  whose  fidelity,  should  he  be  induced  to  print 
it,  the  public  might  more  implicitly  rely.  I  am  indebted 
to  his  accuracy  and  friendship,  for  some  additional  infor- 
mation respecting  the  manner  in  which  the  Manuscripts  of 
the  Scotch  College  w^cre  lost.  As  the  facts  are  in  them- 
selves curious,  I  lay  before  the  reader  his  succinct  and  in- 


XVIU 


TO  THE  READER. 


teresting  relation  of  them,  contained  in  a  letter  to  me,  dated 
Edinburgh,  March  2,  1808. 

"  Before  Lord  Gower,  the  British  Embassador,  left  Paris, 
"  in  the  beginning  of  the  French  Revolution,  he  wrote  to 
"  Principal  Gordon,  and  offered  to  take  charge  of  those 
"  valuable  papers,  (King  James's  Manuscripts,  &c.)  and 
"  deposit  them  in  some  place  of  safety  in  Britain.  I  know 
"  not  what  answer  was  returned,  but  nothing  was  done. 
"  Not  long  thereafter^  the  Principal  came  to  England,  and 
"  the  care  of  every  thing  in  the  College  devolved  on  Mr. 
"  Alexander  Innes,  the  only  British  subject  who  remained 
"  in  it.  About  the  same  time,  Mr.  Stapleton,  then  Presi- 
"  dent  of  the  English  College  of  St.  Om^r,  afterwards 
"  Bishop  in  England,  went  to  Paris,  previously  to  his  re- 
*^  tiring  from  France,  and  Mr.  Innes,  who  had  resolved  not 
"  to  abandon  his  post,  consulted  with  him  about  the  means 
"  of  preserving  the  manuscripts.  Mr.  Stapleton  thought,  if 
'•*  he  had  them  at  St.  Omer,  he  could,  with  small  risk  con- 
"  vey  them  to  England.  It  was  therefore  resolved,  that  they 
"  should  be  carefully  packed  up,  addressed  to  a  French- 
*'  man,  a  confidential  friend  of  Mr.  Stapleton,  and  remitted 
*'^  by  some  public  carriage^  Some  other  things  w^ere  put 
"up  with  the  Manuscripts.  The  whole  arrived  without  any 
"  accident,  and  was  laid  in  a  cellar.  But  the  patriotism  of 
"  the  Frenchman  becoming  suspicious,  perhaps  upon  ac- 
"  count  of  his  comiection  with  the  English  College,  he  was 
"  put  in  prison;  and  his  wife  apprehensive  of  the  conse- 
"  quences  of  being  found  to  have  English  manuscripts, 
*^  richly  bound  and  ornamented  with  Royal  arms,  in  her 
"  house,  cut  off  the  boards,  and  destroyed  them.  The 
*'  Manuscripts  thus  disfigured,  and  more  easily  huddled  up 
*■'  in  a  sort  of  bundle,  were  secretly  carried,  with  papers  be- 


TO  THE  READER.  XIX 

"*  longing  to  the  Frenchman  himself,  to  his  country-house ; 
'^  and  buried  in  the  garden.  They  were  not,  however, 
"  permitted  to  remain  long  there ;  the  lady's  fears  increased, 
"  and  the  Manuscripts  were  taken  up  and  reduced  to  ashes. 

"  This  is  the  substance  of  the  account  given  to  Mr.  Innes, 
"  and  reported  by  him  to  me  in  June,  1802,  in  Paiis.  I 
"  desired  it  might  be  authenticated  by  apfoce^  verbale.  A 
"  letter  was  therefore  written  to  St.  Omer,  either  by  Mr. 
"  Innes,  or  by  Mr.  Cleghom,  a  lay  gentleman,  who  had  re- 
"  sided  in  the  English  College  of  St.  Omer,  and  was  per- 
"  sonally  acquainted  with  the  Frenchman,  and  happened  to 
"  be  at  Paris  at  this  time.  The  answer  given  to  this  letter 
""  was,  that  the  good  man,  under  the  pressure  of  old  age  and 
"  other  infirmities,  was  alarmed  by  the  proposal  of  a  dis- 
'*  cussion  and  investigation,  which  revived  in  his  memory 
*'  past  sufferings,  and  might,  perhaps,  lead  to  a  renewal  of 
"  them.  Any  further  con-espondence  upon  the  subject 
"  seemed  useless,  especially  as  I  instructed  Mr*  Innes  to 
"  go  to  St.  Omer,  and  clear  up  every  doubt,  in  a  formal  and 
"  legal  manner,  that  some  authentic  document  might  be 
"  handed  down  to  posterity  concerning  those  valuable  Ma- 
"  nuscripts.  I  did  not  foresee  that  war  was  to  be  kindled 
"  up  anew,  or  that  my  friend  Mr.  Innes  was  to  die  so  soon. 

*'  Mr.  Cleghom,  whom  I  mentioned  above,  is  at  present 
"  in  the  Catholic  seminary  of  Old  Hall  Green,  Puckeridge, 
*'  Hertfordshire.  He  can  probably  name  another  gentleman 
"  who  saw  the  Manuscripts  at  St.  Omer,  and  saved  some 
"  small  things,  (but  unconnected  with  the  Manuscripts,) 
"  which  he  carried  away  in  his  pocket,  and  has  still  in  his 
*'  possession. 

"  I  need  not  trouble  your  Lordship  with  my  reflexions 
*'  upon  this  relation :  but  I  ought  not  to  omit  that  I  wa^ 


XX  TO  THE  READEIl. 

"  told,  sometimes,  that  all  the  Mamiscripts,  as  well  as  theii 
"  boards,  were  consumed  by  fire  in  the  cellar  in  which  they 
"  had  been  deposited  upon  their  arrival  at  St.  Omer." 

The  gentleman  alluded  to  in  the  latter  part  of  the  above 
letter,  is  Mr.  Mostyn,  from  whom  Mr.  Butler  of  Lincoln's 
Inn  very  kindly  procured  a  statement  of  the  particulars  re- 
lating to  this  subject,  in  the  year  1804,  and  transmitted  it  to 
Mr.  Fox.  It  contains  in  substance,  though  with  some  ad- 
ditional circumstances,  and  slight  variations,  the  same  ac- 
count as  Mr.  Cameron's,  up  to  the  period  of  the  writer's 
leaving  St.  Omer,  which  was  previous  to  the  imprisonmenf^ 
of  the  Frenchman.* 

Mr.  Fox,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Laing,  remarks,  that,  "  to 
"  know  that  a  paper  is  lost,  is  next  best  to  getting  a  sight 
"  of  it,  and  in  some  instances  nearly  as  good."  So  man}> 
rumours  have  been  circulated,  and  so  many  misapprehen- 
sions prevailed,  respecting  the  contents  and  the  fate  of  the 
manuscripts  formerly  deposited  in  the  Scotch  College  at 
Paris,  thjit  it  is  hoped  the  above  account,  the  result  of  the 
Historian's  researches,  will  not  be  deemed  out  of  it's  place 
in  a  Preface  to  a  History  of  the  times  to  which  those  manu- 
scripts related. 

The  Scotch  College  papers  were  not,  however,  the  onl}-, 
nor  even  the  chief  object  of  Mr.  Fox's  historical  enquiries 
at  Paris.  He  had  remarked,  that  Sir  John  Dalrymple  fre- 
quently "  quotes,  or  rather  refers  to,f"  documents  in  the 
Depot  des  Affciires  Etrangcrcs^  without  printing  the  letter, 
or  extracting  the  passage  from  which  his  statements  are  ta- 

"  Mr.  Mostyn's  letter  to  Mr.  Butler  was  publislicd  in  one  of  the  Maga- 
zines, it  would  therefore  be  superfluous  to  reprint  it.  The  name  of  the 
I-'renchman  was  JNIr.  Charpentier  and  his  country  house  was  at  St.  Mo- 
mclin.  near  St.  Omer. 

i  M  S.  Corrcspondencf^ 


TO   THE  RHADFR.  Xxi 

ken,  and  his  inferences  drawn.  This  made  him  particuhxrly 
desirous  of  examining  die  Original  letters  of  Barillon  ;  and 
he  was  not  without  hopes  that  many  other  papers  in  the 
Depot  des  Affaires  Etrangeres^  might  prove  equally  inter- 
esting and  important.  It  was  obvious,  however,  that  dur- 
ing war^  he  could  not  have  personal  access  to  such  docu- 
ments. He  was  therefore  on  the  point  of  applying,  through 
some  private  friend  at  Paris,  for  a  copy  of  such  letters  as 
he  could  distinctly  describe  to  his  correspondent,  when  the 
restoration  of  peace  enabled  him  to  repair  thither  ;  and  the 
liberality  of  the  French  Government  opened  to  him  the 
archives  of  the  Foreign  Affairs  without  reserve,  and  affor- 
ded him  every  facility  and  convenience  for  consulting  and 
copying  such  papers  as  appeared  to  him  to  be  material.  He 
lost  no  time  in  availing  himself  of  this  permission,  and 
while  he  remained  at  Paris,  he  passed  a  great  part  of  eve- 
ry morning  at  the  Depot  des  Affaires  Etrangeres^  accompa- 
nied by  his  friends  Lord  St.  John,  Mr.  Adair,  and  Mr. 
Trotter,  who  assisted  him  in  examining  and  transcribing 
the  original  papers. 

The  correspondence  of  Barillon  did  not  disappoint  his 
expectations.  He  thought  the  additional  information  con- 
tained in  those  parts  of  it,  which  Sir  John  Dalrymple  had 
omitted  to  extract  or  to  publish,  so  important,  that  he  pro- 
cured copies  of  them  all ;  he  observed  to  one  of  his  correS'^ 
pondents,  "  my  studies  in  Paris  have  been  useful  beyond 
"  what  I  can  describe :"  and  his  expression  to  me  was, 
that  "  Barillon's  letters  were  worth  their  weight  in  gold."* 
It  should  seem  that  he  discovered  some  curious  circum- 
stances from  the  correspondence  of  D' Avaux,  for  he  copied 

*  MS.  Correspondence. 


XXll 


TO  THE  READER. 


.11     t' 


out  those  letters  also  at  length,  though  a  large  collection  or 
abstract  of  them  had  been  formerly  published. 

The  correspondence  of  the  above  mentioned  French  Mi- 
nisters with  their  Court,  formed  the  chief  materials  which 
he  brought  over  with  him  from  France.  He  was  disap- 
pointed at  my  failing  to  procure  him  that  of  the  Spanish 
Ambassador,*  resident  in  London  during  the  same  period, 
"  which,  he  said,  would  have  given  him  advantages  of  the 
"  greatest  consequence  over  all  other  historians."  The 
papers,  however,  of  which  he  was  already  in  possession 
were,  in  his  judgment,  sufficient  to  throw  new  light  upon 
many  transactions  of  the  reign  of  King  James  the  Second. 
If,  therefore,  unforeseen  circumstances  had  not  occurred, 
soon  after  his  return,  to  retard  the  progress  of  his  work, 
there  can  be  little  doubt,  but  he  would  have  composed 
more  during  that  year,  than  he  had  been  able  to  complete 
since  the  commencement  of  the  undertaking.  He  was  at 
first  occupied  in  inserting  into  the  parts  he  had  finished, 
such  additional  information  as  he  had  drawn  from  the 
sources  opened  to  him  by  his  researches  at  Paris.  This 
was  to  him  a  task  of  greater  labour  than  at  first  sight  might 
be  expected.  "  I  find,"  he  says,  "  piecing  in  the  bits 
"  which  I  have  written  from  my  Parisian  materials,  a  trou- 
"  blesome  job."f  It  is  indeed  probable,  that  his  diffi- 
culties upon  this  occasion,  were  greater  than  any  other 
modern  historian  would  have  had  to  encounter.     I  have 


*  Don  Pedro  Ronquillo.  Mr.  Fox  commissioned  me  to  obtain  for  Iiim, 
copies  of  his  Letters  from  16S5  to  1688  inclusive.  By  a  perverse  piece 
of  luck,  I  fell  in  with  and  purchased  his  original  Letters  from  1689  to 
1691 ;  but  could  never  find  any  traces  whatever  of  Ids  previous  cor- 
respondence. 


f  MS.  Coj.Tesp6ndencc 


TO  THE  READER.  XXlil 

mentioned  them  ftiorc  particularly,  because  they  in  some 
measure  arose  from  his  scrupulous  attention  to  certain  no- 
tions he  entertained  on  the  nature  of  an  historical  compo- 
sition. If  indeed  the  work  were  finished,  the  nature  of 
his  design  would  be  best  collected  from  his  execution  of  it; 
but  as  it  is  unfortunately  in  an  incomplete  and  unfinished 
state,  his  conception  of  the  duties  of  an  historian  may  very 
possibly  be  misunderstood.  The  consequence  would  be, 
that  some  passages,  which,  according  to  modem  taste,  must 
be  called  peculiarities,  might  with  superficial  critics,  pass 
for  defects  which  he  had  overlooked,  or  imperfections 
which  he  intended  to  correct.  It  is,  therefore,  necessary 
to  observe,  that  he  had  formed  his  plan  so  exclusively  on 
the  model  of  ancient  WTiters,  that  he  not  only  felt  some 
repugnance  to  the  modem  practice  of  notes,  but  he  thought 
that  all  which  an  historian  wished  to  say,  should  be  intro- 
duced as  part  of  a  continued  narration,  and  never  assume 
the  appearance  of  a  digression,  mvich  less  of  a  dissertation 
annexed  to  it.  From  the  period  therefore  that  he  closed 
his  Introductory  Chapter,  he  defined  his  duty  as  an  author, 
to  consist  in  recounting  the  facts  as  they  arose,  or  in  hjs 
simple  and  forcible  language,  in  telling-  the  stonj  of  t/iosr 
times.  A  conversation  which  passed  on  the  subject  of  tht- 
literature  of  the  age  of  James  the  Second,  proves  his  rigid 
adherence  to  these  ideas,  and  perhaps  the  substance  of  it 
may  serve  to  illustrate  and  explain  them.  In  speaking  of 
the  writers  of  that  period,  he  lamented  that  he  had  not  de- 
vised a  method  of  interweaving  any  account  of  them  or 
their  works,  much  less  any  criticism  on  their  stj'le,  into  hi<i 
History.  On  my  suggesting  the  example  of  Hume  and 
Voltaire,  who  had  discussed  such  topics  at  some  length.^ 
either  at  the  end   of  each  reign,  or  in  a  separate  chapter. 


XXIV  TO  THE  READER. 

he  observed,  with  much  commendation  of  their  execution  o£ 
it,  that  such  a  contrivance  might  be  a  good  mode  of  writ- 
ing critical  essays,  but  that  it  was,  in  his  opinion,  incom- 
patible with  the  nature  of  his  undertaking,  which,  if  it 
ceased  to  be  a  narrative,  ceased  to  be  a  history. 

Such  restraints  undoubtedly  operated  as  taxes  upon  his 
ingenuity,  and  added  to  that  labour  which  the  observance 
of  his  general  laws  of  composition  rendered  sufficiently 
great.  On  the  rules  of  writing  he  had  reflected  much,  and 
deeply.  His  own  habits  naturally  led  him  to  compare 
them  with  those  of  public  speaking,  and  the  different,  and 
even  opposite  principles  upon  which  excellence  is  to  be  at- 
tained in  these  two  great  arts,  were  no  unusual  topics  of 
his  conversation.  The  difference  did  not,  in  his  judgment, 
consist  so  much  in  language  or  diction,  as  in  the  arrange- 
ment of  thoughts,  the  length  and  construction  of  sentences, 
and,  if  I  may  borrow  a  phrase  familiar  to  public  speakers, 
in  the  mode  of  putting  an  argument.  A  writer,  to  preserve 
his  perspicuity,  must  keep  distinct  and  separate  those  parts 
of  a  discourse,  which  the  orator  is  enabled  by  modulation 
of  voice  and  with  the  aid  of  action,  to  bring  at  once  into 
view,  without  confounding  or  perplexing  his  audience. 
Frequency  of  allusion,  which  in  speaking  produces  the 
happiest  effect,  in  writing  renders  the  sense  obscure,  and 
interrupts  the  simplicity  of  the  discourse.  Even  those  sud- 
den turns,  those  unforeseen  flashes  of  wit  which,  struck 
out  at  the  moment,  dazzle  and  delight  a  public  assembly, 
appear  cold  and  inanimate,  when  deliberately  introduced 
into  a  written  composition. 

A  perusal  of  the  Letter  to  the  Electors  of  Westminster, 
will  shew  how  scrupulously  Mr.  Fox  attended  to  these  dis- 
tinctions.   That  work  was  written  in  the  heat  of  a  Session 


APPENDIX.  XXV 

it  will  be  verv'  easy  for  me  to  compel  those  who  arc  dis- 
posed to  oppose  what  I  do. 

The  King  of  England  added  thereto  every  kind  of  pro- 
testation of  gratitude  and  attachment  for  jour  Majesty. 
He  told  me  that  without  your  Majesty's  support  and  pro- 
tection he  could  undertake  nothing  of  what  he  had  a  mind 
to  do  in  favour  of  the  Catholics ;  that  he  knew  well  enough, 
he  would  never  be  safe,  unless  tlie  liberty  of  conscience 
for  them  should  entirely  be  established  in  England,  that  he 
will  devote  to  that  work  his  entire  application  as  soon  as 
he  shall  perceive  any  possibility  to  do  so,  that  I  had  seen 
how  easily  he  had  been  acknowledged  and  proclaimed  King, 
that  the  rest  would  go  on  the  same  way  by  conducting  him- 
self with  firmness  and  wisdom* 

I  told  his  Britannic  Majesty  I  should  not  take  upon  me 
to  reply  forthwith  to  what  he  did  me  the  honour  to  tell  me, 
that  I  never  could  doubt  the  sincerity  of  his  sentiments 
towards  your  Majesty,  and  tliat  I  thought  him  too  inge- 
nuous and  wise  to  do  any  thing  which  might  alter  a  con- 
nexion founded  on  so  much  experience  and  reason;  that  I 
should  give  an  account  to  your  Majesty  of  v/hat  he  had  said 
to  me,  and  that  after  having  reflected  on  it,  I  should  freely 
tell  him  my  sentiments  which  ought  to  have  no  weight  at 
all  until  I  should  speak  in  your  Majesty's  name;  that  I 
should  however  tell  him  of  mj-self  and  v/ithout  thinking  of 
it  any  more,  that  your  Majesty  is  in  such  a  position  as  to 
have  nothing  to  desire  for  the  augmentation  of  your  power 
and  gi-andeur ;  that  your  Majesty  set  bounds  to  your  con- 
quests at  a  time  when  it  would  have  been  easy  for  your 
Majest}'  to  augment  them  :  that  your  friendship  for  the  late 
King  of  England  and  for  him  whom  I  had  the  honour  to 
address  had  induced  you  to  support  their  interests  and  shose 

d 


xxvi  APPENDIX. 

of  royalty  in  this  country ;  that  God  hud  blessed  the  de- 
signs of  your  Majesty  every  where  ;  and  that  I  was  sure 
your  Majesty  would  feel  more  than  common  pleasure  in 
seeing  him  raised  to  the  government  of  the  three  kingdoms ; 
that  I  had  no  doubt  his  conduct  would  always  prove  con- 
formable to  what  he  owed  to  his  reputation,  and  real  in- 
terests, which  will  consist  in  preserving  your  Majesty's 
friendship,  and  that  it  is  just  to  leave  the  management  of 
his  domestic  affairs  to  his  own  judgment.  I  did  not  think 
it,  sire,  to  be  my  duty  to  combat,  without  having  maturely 
reflected  on  it,  a  resolution,  already  taken  and  which  my 
reasons  would  not  have  altered  j  nay,  I  believed,  your  Ma- 
jesty's dignity  required  I  should  not  look  affrighted  for  the 
sole  interests  of  your  Majesty,  by  an  assembling  of  Parlia- 
ment, when  the  King  of  England  shows  no  apprehension 
from  thence. 

My  Lord  Rochester  came  this  morning  to  me  in  the  name 
of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  in  order  to  explain  to  me  at  more 
length  the  motives  for  convening  Parliament ;  he  added  to 
what  the  King  of  England  had  told  me,  that  if  he  had  not 
prevented  the  petitions  which  were  about  to  be  addressed 
to  him,  the  Keeper  of  the  Seals  and  the  Marquis  of  Hali- 
fax would  not  have  failed  of  pressing  him  to  convene  a 
Parliament ;  that  he  had  wished  to  prevent  them,  and  show 
that  what  he  does  is  done  spontaneously ;  that  the  present 
advantage  which  he  derives  from  this  declaration  consists 
in  getting  possession  of  the  revenue  which  the  late  King  of 
England  enjoyed,  as  well  as  of  his  crown ;  that  he  would 
Jiave  been  too  chargeable  to  your  Majesty,  if  he  had  been 
obliged  to  ask  of  your  Majesty'  such  considerable  succours 
as  he  should  have  been  in  need  of,  that  what  he  does  ex- 
empts him  noways  from  having  recourse  to  your  Ma  jest}-. 


APPENDIX.  xxvii 

and  that  he  hopes  your  Majesty  will  be  pleased  in  the  be- 
ginning of  his  reign  to  help  him  to  sustain  its  weight ;  that 
this  new  obligation,  joined  to  so  many  others,  will  still  more 
engage  him  not  to  deviate  from  the  path,  which  he  thought 
the  late  King  his  brother  ought  to  keep  with  respect  to 
your  Majesty ;  that  this  will  be  the  means  of  rendering  him 
independent  of  the  Parliament,  and  of  enabling  him  to  sup- 
port himself  without  Parliament,  if  he  should  be  refused 
the  continuation  of  the  revenues  the  late  King  enjoyed. 

My  Lord  Rochester  forgot  no  reason  which  he  thought 
calculated  to  convince  me  that  your  Majesty  runs  no  ha- 
zard by  succouring  the  King  of  England  at  present  with  a 
considerable  sum ;  that  it  is  supporting  his  work,  and 
enabling  him  to  be  consistent  with  himself;  that  as  to  him, 
he  has  not  altered  his  sentiments,  and  that  it  was  his  awn 
opinion  the  King  his  master  cannot  well  support  himself 
Avithout  your  Majesty's  aid  and  assistance ;  that  it  would 
be  leaving  him  at  his  people's  mercy,  and  in  a  situation  to 
be  ruined,  if  your  Majesty  did  not  give  him  nejv  marks  ot 
your  amity  on  such  a  decisive  occasion,  and  that  on  this 
commencement  depended  all  the  happiness  of  his  master. 

I  told  my  Lord  Rochester,  that  a  few  days  since,  so 
many  important  and  tmforeseen  events  had  taken  place 
that  it  would  be  imprudent  for  a  foreigner  like  me  to  pre- 
sume to  judge  of  what  is  to  be  done  in  the  present  junc- 
ture, that  the  word  parliament  did  not  frighten  me,  that  I 
knew,  by  experience,  they  had  no  force  besides  what  they 
obtained  from  a  court  cabal,  or  an  intelligence  with  minis- 
ters ;  that  I  was  aware  of  the  difference  between  the  past 
and  present  time,  and  with  what  firmness  the  new  King  o£ 
England  would,  from  his  own  temper,  conduct  business  j 
that  I  well  perceived  him  to  be  in  a  nice  and  very  perilous 


xxviii  APPENDIX. 

conjuncture,  that  I  could  not  however  forbear  approving  of 
the  resokition  he  had  taken  to  maintain  himself  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  whole  revenue  of  the  King  of  England,  that 
the  calling  of  a  Parliament  would  give  a  strong  hope  to  the 
foes  of  the  Duke  of  York  and  of  royalty,  that  they  would 
use  every  kind  of  artifice  to  throw  him  into  embarrass- 
ments J  from  which  he  would  be  unable  to  extricate  him- 
self; that  nothing  would  be  granted  him,  but  upon  very 
hard  terms ;  and  that  it  would  then  prove  alike  perilous 
either  to  accept  or  to  refuse  them.;  that  nevertheless  I 
should  not  fail  of  acquainting  your  Majesty  with  the  state 
of  affairs  and  with  what  I  had  been  told  about  the  present 
want  of  a  considerable  succour ;  that  formerly  such  a  re- 
quest would  have  appeared  incompatible  with  the  design  of 
convening  a  Parliament;  that  your  majesty  was  prepossess- 
ed with  a  great  deal  of  esteem  and  confidence  for  the  King 
of  England,  that  I  had  been  happy  enough  to  execute  with 
some  success  the  orders  I  had  received  from  your  Majesty 
concerning ^him;  that  he  was  a  better  witness  of  it  than  any 
body  else,  since  it  was  with  him  I  had  treated  about  the 
Duke  of  York's  right  to  the  crown  and  his  return  from 
Scotland,  and  his  being  restored  to  the  councils  and  to  the 
functions  of  the  admiralty,  tlmt  I  was  glad  to  treat  now 
with  a  minister  who  was  in  so  high  a  credit  with  a  great 
King  whose  brother-in-law  he  has  the  honour  to  be  ;  and 
that  the  concerns  he  had  held  with  me  while  he  had  the 
direction  of  the  finances  had  inspired  your  Majesty  witli 
a  great  deal  of  esteem  for  him. 

He  replied  hereto  in  terms  full  of  respect,  and  said  to 
me,  I  am  once  more  employed  to  ask  money  of  you.  I 
should  not  do  it  so  boldly  if  I  did  not  think  the  money  will 
be  turned  to  a  good  account,  and  that  the  King  your  mas- 


APPENDIX.  xxix 

ter  cannot  lay  it  out  in  a  better  way ;  be  assured  your  foes 
;incl  those  of  the  King  my  master  would  be  overjoyed  should 
nothing  considerable  be  done  for  him  in  France  on  an  oc- 
casion like  this.  Mind  to  represent  to  the  King  your  mas-, 
ter  the  importtmce  of  putting  mine  in  a  condition  where  he 
shall  need  nothing  but  his  friendship,  and  not  depend  on  his 
subjects  so  that  they  can  give  him  laws. 

This,  Sire,  is  the  faithful  account  of  what  happened  here 
until  to-day.  I  shall  not  be  bold  enough  to  form  fixed 
judgments  iipnn  the  time  to  come.  England  is  too  liable 
to  frequent  re\olutions  and  great  changes,  to  foretell  what 
Avill  happen.  It  appears  to  me,  from  every  thing  I  can  look 
into,  that  the  factions  have  not  abandoned  their  designs, 
and  that  their  minds  are  not  out  of  conceit  with  their  aver- 
sion for  the  Catholic  religion.  Those  who  offended  the 
Duke  of  York  and  wished  to  undo  him,  think  he  v/ill  al- 
ways remember  it  and  never  forgive  them.  Every  thing 
however  looks  calm,  and  it  is  a  gi-eat  advantage  for  his 
Britannic  Majesty  peaceably  to  get  possession  of  tlie  crown 
and  the  revenues  requisite  to  sustain  it.  The  present  uti- 
lity to  be  derived  from  the  calling  of  Parliament  is  that  it 
will  resti-ain  even  those  who  have  a  design  of  embroiling 
matters,  because  they  think  they  will  have  a  more  plausi- 
ble pretence  fcM-  doing  so  when  Parliament  shall  be  assem- 
bled. If  I  dare  give  your  Majesty  my  advice,  I  think  your 
Majesty  should  begin  by  manifestations  of  friendship  and 
confidence  to  the  King  of  England. 

I  expect  every  day  a  bill  of  exchange  of  50,000  livres, 
which  joined  to  another  of  a  like  sum  which  is  already 
here,  ■\\  ill  enable  me  to  make  a  payment  of  one  hundred 
thousand  livres.  I  shall,  however,  not  make  it  without  an 
express  order,  and  I  shall  contrive  matters  so  that  people 


XXX  APPENDIX. 

here  shall  approve  of  my  not  dispensing  with  the  rules  m 
a  time  when  nothing  appears  to  be  capable  of  disturbing 
the  King  of  England.  I  shall  have  the  honour,  by  the 
next  courier  to  give  your  Majesty  an  account  of  the  effect 
which  the  rumor  of  convening  a  Parliament  will  have  pro- 
duced. I  shall  try  to  penetrate  into  the  designs  of  minis- 
ters, and  into  the  divers  motives  of  each  of  them.  They 
were  very  glad  to  have,  singly,  a  share  in  the  resolution  of 
assembling  a  Parliament ;  but  the  undertaking  to  seize  up- 
on the  revenues  of  the  customs  and  excise,  which  were  to 
expire  with  the  late  King  of  England's  decease,  will  ex- 
cite a  great  ferment  and  lead  the  most  judicious  to  conjec- 
ture that  the  king  of  England  wants  to  act  with  full  hands. 
I  shall  take  all  possible  care  to  be  well  informed  of  every 
thing,  to  the  end  that  your  majesty  may  command  me  what 
will  suit  your  service.  If  your  Majesty  thinks  it  proper,  to 
send  hither  promptly  a  considerable  sum,  I  shall  not  dis- 
burse more  on  that  account,  and  I  shall  do  nothing  of  my 
own  head,  unless  I  should  see  a  rebellion  formed  and  it 
should  be  absolutely  necessary  to  aiFord  the  King  of  Eng- 
land a  prompt  assistance. 

It  is,  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  very  important  that  your 
Majesty'  should  be  pleased  to  allow  some  facility  concer- 
ning the  affair  of  the  decree  which  forbids  English  vessels 
to  transport  merchandize  belonging  to  the  Genoese.  I  shall 
make  the  best  use  I  can  of  the  orders  which  I  expect  from 
your  ISIajesty  on  that  subject.  The  Marquis  de  Ci'oissy's 
dispatch  of  the  ninth  of  February'  has  already  produced  a 
very  good  effect.  If  the  orders  I  shall  receive  are  not  sul- 
ficient  to  settle  the  business  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  his 
Britannic  Majesty,  1  shall  wait  until  your  Majesty  has  been 
Informed  of  all  that  happened,  and  I  shall  certainly  find 


APPENDIX.  xxxi 

means  to  get  time,  till  I  have  receiv^ed  new  orders.  Your 
Majesty  judges  well  enough  that  it  is  of  importance  the 
King  of  England's  reign  should  not  begin  with  a  misun- 
derstanding between  your  Majesty  and  him.  The  ground 
of  the  affair  exists  no  longer  since  the  Genoese  submitted 
to  all  your  Majesty  prescribed  to  them. 

The  King  of  England  told  me  this  evening,  I  sent  my 
Lord  Rochester  to  you  and  made  no  scruple  to  represent 
to  the  King  your  master  the  need  I  stand  in  of  his  assist- 
ance. You  know  my  situation  and  how  important  the 
juncture  is  for  me.  He  told  me  after  that,  that  by  the  last 
letters  from  Brussels  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  expect- 
ed there,  and  that  the  ambassador  of  Spain  had  asked  him 
this  morning  in  what  manner  he  wished  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  to  be  treated  ;  that  he  had  answered  him  that 
every  body  knew  the  conduct  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  had 
held  towards  him,  and  that  it  was  not  his  business  to  give 
any  advice  upon  what  the  King  of  Spain  or  his  ministers 
think  they  ought  to  do  ;  that  they  had  their  orders  or  would 
receive  new  ones,  and  that  it  was  their  business  to  judge 
what  suits  the  service  and  dignity  of  their  master.  They 
have  arrested  at  Dover  a  very  trust}-  domestic  of  the  Duke 
of  Monmouth,  whose  name  is  John  Quibring  :  he  came 
from  Flanders  :  he  had  set  off  from  thence  before  the  sick- 
ness of  the  late  King  of  England  ;  It  is  however  believed 
something  will  be  discovered  by  his  means.  The  King  of 
England  charged  me  this  evening  with  a  letter  of  his  own 
hand  for  your  Majesty. 

I  am  with  the  profound  respect  I  owe,  &c. 

BARILLON, 

Febniary  19th,  1685 


xxxti  APPENDIX. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

February  20th,  1685. 

M,  Barillon:  your  two  letters  of  the  12th,  and  17th,  of 
this  month  have  been  delivered  to  me  by  the  courier  you 
dispatched  to  me  ;  and  I  learned  with  astonishment  and  a 
very  sensible  sorrow  die  so  sudden  death  of  the  King  of 
England  ;  it  was,  nevertheless,  not  a  little  consolatory  for 
me  to  be  informed  by  the  same  letters  of  all  the  graces  God 
bestowed  upon  that  Prince  towards  the  close  of  his  life, 
and  of  the  happiness  he  had  so  worthily  to  profit  thereby. 
(It  shall  however  be  kept  very  secret  by  me  what  happen- 
ed in  his  last  moments.) 

I  address  you  the  letter  I  write  with  my  o^vn  hand  to 
the  King  his  brother,  and  you  cannot  too  strongly  express 
to  him,  when  you  deliver  it  to  him  from  me,  how  much  I 
interest  myself  with  every  thing  that  concerned  him,  and 
how  much  pleasure  I  shall  always  take  in  procuring  his 
prosperity  and  happiness. 

Observe  well  how  the  minds  are  actually  disposed  both 
at  the  court  where  you  are  and  in  the  city  of  London,  and 
in  the  provinces,  what  mancenvres  are  resorted  to  by  the  car 
bals  opposed  to  the  royal  authority  and  the  Catholic  religi- 
on, which  are  the  intrigues  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  and 
Duke  of  Monmouth,  who  are  the  principal  promoters  there- 
of; whether  their  factions  are  powerful,  what  measures  the 
Duke  of  York  takes  (what  may  be  the  force  of  the  Catho- 
lic party  in  England)  with  regard  to  religion,  whether  he 
means  to  make  a  proclamation  which  gives  a  free  exercise 
to  cveiy  religion  and  consequently  to  the  Catholics:  whe- 
ther he  will  not  cause  the  Catholic  Lords  detained  in  the 
tower  to  be  set  at  liberty ;  to  wliom  the  King  will  give  the 


APPENDIX.  xxxiii 

principal  offices  ;  what  measures  he  takes  to  secure  the  sea- 
ports, and  most  important  places  ;  whether  he  can  trust 
the  troops  kept  at  the  expense  of  the  Crown ;  whether  the 
principal  commanders  are  strongly  attached  to  his  interests 
M'ho  are  those  he  ought  to  distrust,  or  on  Avhom  he  may 
safel}-  depend. 

(What  changes  he  makes  among  the  officers  of  the  troops, 
what  funds  he  has  to  support  them.) 

In  this  manner  endeavour  to  be  perfectly  well  informed 
and  to  give  me  an  exact  account  of  all  the  means,  the  said 
King  possesses  to  support  his  authority,  and  of  eveiy  thing 
he  ought  to  apprehend,  so  that  I  may  be  well  informed,  and 
I  shall  model  my  resolutions  upon  your  information :  as  I 
am  ver}^  well  pleased  with  the  conduct  tlie  Earl  of  Sun- 
derland has  pursued  since  he  got  again  into  the  administra- 
tion of  affairs,  you  ought  to  render  him  near  the  King  of 
England  all  the  good  offices  you  can  and  even  give  him  to 
understand  if  you  think  it  necessaiy,  that  his  preservation 
will  be  very  agreeable  to  me.  You  can  also  assure  the 
Dutchess  of  Portsmouth  of  the  continuation  of  my  protec- 
tion. 

I  have  just  given  orders  to  send  you  at  present  by  bills 
of  exchange  a  sum  of  five  hundred  thousand  livres,  that  you 
may  assist  the  King  of  England  according  to  the  most  ur- 
gent wants,  he  may  feel  in  the  beginning  of  his  government, 
trusting  that  you  will  behave  herein  with  all  the  prudence 
requisite  to  render  this  succour  as  useful  as  possible  to  the 
welfare  of  his  affairs  and  to  make  him  look  on  it  as  a  most 
essential  proof  of  my  friendship  which  anticipates  his  wants 
in  the  present  conjuncture. 

I  have  no  doubt  he  will  be  sufficientlv  disposed  by  his 
own  interest,  to  prevent  the  Prince  of  Orange  or  the  Duke 

e 


xxxiv  APPENDIX. 

of  Monmouth's  passing  into  England  ;  but  if,  against  my 
opinion,  he  appears  to  you  disposed  to  consent  to  either, 
you  cannot  too  strongly  represent  to  him,  of  how  much  im- 
portance it  is  to  him  to  take  effective  measures,  to  prevent 
tlieir  landing  there,  and  joining  the  cabals  which  oppose  the 
establishment  of  his  authority.  In  one  word,  the  Prince  of 
Orange's  designs  are  not  only  incompatible  with  the  safety 
of  his  person  and  government,  but  also  with  the  connexions 
that  may  subsist  between  the  Kings  of  France  and  England. 

I  also  receive  at  this  moment  via  London,  your  letters 
of  the  12th,  14th  and  15th,  which  principally  inform  me  of 
the  circumstances  of  the  sickness  and  death  of  the  late  King 
of  England  ;  and  as  they  show  me  likewise,  that  the  shut- 
ting of  the  sea-ports  has  been  enjoined  merely  to  prevent 
tlie  Prince  of  Orange  or  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  making 
pretence  of  the  late  King's  illness  for  passing  into  Eng- 
land, I  have  no  doubt,  the  King  now  reigning  will  be  still 
more  careful  to  prevent  any  of  them  from  creating  new 
troubles  against  his  government,  and  he  could  not  cease 
from  that  precaution,  without  damaging  himself  very  much, 
and  exposing  himself  to  great  perils. 

In  the  present  situation  of  affairs  in  England,  I  thought 
I  could  not  charge  my  Lord  Arran  with  a  letter  for 
the  King,  inasmuch  as  that  which  I  wrote  to  him,  on 
our  common  affliction,  and  his  succession  to  the  crown 
■was  against  usage,  and  as  it  was  through  a  pure  motive  of 
friendship,  I  trampled  upon  the  rules  that  v/ould  have 
bound  me  to  wait  till  that  change  should  have  been  com- 
municated to  me  ;  therefore  I  desire  you  will  inform  the 
King  of  the  reason  wh)'  I  gave  no  letters  to  my  Lord,  and 
you  may  besides  render  him  all  the  good  offices  you  can,  in 
order  to  procure  him  near  the  new  King,  all  ^he  advantages 


APPENDIX.  XXXV 

that  may  suit  him  ;  looking  upon  him  as  a  person  who  has 
always  shewTi  for  the  King's  service,  all  the  attachment 
which  the  zeal  he  had  for  the  late  King  of  England  could 
allow  him,  and  which  he  will  continue  to  have  for  the  pre- 
sent King. 

I  give  no  answer  to  the  points  of  your  letter  which  re- 
gard the  complaints  the  English  make  an  account  of  a 
few  vessels  of  that  nation  having  been  taken  and  carried 
to  Toulon  ;  for  I  am  sure,  the  orders  I  gave  to  have  them 
released,  and  all  I  wrote  to  you,  must  have  fully  satisfied 
the  King  of  England,  and  removed  every  cause  of  com- 
plaint of  his  subjects. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BArILLON. 

February  26tli,  1685, 

Mi  Barillon,  your  second  courier,  delivered  me  your 
letters  of  the  18th  and  19th  of  this  month  j  of  which  the 
first  informs  me  exactly  of  every  thing  of  moment  that 
happened  pending  the  four  days  of  sickness  of  the  late 
King  of  England^  and  the  other,  of  the  resolution  the  pre- 
sent King  has  taken  to  call  a  new  Parliament,  and  to  as- 
semble it  in  the  month  of  March  next ;  I  had  no  wish  upon 
the  first  point  which  you  have  not  fully  gratified ;  I  shall  also 
tell  you  that,  after  having  given  the  King  of  England  parti- 
cular marks  of  the  share  I  took  in  his  grief,  I  have  like- 
wise shown  it  publicly,  at  first  by  putting  a  stop  at  my  court 
to  the  ball  and  opera  diversions,  and  then  by  going  into 
mourning,  which  I  have  resolved  to  wear  as  long  as  the 
late  King  ordered  it  for  the  decease  of  the  late  Queen  my 
spouse* 

You  have  seen  by  the  dispatch  of  the  20th  of  this  month, 
that  I  anticipated  the  request  which  the  King  of  Englant^ 


xxxvi  APPENDIX. 

made  to  you  for  a  succour  in  money,  and  that  you  are  now 
enabled  to  do  it  beyond  what  he  could  hope  for.  I  also 
approve  of  die  resolution  he  took  to  call  a  new  Parliament 
in  order  to  assemble  it  in  the  month  of  March ;  and  the 
reasons  he  relic's  on  persuade  me,  he  could  not  take  abetter 
course  ;  having  besides  too  good  an  opinion  of  his  wisdom 
to  doubt  that  any  thing  can  happen  which  should  possibly 
detach  him  from  the  connexions  he  formed  with  me. 

As  M.  Avaux  writes  to  me  that  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth on  the  night  of  the  20th,  left  the  Hague  in  great 
secrecy  to  cross  into  England,  I  am  sure  I  shall  hear  by 
your  first  letters,  what  measures  the  court  Avhere  you  are,. 
has  taken  to  withstand  the  designs  that  Duke  may  medi- 
tate, and  that  you  will  be  able  at  the  same  time  to  give 
me  a  part  of  the  intelligence  I  asked  of  you  by  my  dispatch 
of  the  20th  ;  as  it  is  very  likely  that  the  Prince  of  Orange 
and  Duke  of  Monmouth's  cabals  will  not  remain  inactive 
in  the  commencement  of  the  new  reign,  and  that  it  might 
also  be  disturbed  by  the  various  sects  which  have  an  inter- 
est in  preventing  the  establishment  of  our  religion. 

I  have  chosen  Marshal  Lorge  to  go  and  compliment  the 
King  of  England  on  his  accession  to  the  crown,  and  con- 
dole on  the  death  of  the  late  King  his  brother.  I  can  have 
no  doubt  the  court  where  you  are  must  be  pleased  with 
what  I  wrote  to  you  by  my  dispatch  of  the  12th,  and  by 
the  preceding,  about  the  English  vessels  which  trade 
with  the  city  of  Genoa,  and  I  have  given  orders  that  the 
last  which  was  sent  into  Toulon,  should  be  released,  and 
that  henceforth  none  sliould  be  disturbed  on  its  voyage  ; 
so  that  as  soon  as  my  orders  shall  reach  the  commandei-s 
of  my  ships,  there  will  no  longer  occur  any  thing  that  can 
afford  the  English  cause  of  complaint. 


APPENDIX.  xxxvii 

I  send  vou  a  letter  for  the  Dutchess  of  Portsmouth,  and 
on  dtlivcring  it  to  her,  you  may  confirm  to  her  the  assur- 
ances I  give  her  of  my  protection. 

M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

February  26lh,  1685. 

I  received  the  day  before  yesterday  your  Mrjesty's  dis- 
patch of  the  20th  of  this  month,  by  the  return  of  the  cou- 
rier I  had  dispatched.  I  repaired  instantly  to  the  King  of 
England,  and  gave  him  the  letter  in  your  Majesty's  hand- 
writing, which  he  was  so  kind  as  to  make  me  read :  he  ap- 
peared to  me  to  receive  with  a  deep  sensibility  the  testimo- 
nies of  your  Majest}''s  friendship ;  I  thought  I  ought  not 
to  wait  for  another  opportunity,  nor  put  off  informing  him 
of  the  care  your  Majesty  had  taken  to  gather  in  so  short  a 
a  time,  bills  of  exchange  for  the  sum  of  five  hundred  thou- 
sand livres,  and  to  send  them  to  me  to  the  end  that  I  might 
use  them  in  such  a  way  as  would  su;l  liis  service.  That 
Prince  was  greatly  surprized,  and  told  me,  with  tears  in  his 
eyes,  "  The  King  your  master  only  is  capable  of  acting  in 
"  a  manner  so  noble  and  so  full  of  goodness  to  me  ;  I  con- 
"  fess  to  you  that  I  am  more  sensible  of  what  he  has  clone 
"  on  this  occasion,  than  any  thing  that  can  take  place  during 
"  the  remainder  of  my  life  ;  for  I  clearly  see  the  bottom  of 
"  his  heart,  and  how  much  he  desires  that  my  affairs  should 
"  prosper :  He  has  anticipated  my  wishes  and  prevented 
"  even  my  wants  ;  I  never  can  be  gi-ateful  enough  for  such 
"  generous  conduct;  express  to  him  my  gratefulness,  and 
"  assure  him  of  the  attachment  which  during  my  whole  life 
"  I  shall  feel  for  him." 

I  cannot.  Sire,  express  the  joy  that  Prince  had  to  see  so 
prompt  and  solid  a  mark  of  your  Majesty's  friendship,  and 


xxxviii  APPENDIX. 

how  readily  your  Majesty  had  sent  so  considerable  a  siim. 
In  order  to  take  away  nothing  from  what  he  owed  to  your 
Majesty,  I  told  him  I  should  frankly  confess  to  him  that^ 
in  the  confusion  in  which  I  was  at  the  moment  of  the  late 
King  of  England's  demise,  I  had  not  thought  of  dispatch- 
ing a  courier  to  inform  your  Majesty  thereof,  and  that  I 
had  not  represented  to  your  Majesty  how  important  it  was 
to  send  him  a  speedy  succour;  that,  if  thereby  I  had  com- 
mitted a  fault,  it  was  sufficiently  amended  by  what  your 
Majesty  has  spontaneously  done.  The  King  of  England 
interrupted  me,  by  saying,  that  he  could  not  enough  admire 
your  Majesty's  foresight  and  care  in  giving  him  so  readily 
such  an  essential  mark  of  your  amity;  that  your  Majesty 
should  not  have  cause  to  regret  it ;  and  that  he  should  keep 
in  his  mind  what  your  Majesty  did  to  s-ecure  the  cro\vn 
upon  his  head. 

As  soon  as  I  had  left  him,  he  shut  himself  up  with  my 
Lords  Rochester,  Sunderland  and  Godolphin,  and  related 
to  them  what  I  had  told  him  from  your  Majesty,  in  terms 
stronger  even  than  those  he  had  used  to  me.  They  came 
one  after  the  other  to  whisper  in  my  ear,  that  I  had  restored 
life  to  the  King  their  master,  and  that,  though  he  was  sure 
of  your  Majesty's  friendship,  this  latter  proof,  so  seasona-' 
bly  given",  obliged  him  beyond  all  measure. 

I  expected  certainly  that  your  Majesty's  conduct  in  this 
case  would  produce  a  good  effect,  but  I  did  not  think  I 
should  receive  for  it  so  many  testimonies  of  gratefulness, 
and  I  see  thereby  that  it  had  perhaps  been  intended  to  in- 
spire the  King  of  England  with  some  apprehension  that 
your  Majesty  would  not  make  such  great  efforts  to  support 
him.     This,  however,  is  an  opinion  of  my  own  ;  for  I  have 


APPENDIX.  xxxix 

always  seen  in  the  conversation  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  a 
great  confidence  in  your  Majesty's  friendship. 

I  am  now  to  give  your  Majesty  an  account  of  what  had 
fallen  out  the  day  before,  when  I  had  a  conference  with  the 
three  ministers.  My  Lord  Rochester,  as  president  of  the 
council,  explained  to  me  in  a  few  words  what  they  were 
charged  by  the  King  their  master  to  tell  me,  which  was 
to  represent  to  your  Majesty  the  necessity  of  his  affairs, 
and  of  how  much  importance  it  was  to  him  to  be  succoured 
in  the  beginning  of  his  reign. 

My  Lord  Rochester  entered  then  upon  the  discussion  of 
the  treaty  made  with  the  late  King  of  England ;  we  agreed 
about  every  thing,  even  of  what  was  wanting  to  complete 
the  pa}Tnent  of  three  years  of  subsidy  elapsed.  My  Lord 
Rochester  said,  there  had  always  been  between  him  and 
me  a  difference  upon  this  account,  because  he  had  expect- 
ed and  believed  that  your  Majesty  would  give  two  millions 
per  annum  for  three  years ;  that  it  Avas  true  I  had  said  on 
my  side  that  I  never  was  authorized  to  promise  above  fif- 
teen hundred  thousand  livTes  for  each  of  the  last  two  years  j 
that  this  difficult)^  had  not  been  removed,  that  the  fourth 
year,  which  is  nearly  past,  had  not  even  been  spoken  of,  be- 
cause it  was  not  foreseen  that  your  Majesty  would  have 
been  willing  to  discontinue  a  subsidy  to  the  late  King  of 
England,  whose  conduct  in  every  thing  was  so  agreeable  to 
your  Majcst}',  and  v.hich  had  so  little  flagged  on  any  occa- 
sion. I  replied  to  that,  I  should  not  choose  to  speak  conr 
fidently  on  mailers  of  fact  unless  they  were  entirely  certain, 
but  that  I  could  not  go  beyond  my  powers,  and  had  not 
done  it ;  therefore  we  were  to  abide  by  what  we  had  agreed 
upon ;  that  I  should  not  omit  to  represent  to  your  Majesty 
^very  thing  they  had  said,  to  the  end  that  your  Majesty 


xl  APPENDIX. 

might  see  what  your  Majesty  should  deem  suitable  to  your 
own  service  and  to  the  welfare  of  the  King  of  England's 
affairs. 

My  Lord  Rochester  ended  with  saying,  the  ambassador 
and  I  never  had  any  serious  controversy,  for  as  the  King 
his  master's  supply  was  a  gratification  without  conditions, 
I  had  no  right  to  quarrel  about  the  amount  more  or  less ;  I 
believe  however  that  our  mutual  transactions  promoted  the 
service  of  both  kings,  and  that  they  did  not  fare  the  worse : 
He  added,  that  it  was  his  sentiment  to  continue  treating  the 
same  way,  and  to  establish  a  confidence  and  connexion  like 
that  which  already  succeeded  so  well.  I  acceded  to  his 
proposition  by  adding  thereto  that,  though  the  late  King 
of  England  had  not  formally  bound  himself  to  renounce 
his  treaty  with  Spain,  he  had  nevertheless  managed  that 
matter  in  such  a  way  as  Avas  to  be  expected  of  him ;  that 
the  present  King  Avas  still  more  at  liberty ;  and  that  he  was 
no  wise  bound  to  that  treaty,  with  the  execution  of  which 
the  King  his  brother  had  judged  himself  to  be  sufficiently 
dispensed.  The  three  ministers  agreed  to  what  I  said,  and 
told  me  that  the  King  their  muster  considered  himself  as 
entirely  disengaged  from  the  obligation  which  the  late 
King  had  contracted,  however  slight  it  might  be. 

I  engaged  to  write  to  your  Majesty  to  favour  efficacious- 
ly the  propositions  which  my  Lord  Churchill  was  to  make 
your  Majesty,  for  a  present  and  considerable  succour.  We 
had  yesterday -another  conference  by  command  of  his  Bri- 
tannic Majest}',  but  there  was  no  longer  any  mention  of 
what  we  had  discoursed  upon  in  the  preceding  one.  The 
ministers  endeavoured  by  turns  to  give  me  to  understand, 
that  they  thought  they  ought  no  longer  to  treat  of,  nor  to 
discuss,  the  interests  of  the  King  their  master  with  me ;  that 


APPENDIX.  3di 

Nour  Majesty  l^ad  prevented  their  saying  any  thing ;  and 
that  so  frank  and  generous  a  proceeding  from  jour  Majes- 
ty, had  obliged  the  King  their  master  to  give  them  orders 
to  express  to  me  his  gratitude,  and  to  intreat  mc  to  repre- 
sent it  to  your  Majesty  such  as  he  feels  it ;  that  my  Lord 
Churchill  had  no  other  charge  but  to  thank  your  JMajesty, 
and  that  for  the  remainder,  it  was  left  to  my  knowledge  of 
the  situation  of  affairs  to  induce  your  Majesty  to  do  as  your 
Majesty  should  please ;  since  it  was  thought  nothing  ought 
to  be  asked  of  a  Prince  who  prevented  in  advance  the  call 
for  any  favour  that  could  be  expected  of  him. 

The  Kingof  England  spoke  to  me  yesterday-  several  times, 
and  told  me  that  he  feels  the  most  lively  gratitude,  and  thinks 
himself  to  be  in  a  condition  not  to  fear  any  thing,  assured  as 
he  is  of  your  Majesty's  friendship.  I  dwell,  perhaps,  too 
long  upon  those  matters;  but  it  is,  methinks,  to  the  pur- 
pose your  IVIajesty  should  know  how  sensible  his  Britannic 
Majest}'  and  his  ministers  were  to  what  your  IVIajesty  had 
done.  I  have  not  yet  given  any  money;  as  some  days 
must  expire  before  the  bills  of  exchange  become  regularly 
due,  and  it  is  not  even  desired  I  should  press  the  payment 
thereof,  in  order  not  to  give  rise  to  any  surmise  at  the  ex- 
change of  what  is  going  on.  Thus  I  shall  receive  new 
orders  from  your  INIajesty  before  I  shall  be  in  a  condition 
to  make  any  considerable  payment.  It  does  not  appear  to 
me  that  any  anxiety  is  entertained  here  to  get  money.  Your 
Majesty  is  so  perfectly  confided  in,  that  the  money  is 
thought  to  be  at  my  house  as  safe  as  if  it  was  at  Whitehall. 
I  am  perhaps  mistaken,  but  I  think  your  Majesty  cannot 
do  any  thing  that  will  be  of  more  advantage  for  the  time 
to  come  than  to  have  prevented  what  could  be  desired  on 
•50  important  an  occasion. 

f 


xlii  APPENDIX. 

His  Britannic  Majesty  told  me  so  late  as  last  evening, 
*'  I  do  not  consider  the  condition  I  am  in ;  but  the  situation 
"  I  might  be  in.  All  is  peaceable  in  England  and  Scotland ; 
^'  But  the  King  your  master  succoured  me  at  a  time  when 
"  he  could  not  know  whether  there  would  be  a  sedition  in 
*'  London,  and  whether  I  should  not  be  driven  out  from 
"  thence," 

The  King  of  England  went  yesterday  publicly  to  hear 
Mass,  in  a  little  chapel  belonging  to  the  Queen  his  wife, 
the  door  of  which  was  open ;  this  furnished  a  topic  for  ve- 
ry general  conversation.  He  told  me  the  day  before,  that 
every  one  ought  to  act  according  to  his  oAvn  judgment,  and 
conformably  to  his  own  temper ;  that  a  dissimulation  of  his. 
religion  was  opposed  to  his  way  of  acting,  that  the  disaf- 
fected would  have  tiiken  advantage  of  his  fears  if  he  had 
shewn  any;  that  if  he  ventured  any  thing  thereby,  he 
thought  himself  bound  in  conscience  to  profess  his  religion 
openly ;  that  he  was  persuaded  God  had  not  allowed  the 
King  his  brother  the  possibility  to  make  a  public  profession 
of  his  religion,  but  just  at  the  point  of  death,  because  he 
had  been  too  much  afraid  of  shewing  himself  to  the  eyes 
of  the  world  such  as  he  was  ;  that,  however,  he  had  been 
able  to  do  it  on  divers  occasions  without  any  peril ;  that  he 
hoped  God  will  protect  him ;  and  since  your  Majesty  is 
pleased  to  support  him,  and  to  show  him  so  sincere  a  friend- 
ship he  thinks  he  has  nothing  to  fear. 

That  prince  gave  me  a  full  explanation  of  his  design  con- 
cerning the  Catholics,  which  is  to  establish  them  in  an  en- 
tire freedom  of  conscience  and  exercise  of  religion.  This 
can  only  be  done  with  time,  and  by  leading  matters  little 
by  little  to  that  end.  His  I'ritannic  Majesty's  plan  is  to 
bring  it  about  with  the  succour  and  help  of  the  episcopal 
party,  which  he  looks  upon  as  the  Royal  paity ;  and  I  (\o 


APPENDIX.  xliii 

not  perceive  that  his  design  can  tend  to  favour  the  Non- 
conformists and  Presb)terians,  whom  he  considers  as  real 
republicans. 

This  project  ought  to  be  conducted  with  a  good  deal  of 
prudence,  for  it  will  be  stoutly  withstood  in  process  of  time. 
At  present  nothing  is  known  thereof,  besides  what  the  late 
King  of  England  had  already  determined  uponj  that  is, 
that  all  Catholics  shall  be  unrestrained,  and  all  judges  shall 
be  expressly  forbidden  from  pursuing  or  disturbing  them. 
This  is  resolved,  and  will  be  executed  with  firmness.  There 
are  no  longer  any  I^ords  imprisoned  in  the  tower. 

The  report  is  widely  spread  here  that  the  late  King  of 
England  died  a  Catholic ;  nay,  many  circumstances  thereof 
are  published  and  his  Britannic  Majesty  does  not  take  any 
trouble  to  destroy  them.  It  is  his  opinion,  he  cannot  be 
blamed  for  having  assisted  the  King  his  brother  to  die  in 
that  religion  of  which  he  makes  himfelf  an  open  profes- 
sion. However  the  late  King  of  England's  memory  is  be- 
spattered on  that  account  by  the  zealous  Protestants,  who 
reproach  him  with  having  cheated  the  world,  by  openly 
professing  a  religion  which  was  not  in  his  heart.  Some  say 
he  was  beset  by  his  brother  in  his  illness,  and  compelled* 
to  declare  himself  a  Roman  Catholic.  The  most  factious 
maintain  that  it  appears  now  clearly  there  was  a  plot  of 
the  Papists,  that  the  late  King  of  England  was  concenied 
in  it  as  well  as  the  Duke  of  York,  and  that  die  suspicions 
which  were  entertained  on  that  subject  are  entirely  con- 
firmed. 

The  body  of  the  late  King  of  England  was  the  day  be** 
fore  yesterday  carried  to  Westminster,  and  in  the  evening 
buried  without  ceremony,  all  the  peers  and  officers  of  the 
palace  were  present ;  they  broke  their  staves  and  insigijla 


xliv  APPENDIX. 

of  their  office  over  the  grave.  Yesterday  morning  his  Bri- 
tannic Majesty  confirmed  all  those  who  wei-e  possessed  of 
such  offices  as  were  not  to  be  found  in  his  household  when 
he  was  Duke  of  York ;  that  is,  the  office  of  Lord  High 
Steward,  Lord  High  Chamberlain,  Lord  Treasurer  of  the 
Household,  Comptroller,  Vice-Chamberlain,  and  otlier  of- 
ficers who  have  a  species  of  jurisdiction.  It  is  not  the 
same  thing  with  the  Lords  of  the  Bed-chamber,  Master  of 
the  Horse,  and  Master  of  the  Wardrobe.  It  is  thought  he 
will  giA-e  these  offices  to  those  who  were  attached  to  him- 
self. The  confirmation  of  the  officers  of  the  palace  is  suf- 
ficiently approved  of  by  the  world.  It  is,  however,  only 
for  a  time,  and  there  are  some  among  them,  if  I  am  not 
mistaken  who  will  not  be  always  retained. 

My  Lord  Sunderland  was  very  sensible  of  what  I  told 
him  about  the  order  I  had  to  uphold  him  near  the  King  his 
master,  if  he  wanted  it. 

My  Lady  Portsmouth  is  uneasy  about  the  ti-eatment  she 
fears  she  may  experience  in  her  own  affiiirs.  Wliat  I  told 
her  of  the  continuation  of  your  Majest}''s  protection,  gave 
her  the  only  consolation  she  has  had  since  the  death  of  the 
late  King  of  England. 

My  Lord  Rochester  was  to-day  declared  Lord  High 
Treasurer,  and  accepted  the  staff.  His  Britannic  Majesty 
told  me  two  days  ago,  that  he  would  give,  as  he  also  did 
to-day,  the  offi^ce  of  chamberlain  of  the  Queen  his  lady  to 
my  Lord  Godolphin,  wishing  to  retain  him  as  well  as  my 
Lord  Sunderland,  in  his  most  intimate  confidence. 

They,  all  three,  drew  up  my  Lord  Churchill's  instruc- 
tions ;  he  set  off  this  morning.  They  told  me  the  whole- 
instructions  consisted  in  thanking  your  Majesty,  and  giv- 
ing you  plainly  to  understand  tlie  gratefulness  of  tb.e  King 


APPENDIX.  xlv 

their  master,  for  )our  Majesty's  having  spontaneously  an- 
ticipated what  could  be  asked  of  you. 

It  had  been  said  at  court  that  the  Treasury  would  re- 
main in  the  hands  of  the  commissioners,  till  Parliament 
should  meet ;  but  the  King  of  England  did  not  think  it 
proper.  There  were  some  among  them  whose  past  con- 
duct had  very  much  displeased  him,  and  he  judged  that 
affairs  could  be  supported  only  by  a  man  of  credit  and  au- 
thority, such  as  my  Lord  Rochester. 

The  ncAvs  from  ScotUmd,  imports  that  the  proclamation 
took  place  at  Edinburg,  attended  by  a  great  concourse  of 
people,  and  without  any  difficult}'.  The  same  happened 
at  York,  and  in  all  the  cities  of  England.  No  doubt  is  en- 
tertained that  it  will  be  received  in  Ireland  in  the  same 
way.  In  short,  there  is  no  instance  of  so  great  a  succes- 
sion being  taken  possession  of,  more  peaceably  or  with  less 
trouble. 

The  King  of  England  thinks  he  Is  assured  of  all  the  sea- 
ports, of  the  whole  fleet,  and  all  the  troops.  He  knows 
well,  however,  that  there  are  among  them  disaffected  peo- 
ple, and  who,  at  the  bottom  of  their  hearts,  v.ish  for  quar- 
rels, but  he  is  at  the  same  time  persuaded,  that  no  one  will 
be  found  who  dares,  to  begin  them,  and  that  every  one  is 
convinced  it  would  be  running  straightway  into  certain  ruin. 

The  companies  of  the  East-Indies,  Africa,  and  Ham- 
burg, offered  to  pay  the  customary  duties :  all  this  is  likelv 
to  last  till  Parliament  meets ;  then  it  is,  that  if  there  is  any 
ill  Avill,  or  designs  formed  against  his  Britannic  Majesty, 
that  those  who  formed  them  will  be  bolder  to  come  for- 
ward, and  to  undertake  something. 

The  King  of  England  spoke  to  me  several  times,  con- 
cerning the  prince  of  Orange.     I  executed  your  Majesty's 


xlvi  *  APPENDIX. 

ordei's,  and  represented  to  his  Britannic  Majesty,  how  irxti 
portant  it  was  for  the  safety  of  his  person,  and  the  repose 
of  his  dominions,  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  should  not 
come  now  into  this  country.  I  forgot  nothing  of  what  I 
thought  calculated  to  give  legitimate  and  well  founded 
suspicions  of  what  might  be  undertaken  by  a  Prince,  the 
presumptive  heir  of  the  Crown,  by  his  wife,  and  whom  the 
people  would  look  upon  as  their  deliverer,  being  of  their 
religion.  It  appeared  to  me  all  these  considerations  made 
a  strong  impression  on  the  mind  of  the  King  of  England, 
and  that,  within  himself,  he  had  made  the  same  reflections. 
I  found,  however,  he  was  not  determined  on  refusing  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  the  permission  to  come,  if  he  accompa- 
nied his  request  with  other  things  which  may  show  his 
submission.  His  Britannic  Majesty's  opinion  is,  that  in 
the  actual  situation  of  affairs  in  this  country,  the  Prince  of 
Orange  could  not  succeed,  if  he  were  openly  to  undertake 
to  excite  troubles  here.  I  replied,  it  was  difficult  to  ima- 
gine that  the  Prince  of  Orange  should  so  soon  change  his 
measures  and  sentiments,  and  that  the  rules  of  prudence 
do  not  permit,  that  in  the  beginning  of  a  reign  which  is  not 
yet  settled,  all  imaginable  precautions  should  not  be  taken 
to  deprive  the  people  of  every  pretence  for  sedition.  I 
added  thereto  that  the  connexion,  which  his  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty pretends  to  preserve  with,  and  the  succours  he  ex- 
pects from  your  Majesty  cannot  be  reconciled  with  the 
Prince  of  Orange's  designs,  and  that  he  will  scarcely  de- 
sist from  them. 

\Vliat  I  said  was  not  controverted  by  the  King  of  Eng- 
land ;  but  the  opinion  he  has,  that  he  ought  not  to  show 
any  fear  in  the  outset,  hinders  his  openly  opposing  the  voy- 
age which  the  Prince  of  Orange  will  perhaps  request  to 


APPENDIX.  xlrii 

make.  Along  with  this  his  Britannic  Majesty  contemplates 
with  anticipated  pleasure,  seeing  the  Prince  reduced  to 
submission.  I  shall  not  omit  any  care  to  prevent  the  in- 
conveniences diat  may  happen  from  that  quarter.  I  cannot 
yet  communicate  to  Your  Majesty  any  thing  certain  on 
that  score,  until  news  is  received  from  Holland  of  what  is 
doing  there  and  of  the  manner,  the  Prince  of  Orange  con- 
ducts himself. 

There  is  no  mention  made  here  of  the  DuJce  of  Mon- 
mouth, no  more  than  if  he  had  never  been  talked  of.  It 
was  knoAvn  to-day  that  the  proclamation  had  been  made  at 
Dublin  with  the  same  tranquillit)'  as  in  Scotland  and  Eng- 
land. 

My  Lord  Arran  arrived  to-day  ;  I  did  not  fail  to  render 
him  all  the  good  offices  which  your  Majesty  enjoined.  It 
appears  to  me,  from  the  answer  the  King  of  England  made 
to  me,  that  he  has  good  reasons  to  hope  he  will  be  made  a 
Lord  of  the  bed-chamber.    This  is  what  most  suits  him  at 

present. 

I  am  &c. 

BARILLON. 

His  Britannic  Majesty  gave  me  this  evening  a  letter  in 
his  own  hand,  as  an  answer  to  that  I  had  the  honor  to  de- 
liver to  him  from  your  Majesty.  I  have  arrived  this  mo- 
ment from  Whitehall,  The  King  of  England  told  me  that 
letters  from  Holland  had  been  received  and  that  the  Prince 
of  Orange  sent  hither  Overkirk,  that  both  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  and  he  had  been  sui-prized  at  the  news  of  the 
death  of  the  late  King  of  England ;  that  they  had  to- 
gether a  long  conference  and  that  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth had  left  the  Hague  without  making  knoAvn  whither 
he  went.    The  King  of  England  does  not  think  the  Prince 


xlvlii  APPENDIX. 

of  Orange  will  chuse  to  ask  him  for  a  permission  to  come 
hither  ;  and  I  plainly  perceive  that  there  is  less  disposition 
in  his  mind  to  grant  him  that  permission,  as  he  is  persua- 
ded the  Prince  of  Orange's  intentions  are  not  correct  with 
regard  to  him.  I  shall  take  the  requisite  care  to  give  the 
JCing  of  England  plainly  to  understand,  of  what  importance 
it  is  to  him  to  take  his  precautions  against  the  undertakings 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  Chidley  sent  word  that  the  Prince 
had  given  some  money  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth. 

M.  RARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

March  1,  1685. 

Every  thing  is  here  perfectly  quiet.  Mass  is  publicly 
celebrated  at  Whitehall,  and  the  King  and  Queen  of  Eng- 
land assist  there  together.  The  door  of  the  chapel  which 
is  small,  remains  open,  and  the  antichamber  is  filled  with 
Catholics  and  Protestants.  At  the  elevation,  these  latter 
withdraw,  in  order  not  to  kneel  down. 

It  does  not  appear  at  present,  that  it  has  piKjduced  any 
dangerous  effect  on  the  minds  of  sensibl<?  and  reasonable 
people.  I  heard  some  zealous  Protestants  sayinc^,  that  it 
was  just  the  King  of  England  should  enjoy  the  cx(  rcisc  of 
his  religion,  as  well  as  Queens  and  foreign  ministers.  But 
the  mob  of  London  is  exasperated  that  the  King  of  Eng- 
land goes  publicly  to  mass.  And  as  there  are  in  London, 
great  numbers  of  Presbyterians  and  other  sectaries,  who 
are  not  of  the  Anglican  church,  they  would  have  prefer- 
red the  King  of  England  having  contented  himself  with 
not  going  to  the  late  King's  chapel,  or  behaving  himself 
like  the  non-conformists.  His  Britannic  Majesty  told  mc, 
that  I  should  see  that  this  first  step  would  not  hurt  liim, 
and  that  conducting  himself  for  the  remainder  of  his  reign 


APPENDIX.  xlix 

with  wisdom  and  prudence,  there  would  no  inconvenience 
arise  from  a  thing  to  which  he  must  have  come  in  process 
of  time. 

Yesterdaj''  my  Lord  Clarendon  was  made  keeper  of  the 
privy  seal,  and  the  office  of  president  of  the  council  that 
was  vacant  by  the  promotion  of  my  Lord  Rochester,  to  the 
officer  of  high  treasurer,  was  given  to  my  Lord  Halifax. 
The  King  of  England  told  me  that  having  preserved  all 
the  high  officers  of  the  household  of  the  late  King  of  Eng- 
land, his  brother,  he  had  been  pleased  to  give  one  more 
mark  of  moderation,  by  not  leaving  my  Lord  Halifax  en- 
tirely without  a  station ;  that  he  knew  and  could  never  trust 
him ;  that  he  gave  him  no  share  in  the  true  secret  of  af- 
fairs, and  that  his  post  of  President  would  only  serve  to 
show  his  little  credit.  That  Prince  added  thereto,  that  in 
these  beginnings,  he  thought  it  to  be  his  interest  to  intro- 
duce as  few  changes  as  possible,  and  to  effect  that,  those 
who  were  most  opposed  to  him,  should  not  believe  them- 
selves to  be  quite  ruined,  and  without  any  hope  of  being 
able  to  maintain  themselves. 

The  Prince  went  into  a  deep  discussion  with  me  of  the 
reasons  which  induced  him  to  retain  in  their  former  sta- 
tions, those  who  are  known  to  have  been  his  most  dange- 
rous enemies,  whilst  the  King  his  brother  was  living.  He 
knows  that  it  alarmed  the  Catholics  whom  he  trusts,  and 
that  their  opinion  was,  such  offices  ought  forthwith  to  have 
been  filled  with  men  of  quality,  whose  ioyalt}^  had  been 
brought  to  the  test.  Those  who  always  were  of  the  court- 
party,  are  sorry  that  the  offices  were  not  changed  ;  each  of 
them  believes  he  ought  to  have  had  a  share  therein.  In 
the  main,  even  that  does  not  seem  to  be  prejudicial  to  the 
King  of  England  at  present,  and  it  was  important  for  him 

g 


1  APPENDIX. 

to  give  some  tokens  of  lenity  in  the  conimencement,  and 
to  cure  people  of  the  prevalent  opinion  that  he  never  for- 
gives. The  true  motive  is  not  to  put  out  of  all  hopes, 
people  whom  he  thinks  capable  of  serving  him,  in  render- 
ing Parliament  more  tractable,  and  disposing  it  to  grant  him 
the  continuation  of  all  the  revenues  he  has  taken  possession 
of.  Though  there  exists  no  formal  opposition  to  this,  the 
secret  murmur  is  very  great ;  and  the  English  think  all 
their  privileges  broken  down,  because  those  duties,  the  levy 
of  which  ought  to  have  ceased  at  the  death  of  the  late  King, 
are  raised  without  the  authority  of  law,  the  same  way  as 
during  his  life -time. 

The  acts  of  Parliament  which  granted  those  taxes  are 
directly  contrary  to  what  is  done ;  and  many  people  main- 
tain they  woi  'd  have  been  easier  obtained  from  Parliament, 
if  circumspection  and  discretion  had  been  used,  to  levy 
them  only  with  its  consent. 

However,  possession  gives  a  kind  of  right,  and  his  Bri- 
tannic Majesty  seems  to  be  strongly  determined  to  keep 
up  to  it  at  any  price  ;  thinking  he  cannot  otherwise  main- 
tain himself.  Other  things  were  done  upon  the  same  mat- 
ter, which  are  but  of  little  moment.  The  excise  which  is 
called  {additional  (they  are  augmented  duties  on  wines, 
beers,  and  other  drinks,)  was  granted  to  the  late  King  for 
life  ;  but  it  was  represented,  that  if  the  farm  of  those  du- 
ties should  fall  short  of  the  estimate,  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  find  money  for  the  deficiency  ;  therefore  it  was 
resolved  and  inserted  into  the  act  of  Parliament,  that  the 
farm  should  be  given  for  three  years  only,  and  that  the  en- 
joyment of  these  duties  should  continue  all  the  time  that 
should  be  requisite  to  complete  the  lease  which  might  have 
preceded  the  close  of  the  life  of  the  then  reigning  King. 


APPENDIX.  li 

Pending  the  latter  days  of  the  King  of  England's  illness, 
the  lease  was  renewed,  and  tlie.  adjudication  took  place  the 
day  before  his  death.  His  Britannic  Majest}^  maintains 
that  it  was  done  agreeable  to  the  usual  forms  and  confor- 
mably with  the  act  of  Parliament;  and  thus  it  was  pub- 
lished the  appropriation  of  this  duty  should  be  continued, 
which  amounts  to  five  hundred  thousand  pounds  per  an- 
num. It  is  one  of  the  most  considerable  portions  of  his 
income. 

The  King  of  E^n gland  has  resolved  to  cause  himself  to 
be  crowned  in  the  Cathedral  of  Westminster,  before  the 
meeting  of  Parliament.  A  committee  has  been  established 
to-day  to  regulate  the  manner,  to  determine  Avhat  ceremo- 
nies can  be  omitted  both  to  shelter  the  conscience  of  the 
King  of  England,  and  not  to  omit  any  essential  ceremo- 
nies of  the  coronation,  which  are  esteemed  in  England  as 
things  absolutely  necessar\'  for  the  establishment  of  the 
royal  authority ;  after  which  eveiy  thing  that  may  be  said 
or  done  against  the  King  is  reputed  high  treason.  It  is 
thought  that  expedients  will  be  devised  to  remove  the  dif- 
ficulties which  arise  from  the  difference  of  religion* 

M.  Overkirk  has  arrived  here  ;  the  King  of  England 
told  me  he  had  brought  him  a  letter  from  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  worded  in  respectful  and  very  submissive  terms  ; 
that  he  seemed  not  to  have  any  intention  to  come  hither^ 
nor  to  think  of  requesting  peiTnission  for  it :  that,  though 
in  the  main,  his  voyage  could  neither  create  any  peril  nor 
inconvenience,  he  was  }-et  very  glad  that  it  had  not  taken 
place,  as  he  did  not  very  well  know  how  to  refuse  such  a 
permission,  without  showing  an  indiscreet  fear  which 
might  encourage  his  enemies ;  that  he  knew,  however, 
from  what  I  told  him,  that  it  is  not  your  Majesty's  senti- 


lii  APPENDIX. 

ment,  that  he  should  give  the  Prince  of  Orange  permissioii 
at  present  to  pass  into  England  ;  that  his  resolution  is  tak- 
en to  conform,  in  every  thing,  to  what  will  be  most  agree- 
able to  your  Majesty ;  and  that  I  may  be  assured  that  he 
will  do  nothing  that  shall  not  be  wholly  conformable  to  his 
obligations  ;  that  he  also  hopes  your  Majesty  will  repose 
confidence  enough  in  him,  not  to  disapprove  what  he  may 
be  obliged  to  do  for  the  strengthening  of  his  authority,  and 
the  welfare  of  his  affairs  ;  that  he  is  well  aware  of  his  true 
interest,  and  that  nothing  in  the  world  shall  bring  him  off 
from  the  attachment  he  shall  have,  during  his  whole  life, 
for  the  interests  of  your  Majesty. 

I  told  the  Prince,  that  it  was  true,  your  Majesty  does 
not  think  it  suitable  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  should  come 
to  England  in  the  present  conjuncture  ;  that  by  his  past 
conduct  it  may  be  sufficiently  judged  that  he  is  gove^ed 
by  no  other  rule  than  his  unbounded  ambition,  which  cau- 
sed him  to  commit  great  faults  ;  that  being  presumptive 
heir  of  the  crown,  the  people  will  cast  their  eyes  upon  him, 
and  will  favour  him,  on  account  of  his  religion,  that  this 
circumstance  may  expose  both  his  person  and  his  domini- 
ons to  great  peril ;  and  that  there  seems  to  exist  not  one 
good  reason  why  he  should,  without  necessity,  court  a  danger 
that  appears  not  to  be  an  ordinary  one  ;  that  it  is  important 
also,  to  show,  in  these  commencements,  a  great  deal  of 
firmness,  and  not  to  apprehend  any  thing  without  good 
ground  ;  but  that  it  is  still  more  necessar)'  to  secure  himself 
on  all  sides,  and  not  slightly  to  expose  such  a  large  estab- 
lishment as  that  of  which  he  enjoys  a  peaceable  possession. 
That  your  Majesty  principally  considers  what  concerns  the 
safety  of  his  Britannic  Majesty's  person  and  dominions  ; 
that  your  Majesty  also  believes  it  to  be  of  great  conse- 


APPENDIX.  liii 

quence  to  him,  in  the  beginning,  not  to  do  any  thing  that 
might  be  opposed  to  the  connexions  he  wishes  to  preserve 
and  which  he  holds  to  be  advantageous  to  him  ;  that  it  can- 
not be  doubted,  the  Prince  of  Orange's  sole  design  is  to 
weaken  and  to  destroy  them  entirely  if  he  could  bring  it  a- 
bout ;  and  that  his  Britannic  Majesty  cannot  too  soon  and 
too  vigorously  deprive  his  foes  of  all  hopes  of  moving  him 
or  of  making  him  change  measures. 

I  thought.  Sire,  I  ought  to  speak  with  force  upon  these 
matters  ;  for,  as  I  had  the  honor  to  inform  you,  the  King 
of  England  would  not  be  sorry  to  see  the  Prince  of  Orange 
in  a  state  of  humiliation  and  submission.  I  shall  not  lose 
any  opportunity  to  represent  to  him  that  the  Prince  of  O- 
range's  submission  and  respect  will  not  be  sincei^e  ;  and  that 
he  will  show  thereof  just  as  much  as  necessity  may  compel 
him  to  do.  All  I  have  learned  to  this  time  induces  me  to 
believe  the  Prince  of  Orange  himself  does  not  think  of 
coming  yet,  and  that  he  has  taken  the  resolution  to  conforai 
his  conduct,  at  least  in  appearance,  to  what  the  King  of 
England  might  wish. 

His  Britannic  Majesty  told  me  yesterday  that  the  Duke 
of  Monmouth  had  waited  upon  the  Princess  of  Orange, 
and  made  to  her  protestations  of  an  entire  loyalty  and  sub- 
mission, earnestly  supplicating  her,  that  she  would  please  to 
assure  him,  that  henceforth  he  should  have  no  subject  more 
zealous  and  more  wedded  to  his  service.  I  told  the  Prince 
that  could  onlv  be  looked  upon  as  an  artifice  or  an  effect 
of  the  extreme  necessity  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  is  reduced 
to ;  either  to  speak  in  such  a  way,  or  to  come  and  dispute  the 
crown  with  him,  which  he  is  unable  to  do  ;  that  the  Prince 
of  Orange  and  Duke  of  Monmouth's  union  ought  to  be 
very  suspicious  to  him  ;   that  yet  I  see  with  great  joy  that 


-       IW  ^       APPENDIX. 

his  foes  are  ccwiipelled  to  submit,  and  that  your  Majesty 
will  hear  with  pleasure  how  much  his  authority  is  strenth^ 
ened  within  and  without. 

From  thence  I  took  occasion  for  speaking  to  his  Britan- 
nic Majesty  of  the  news  from  Holland ;  I  gave  him  a  copy 
of  the  letter  to  read,  which  M.  Avaux  wrote  on  the  20th. 
This  Prince  told  me  he  knew  nearly  the  same  matters  from 
Chidley,  that  he  saw  the  care  that  was  taken  to  publish  a 
great  many  falsehoods  concerning  a  letter  which  he  is  sup- 
posed to  have  written  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  ;  that  he 
would  tell  me  the  plain  truth  ;  that  on  the  day  of  the  death 
of  the  King  his  brother,  the  post  for  Holland  was  starting, 
that  he  had  thought  he  ought  to  inform  his  daughter  of  the 
event,  without  sending  a  messenger  ;  and  that  he  had  also 
judged,  it  would  have  been  pushing  affectation  too  far  if  he 
had  not  said  any  thing  at  all  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  ;  that 
he  had  written  to  him  two  lines  with  his  ov/n  hand,  in  or- 
der simply  to  communicate  to  him  the  news,  without  join- 
ing to  it  any  other  declaration  either  of  friendship  or  of 
good  will.  That  he  was  however,  Avell  aware  what  use  was 
made  of  that  note  by  supposing  it  was  a  letter  filled  with 
friendship  and  tenderness  ;  that  for  the  future  he  would  be 
more  upon  his  guard,  in  order  not  to  do  any  thing  that 
might  be  interpreted  against  his  intentions. 

The  Duke  of  Ormond  is  to  come  back  hither  in  the 
month  of  March,  conformably  to  what  had  been  resolved 
by  the  late  King  of  England.  There  is  nobody  named  yet 
as  Lord-Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  The  Primate,  the  Chan- 
cellor, and  my  Lord  Grenard,  who  commands  the  troops, 
will  have  the  administration  of  the  government  till  that 
place  is  filled  up,  aS  it  has  been  the  practice  on  diverse 
occasions. 


APPENDIX.  Ir 

The  Marquis  of  Grave  wrote  to  the  King  of  England  a 
letter  in  terms  very  respectful  and  zealous  for  his  sen'ice. 
He  mixt  therewith  a  felicitation  upon  the  convening  of  Par- 
liament, and  on  the  subject  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  which 
has  been  looked  upon  by  his  Britannic  Majesty  as  a  sign 
that  the  Spaniards  intend  to  manage  all  their  efforts  liertf 
by  parliaments,  and  upon  a  diminution  of  the  King's  au- 
thor it}-. 

Just  arrived  from  ^Vhitehall:  The  King  of  England  led 
me  this  evening  into  his  closet,  and  told  me  that  M.  Over- 
kirk  had  requested  of  him  a  particular  audience  some  time 
before  supper  ;  that  having  admitted  him,  he  had  told  him 
that  the  Prince  of  Orange  not  merely  repented  his  conduct 
with  regard  to  the  late  King  of  England,  but  that  he  also 
candidly  acknowledged  the  faults  he  had  committed  against 
his  Britannic  Majesty  now  reigning j  that  he  will  do  every 
thing  in  his  power  to  make  amends  therefor,  and  to  de- 
serve his  good  graces  by  an  entire  submission  to  his  will, 
and  a  sincere  attachment  to  his  interests,  and  that  he  would 
punctually  follow  what  should  be  prescribed  to  him.  The 
King  of  England  told  me,  his  answer  had  been,  he  would 
always  see  with  pleasure  the  Prince  of  Orange  do  his  dutj', 
and  show  a  real  repentance  for  the  past ;  but  that  he  could 
not  admit  his  submissions,  nor  think  the  protestations  made 
in  his  name,  sincere ;  if  his  submission  was  not  entire  and 
unconditional:  That  the  late  King  of  England  and  he  had 
established  a  connexion  with  your  Majest)'^,  to  which  the 
Prince  of  Orange  had  always  been  opposed ;  and  that,  if  he 
would  change  his  sentiments  concerning  the  interior  policv 
of  England,  he  must  also  do  it  with  regard  to  your  Majes- 
ty, and  take  a  course  different  from  that  he  had  kept  for  a 
long  time  past,  with  respect  to  him ;  that  this  first  step  was 


Hi  APPENDIX. 

absolutely  necessai*y  to  the  end  that  he  might  credit  what 
should  be  told  him  from  the  Prince  of  Orange. 

M.  Overkirk  made  no  reply  to  this  discourse,  which  per- 
haps he  did  not  expect.  His  Britannic  Majesty  told  me  I 
ought  as  early  as  to-day,  give  your  Majestj-  an  account  of 
what  had  taken  place  in  this  respect;  ana  assure  your  Ma- 
jesty that  no  step  would  be  taken  but  hand  in  hand  with 
me,  and  agreeably  to  what  your  Majesty  will  judge  most 
suitable;  that  the  declaration  he  made  to  Overkirk,  will 
give  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  understand  what  road  he 
ought  to  take  to  be  reconciled  with  him.  I  told  his  Bri- 
tannic Majesty  that  I  should  as  early  as  to-day  give  your 
Majesty  an  account  of  M.  Overkirk's  discourse,  that  how- 
ever I  should  take  the  liberty  to  represent  to  him  without 
having  had  leisure  to  reflect  upon  it,  that  so  important  a 
matter  ought  to  have  been  confided  to  a  man  more  mature 
and  of  more  weight  than  M.  Overkirk ;  that,  perhaps  he 
had  been  advised  to  go  farther  than  the  Prince  of  Orang* 
had  prescribed  to  him :  that  this  entire  submission  and 
such  great  proffers  ought  to  have  been  expressed  in  the 
Prince  of  Orange's  letter  ;  that  I  thought  he  ought  to  stand 
upon  his  guard,  and  not  suffer  himself  to  be  surprized  by 
complimentary  words  which  are  only  in  the  mouth  of  an 
envoy  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  His  Britannic  Majesty 
told  me,  "  do  not  fancy  I  suffer  myself  to  be  deceived  or 
"  amused.  You  see  that  at  the  first  blush  I  wanted  to  speak 
"  plainly,  and  take  all  hope  from  the  Prince  of  Orange,  that 
"  I  would  admit  him  to  justify  himself  only,  when  he  should 
"  have  thoroughly  changed  his  sentiments  and  conduct  with 
"  respect  to  the  King  your  master." 

I  shall  duly  apply  myself  to  penetrate  what  may  take 
place  in  order  to  inform  your  Majesty  thereof.  I  know 
the  consequence  thereof.  I  am,  he. 


APPENDIX.  Ivii 

M.  BAKILLON  TO  THE  KING, 

March  Stli,  1G85. 

I  received  your  Majesty's  dispatch  of  the  26th  of  Fe- 
bruary, by  the  return  of  the  second  courier  I  had  dispatched. 
I  gave  the  King  of  England  an  account  of  what  your  Ma- 
jesty commands  me  to  tell  him  upon  the  meeting  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  upon  the  confidence  your  Majesty  has  that  he 
will  never  suffer  himself  to  be  engaged  in  any  thing  that 
might  detach  him  from  the  connexions  he  has  formed  with 
your  iVIajesty.  That  Prince  declared  to  me,  that  he  learns 
with  a  great  deal  of  pleasure,  that  the  project  he  had  form- 
ed to  assemble  a  parliament  in  the  month  of  May  is  ap- 
proved of  by  your  Majesty,  and  that  your  Majesty  found 
the  reasons  he  has  for  doing  so,  solid  and  well  founded.  It 
is  certain  that  this  declaration  has  been  very  useful  already 
in  calming  the  minds  of  the  people.  The  name  of  parliament 
is  so  agreeable  to  the  English,  that  it  may  prevent  their 
feeling  as  lively  as  they  might  otherwise  do,  the  re-esta- 
blishment of  the  mass  in  AVhitehcdl,  and  the  profession  the 
King  of  England  openly  makes  of  a  religion  against  which 
the  laws  have  established  very  rigorous  penalties.  It  can- 
not be  doubted  that  the  minds  of  the  people  are  very  much 
dissatisfied  with  this  public  religious  exercise,  which  his 
Britannic  Tvlajestyhas  established  without  hesitation.  They 
conceive  from  thence  great  apprehensions  for  the  time  to 
come,  and  fear  the  "design  has  been  framed  to  ruin  the  Pro- 
testant religion,  and  to  tolerate  no  other  besides  the  Catho- 
lic. It  is  a  project  so  difficult  in  its  execution,  not  to  say 
impossible,  that  sensible  people  do  not  apprehend  it ;  but 
the  people  are  susceptible  of  every  kind  of  impression,  and 
they  are  made  to  believe  they  will  see  the  persecution 
against  the  Protestants  exercised  with  as  much  rigour  as 

h 


iviii  APPENDIX. 

in  the  time  of  Queefi  Mary,  when  there  were  more  Catho- 
lics than  Protestants  in  England. 

The  King  of  England  and  his  ministers  do  what  they  can 
to  dissipate  those  fears,  and  to  convince  all  reasonable  per- 
sons, that  his  Britannic  Majesty's  intention  is  to  govern 
according  to  the  laws,  and  not  to  imdertake  any  thing 
against  the  safety  of  the  Protestant  religion,  provided  the 
parliament  grant  him  the  revenue  which  is  absolutely  re- 
quisite to  maintain  the  government:  It  is  also  presupposed 
that  parliament  will  consent  that  every  persecution  against 
the  Catholics  shall  cease,  so  that  they  may  live  in  repose. 
I  am  informed  that  these  questions  begin  to  be  agitated,  and 
it  is  already  spoken  of  as  what  parliament  will  do  when 
they  meet.  It  is  nearly  agreed  on  all  sides,  that  the  penal 
laws  against  the  Catholics  will  be  abolished,  and  that  those 
will  no  longer  be  pursued  who  shall  content  themselves 
with  the  exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion  within  their  own 
houses ;  there  is  not  even  any  doubt  entertained  but  the 
Catholic  Lords  will  recover  their  seats  in  parliament. 

The  greatest  difficulty  regards  the  management  of  the 
militia  and  government.  It  is  upon  these  points  that  par- 
liament will  be  likely  to  make  a  strong  stand;  for  it  is  the 
interest  of  the  principal  Protestants  not  to  suffer  the  Catho- 
lics to  have  a  free  access  to  the  administration,  because 
they  believe  that  most  places  would  soon  be  filled  with  them. 
Some  medium  may  possibly  be  found  in  that  respect.  It 
is  already  proposed  that  the  Catholics  shall  have  some 
places  of  trust  in  the  King  of  England's  household,  provi- 
ded they  have  neither  civil  jurisdiction  nor  military  com- 
mand. 

The  most  important  point,  and  which  will  be  liable  to 
the  greatest  difficulties,  will  be  that  of  the  revenue  which 


APPENDIX.  Ux 

tlic  King  of  England  contends  to  have  for  life.  Parliament 
on  the  contraiy  mean  to  grant  it  only  for  two  or  three  years 
at  the  utmost,  in  order  to  establish  an  indispensable  neces- 
s'lty  for  assembling  parliament  more  frequently.  His  Bri- 
tannic Majesty  Avill  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  avoid  being 
obliged  to  it ;  but  if  it  cannot  be  otherwise,  perhaps  the 
King  of  England  will  at  last  content  himself  with  obtain- 
ing fortliwith  for  three  years  the  confirmation  of  his  reve- 
nue, because  he  may  believe,  he  will  be  afterwards  able  to 
obtain  it  for  his  life-time,  and  have  leisure  for  putting  him- 
self in  such  a  condition  that  it  will  be  impossible  to  disturb 
him  in  the  enjoyment  of  that  which  he  will  then  be  in 
peaceable  possession  of.  Something  perhaps  may  be  granted 
to  him  for  the  re-establishment  of  the  fleet.  It  is  an  ex- 
pense which  parliament  likes  most  to  make,  and  which 
gives  them  the  least  jealousy.  It  is  not  possible  that  there 
should  be  made  propositions  dangerous  or  hurtful  to  royal- 
ty ;  but  the  wisest  will  be  afraid  of  irritating  the  King  of 
England,  and  of  furnishing  him  with  a  pretence  to  establish 
a  more  absolute  goverament,  and  to  obtain  by  force  what 
he  shall  have  been  refused  by  parliament;  in  which  case  it 
would  be  an  easy  matter  for  him  to  increase  what  he  once 
would  have  established  against  the  laws.  It  is  also  likely, 
that  there  will  be  secredy  made  divers  propositions  to  him, 
in  order  by  little  and  little  to  detach  him  from  your  Ma- 
jesty's interests,  and  engage  him  in  other  connexions;  but 
it  is  not  my  opinion  that  the  King  of  England  will  take  any 
step  hereupon  that  may  deprive  him  of  your  Majesty's 
friendship.  He  knows  well  that  it  is  his  firmest  and  most 
solid  prop. 

The  great  efforts  in  this  respect  will  not  be  made  so  soon, 
and  the  cabals  which  will  be  formed  on  that  score  cannot  be 


Ix  APPENDIX. 

expected  to  succeed  but  after  a  length  of  time  ;  and  when 
they  see  the  affairs  of  Europe  in  a  condition  different  from 
that  in  which  they  are  now.  However,  it  appears  to  me 
that  the  King  of  England  is  assiduously  attentive  to  what 
concerns  Parliament,  and  omits  no  occasion  to  take  means 
that  the  members  who  are  to  compose  the  house  of  Com- 
mons may  be  favourable  to  him,  and  may  not  run  into  such 
extreme  resolutions  as  have  agitated  the  preceding  Parlia- 
ments. It  had  been  proposed  as  a  means  to  exclude  those 
persons  who  may  be  suspected  as  being  disaffected,  to  de- 
clare that  no  one  of  those  who  voted  for  excluding  the 
Duke  of  York  from  the  succession,  should  be  held  qualified 
to  be  elected  or  admitted  to  a  seat  in  Parliament ;  but  this 
expedient  was  not  approved  of :  it  would  be  rendering  ir- 
reconcilable many  persons  of  whom  a  better  deportment 
may  be  expected  henceforth.  It  is  the  King  of  England's 
intention  to  extinguish  as  much  as  it  will  be  feasible,  the 
recollection  of  what  took  place  with  respect  to  the  ex- 
clusion j  and  the  more,  because  by  long  established  usage 
no  member  of  Parliament  can  be  called  to  an  account  or 
punished  for  what  he  has  said  in  his  station  of  a  member 
of  Parliament. 

The  same  reasons  obliged  the  King  of  England  to  con- 
firm the  principal  officers  of  the  household,  and  not  to  turn 
out  my  Lord  Halifax.  This  moderation  is  much  spoken  of 
in  London,  and  by  the  zealous  Protestants.  It  is  imputed 
to  my  Lord  Rochester,  who,  it  is  thought,  had  a  design  in 
this  way  to  manage  the  minds  and  to  give  a  good  opinion 
of  himself  in  the  beginning  of  his  ministry.  This  first  step 
is  not  approved  of  by  the  Catholics  ;  they  think  it  is  a  com- 
mencement of  remissness,  and  that  if  my  Lord  Rochester's 
advice  prevails,  they  will  be  at  last  mined  by  the  same  po- 


APPENDIX.  Ixi 

licy  which  is  now  pursued  to  manage  those  people  who  are 
averse  to  them  and  to  royalty.  They  say,  the  Duke  of 
York  had  no  more  dangerous  foe  than  my  Lord  Arlington, 
that  it  is  he  who  first  inspired  the  late  King  of  England 
with  those  timid  counsels  which  put  him  within  a  hair's 
breadth  of  ruin  ;  that  the  Earl  of  Danby  did  nothing  but 
follow  the  same  plan  j  and  that  Parliament  was  solely  indu- 
ced to  ruin  the  Catholics  and  undertake  to  deprive  the 
Duke  of  York  of  the  succession,  because  he  supported  that 
project  and  always  made  Parliament  hope,  that  his  Britan- 
nic Majesty  would  consent  to  it,  on  establishing  for  him  a 
considerable  revenue  for  his  life. 

The  other  officers  preserved,  except  the  Duke  of  Or- 
mond,  were  ahvays  much  opposed  to  the  Duke  of  York's 
party.  It  is  believed  they  will  only  in  appearance  change 
their  conduct,  and  that  if  they  meet  with  an  opportunity 
of  showing  their  ill  will,  they  will  not  miss  it ;  that  mean- 
while they  can  do  a  great  deal  of  mischief  by  encouraging 
those  who  credit  them,  and  who  think  they  do  well  by  fol- 
lowing the  advice  of  persons  who  occupy  the  high  offices 
of  the  court.  The  King  of  England  took  this  resolution 
without  much  consulting  the  Catholics  whom  he  trusts 
most,  he  spoke  to  me  about  it,  ever  since  the  affair  is  made 
public,  and  told  me  he  had  thought  he  ought  not  directly 
to  make  a  thorough  change  in  the  household ;  that  those 
who  remain  in  possession  of  their  charges  will  be  afraid  to 
lose  them,  and  that  the  others  will  entertain  a  hope  to  fill 
them,  that  all  that  will  produce  a  good  effect  on  the  meet- 
ing of  Parliament ;  and  that  it  will  always  be  time  enough 
to  make  changes  when  it  shall  be  known  how  those  who 
are  retained  in  office,  conduct  themselves  ;  that  with  res- 
pect to  my  Lord  Arlington,  there  would  have  been  some 


Ixii  APPENDIX. 

cruelty  in  dispossessing  him  at  his  advanced  state  of  life  of 
a  charge  which  he  cannot  long  enjoy ;  his  affairs  being  be- 
sides in  no  good  condition ;  that  if  he  had  changed  the 
others,  it  would  have  been  said  that  he  overturned  every 
thing  the  late  King  of  England  had  established,  and  that 
the  resolution  was  taken  to  change  all  the  remainder  as  well 
as  the  household. 

His  Britannic  Majesty  urged  the  same  reasons  to  the 
principal  Catholics,  to  prevent  their  appearing  discontented 
as  they  are  with  what  took  place  in  this  respect.  There  is 
a  kind  of  council  established,  of  four  persons  among  the 
Catholics,  on  whom  the  King  of  England  relies  most  and 
whose  advice  has  the  greatest  weight  with  him.  This 
council  is  composed  of  my  Lords  Arundel,  and  Bellasis,  of 
Messrs.  Talbot  and  Germaine.  The  two  latter  were  always 
attached  to  the  Duke  of  York,  and  expected  to  see  great 
changes  in  the  first  hour.  Each  stand  up  for  a  title,  and 
for  being  Lords  of  the  bed-chamber.  Which  may  be  done 
in  process  of  time,  but  I  do  not  think  it  will  be  before  the 
meeting  of  Parliament.  They  fear  that  the  same  motives, 
which  impede  their  preferment  now,  will  not  be  easily  o- 
vercome  hereafter. 

The  King  of  England  told  me  that  M.  Overkirk  had 
once  more  repeated  to  him  the  assurances  of  an  entire  sub- 
mission from  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  had  offered  t® 
him  what  is  called  a  full  power ;  that  he  had  talked  there- 
upon with  my  Lords  Rochester,  Sunderland,  and  Godol- 
phin ;  who  had  been,  all  three,  for  answering  in  a  way  that 
would  show,  at  a  future  day,  whether  the  Prince  of  Orange's 
offers  were  sincere ;  that  for  this  reason  he  had  repeated  to 
him,  at  more  length,  all  he  had  told  him  at  first,  with  re- 
spect to  your  Majesty,  and  had  declared  to  him  that,  un- 


APPENDIX.  Ixiii 

less  the  Prince  of  Orange  should  thoroughly  alter  his  sen- 
timents and  conduct  towards  France,  it  would  be  impossi- 
ble for  him  to  believe  that  he  really  intended  to  side  with 
him,  because  there  was  nothing  of  more  importance  to  him 
than  to  preserve  the  friendship  of  your  Majest\',  that  it  was 
likewise  necessary  he  should  renounce  every  kind  of  com- 
merce and  connexion  with  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  and  to 
afford  a  clear  and  certain  proof  of  his  change  in  this  respect, 
he  was  forthwith  to  cashier  the  officers  of  the  English  troops 
whose  loyalty  was  suspicious,  and  who,  with  good  reason, 
may  be  thought  to  be  attached  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth; 
That  unless  the  Prince  of  Orange  determined  to  do  all  this 
in  a  suitable  way,  Mr.  Chidley  should  not  receive  any  or- 
ders to  treat  with  him,  nor  to  see  him ;  and  the  King  of 
England  will  not  believe  that  the  assurances  of  his  submis- 
sion are  sincere. 

I  told  the  King  of  England  I  had  had  leisure  to  think 
upon  what  he  had  done  me  the  honour  to  tell  me ;  but  that 
I  could  decide  upon  nothing  of  my  own  accord ;  that  I 
must  wait  for  your  Majesty's  orders,  to  the  end  that  I  may 
tell  him  something  which  shall  have  some  weight ;  that  I, 
meanwhile,  besought  him  to  consider  whether  there  was 
any  likelihood  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  should  have  so 
soon  resolved  to  change  his  measures  and  deportment;  as 
he  could  not  yet  know  to  a  certainty  how  peaceful  every 
thing  was  in  England ;  that  it  ought,  therefore,  to  be  pre- 
sumed, either  that  what  M.  Overkirk  said,  was  put  into 
his  head  here,  or  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  may  possibly 
have  ordered  him  to  make  all  kinds  of  submissions,  in  case 
the  affairs  in  England  should  be  in  such  a  condition  as  to 
exhibit  no  appearance  of  trouble  and  disorder;  that  the 
Prince  of  Orange  is  of  such  a  headstrong  temper,  and  so 


Ixiv  APPENDIX. 

little  tractable  that  he  would  hardly  submit  to  promise  any 
thing,  contrary  to  all  that  he  had  done  before ;  that  should 
he  promise  it,  and  give  strong  assurances  thereof,  there 
would  be  very  little  likelihood  that  he  would  candidly  re- 
nounce the  engagements  he  entered  into  wuh  the  house  of 
Austria,  and  the  other  princes  opposed  to  the  interest  and 
jealous  of  the  glory  of  York.  That  your  Majesty,  on  your 
part,  would  not  easily  render  your  good  graces  to  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  and  after  all  he  has  done,  he  ought  not  to  hope, 
that  a  bare  compliment  will  wipe  off  the  past,  and  that 
your  Majesty  will  be  capable  of  easily  crediting  the  as- 
surances which  will  be  given  from  him :  that  your  Majesty 
desires  nothing  more  than  to  see  his  Britannic  Majesty  uni- 
versally acknowledged  by  his  subjects  and  in  the  peacea- 
ble enjoyment  of  his  crown ;  but  that  I  had  no  doubt  the 
submissions  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  would  appear  to  you 
very  dangerous,  and  that  he  peculiarly  would  find  a  great 
deal  of  inconvenience  and  peril  in  suffering  the  Prince  of 
Orange  to  come  hither,  who,  by  his  presence  would  be  able 
to  put  in  motion  and  give  force  to  the  cabals  which  may  be 
so  easily  formed,  in  a  conjuncture  like  the  present. 

The  King  of  England  replied  to  me  that  he  did  not  be- 
lieve the  Prince  of  Orange  would  choose  to  ask  leave  to 
come  hither  so  soon ;  that  if  he  came  and  his  conduct  prov- 
ed ever  so  little  doubtful,  he  should  well  know  the  means 
to  bring  him  again  into  the  right  way,  and  should  prevent 
his  exciting  any  trouble  ;  that  if  he  entirely  submitted  and 
had  wisdom  enough  to  change  his  conduct,  with  respect  to 
external  and  internal  affairs,  it  would  soon  be  kno%vn ;  tliat 
he  would  not  suffer  himself  to  be  deceived,  and  that  his 
principal  care  would  always  consist  in  preserving  your  Ma- 


APPENDIX.  I'xv 

jesty's  friendship,  and  in  not  doing  any  thing  that  might, 
In  anv  wa\-,  be  contrary  to  your  Majesty's  interest. 

The  ministers  spoke  to  me  in  the  same  sense  as  hig  Bri- 
tannic Majesty.  My  Lord  Rochester  is  High  Treasurer 
and  has  the  most  extensive  credit ;  therefore  he  desires 
every  thing  that  may  preserve  repose  and  tranquillity' ;  and 
his  advice  is,  that  the  King  his  master  hazards  nothing  by 
trving  what  will  be  the  Prince  of  Orange's  conduct  in  re- 
gard to  him,  and  thinks  he  ought  to  be  put  in  a  fair  way 
to  come  to  a  sense  of  his  duty.  He  is  the  Princess  of 
Orange's  uncle,  and  he  is  therefore  inclined  to  conciliate 
the  reigning  King's  interests  with  those  of  the  heirs  pre- 
sumptive. But  as  he  is  a  good  courtier,  and  knows  very 
well  that  the  King  his  master  will  pretty  easily  become 
jealous  and  suspicious  of  those  who  lean  too  much  towards 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  he  very  openly  shows  that  he  wishes 
more  than  any  thing  else  that  his  Britannic  Majesty  should 
retain  your  Majesty's  friendship,  without  which,  he  knows 
how  difficult  it  vrould  be  to  support  this  government.  My 
Lord  Sunderland  feels  well  the  superiority  my  Lord  Ro- 
chester has  over  him,  b}'  his  office  of  High  Treasurer.  All 
his  application  consists  in  giving  as  far  as  any  other  minis- 
ter into  the  sentiments  of  the  King  his  master,  and  to  pre- 
serve a  secret  share  in  his  confidence  by  shewing  him  that 
he  is  incapable  of  being  devoted  to  any  body  else  but  to 
him.  I  know  that  he  spoke  with  a  good  deal  of  heat  to  his 
Britannic  Majesty,  to  shew  how  much  the  Prince  of  Orange 
might  hurt  the  good  condition  wherein  the  affairs  are  at 
present ;  and  that  an  heir  presumptive  will  be  looked  upon 
in  England,  as  alone  capable  of  remedying  the  inconveni- 
ence of  having  a  King  of  a  religion  different  from  that  of 
hrs  subjects.    My  Lord  Godolphin,  rathet  inclines  towards 


Ixvi  APPENDIX. 

my  Lord  Sunderland,  with  whom  his  ancient  connexions 
subsists.  He  is  still  very  much  dejected  by  the  loss  he  has 
sustained.  He  is  admitted  into  the  most  secret  delibera- 
tions. The  King  of  England  is,  in  my  judgment,  very 
much  satisfied  with  him,  and  told  me  he  found  in  him 
more  firmness  and  boldness  than  he  expected  of  him. 

Meanwhile  eveiy  thing  is  here  perfectly  calm,  and  no- 
thing appears  that  might  disturb  it;  but  at  the  bottom, 
many  minds  are  very  much  agitated.  The  people  cannot 
see  the  mnss  celebrated  at  Whitehall,  without  an  extreme 
indignation,  and  without  fearing  it  will  produce  dangerous 
eifects.  The  disaffected  secretly  foment  these  fears,  and 
suggest  suspicions  that  the  King  of  England  will  not  be- 
lieve himself  to  be  safe,  till  he  has  entirely  re-established 
the  Catholic  religion  in  England,  and  deprived  the  Pro- 
testants of  the  means  to  annoy  them.  It  would  be  very  dif- 
ficult to  judge  whether  affairs  will  remain  in  the  calm 
wherein  they  now  are ;  but  a  refusal  to  pay  the  duties 
which  the  King  of  England  took  j^ossession  of,  is  only 
wanting  to  form  a  contest,  which  might  lead  to  perilous 
consequences.  It  is  the  opinion  of  the  ablest  men  that  all 
will  be  quiet  till  Parliament  meet,  and  that  if  matters  then 
proceed  peaceably,  it  will  not  be  impossible  to  maintain 
the  country  in  repose.  The  zeal  for  the  Protestant  reli- 
gion, and  the  fear  of  a  more  absolute  goveiTiment,  are  seeds 
of  a  division  which  may  break  out  on  the  slightest  occa- 
sions which  offers  themselves,  but  the  wise  are  afraid  of 
seeing  the  disorders  begin  ;  they  still  remember  the  mis- 
fortunes of  former  civil  wars,  and  those  who  have  some- 
thing at  stake  do  not  suffer  themselves  to  be  easily  stirred 
up.  They  are  even  all  of  the  opinion  that  Parliament  can 
take  the  necessary  precautions  to  hinder  the  progress  of 


APPENDIX.  Ixvii 

the  Catholic  religion ;  and  the  augmentation  of  the  sove- 
reign power.  This  is  now  agitated  ;  and  in  the  provinces 
they  appear  to  be  very  much  occupied  with  the  elections. 
It  will  be  possible  to  form  some  sort  of  a  judgment  of 
what  will  happen  in  Parliament,  when  it  shiill  be  known, 
of  what  kind  of  people  the  House  of  Commons  will  be 
composed.  I  know  that,  though  the  court  takes  a  great 
deal  of  care  to  have  favourites  elected,  there  will  be  many 
places  where  the  part)-  of  the  patriots  will  get  the  better, 
aild  where  persons  will  be  elected  whose  sentiments  will  be 
entirely  opposed  to  the  wishes  of  the  court. 

I  shall  take  due  care  to  know  what  cabals  are  formed,  in 
order  to  inform  your  Majesty  thereof.  I  have  taken  mea- 
sures to  give  your  Majesty  an  account  of  what  your  Ma- 
jesty pleased  to  command  me  by  your  dispatch  of  the  20th. 
Time  is  requisite  for  it.  Till  now,  the  places,  sea-ports, 
troops  and  ships,  seem  to  be  in  the  power  of  persons  who 
are  very  much  devoted  to  royalt)^ ;  but  all  these  would  un- 
dergo great  alterations,  if  disorders  should  take  place,  and 
the  war  begin  upon  a  pretence  of  religion  or  of  a  change  of 
the  laws. 

I  do  not  see  any  body  who  believes  that  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  dares  so  much  as  to  show  himself  any  where. 
He  knows  well  enough  that  the  King  of  England  would 
not  forgive  him.  The  pardon  he  obtained  from  the  late 
King  is  only  good  for  England  j  thus  he  might  be  very 
easily  tried  in  Scotland.  It  is  even  contended,  since  he  ob- 
tained his  pardon,  that  he  has  had  a  commerce  with  some 
conspirators,  which  renders  him  guilty  anew. 

The  Ambassador  of  Spain  asked  the  King  of  England, 
how  he  desired  that  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  should  be 
treated  at  Brussels.     His  answer,  according  to  what  that 


Ixviii  APPENDIX. 

Prince  told  me,  was,  that  he  ought  not  to  be  consulted  upon 
that  head  ;  that  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  deportment  with 
rega,rd  to  him,  was  not  unknown  to  any  body ;  and  that  to 
tell  tlie  truth,  he  did  not  know  what  designs  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  could  have  by  remaining  so  near  the  coasts  of 
England  in  the  present  conjuncture. 

His  Britannic  Majesty  told  me  also  the  Ambassador  of 
Spain  had  spoken  to  him  about  the  treaty  of  alliance  which 
had  been  concluded  some  time  ago  between  the  late  King 
of  England  and  his  Catholic  Majesty,  to  which  he  did  not 
doubt  his  Britannic  Majesty  thought  himself  to  be  bound 
in  the  same  way  as  the  late  King  his  brother  was  ;  that  he 
had  answered  him,  that  he  had  very  little  information  of 
that  kind  of  matters  ;  that  if  the  Ambassador  wished  for 
some  explanation  thereupon,  he  might  present  a  memoir 
which  should  be  examined  by  his  ministers  in  order  to 
answer  him  in  the  usual  forms.  The  Ambassador  of  Spain 
was  puzzled  by  this  answer,  and  understood  well  that  the 
King  of  England  does  not  hold  himself  to  be  bound  by  the 
treaty  the  King  his  brother  had  made.  I  told  him  that, 
besides  he  was  not  bound  by  this  treaty  according  to  the 
common  rules,  he  recollected  that  the  late  King  of  England 
himself  thought  he  was  sufficiently  disengaged  thereof  by 
the  refusal  of  the  Spaniards  to  submit  to  his  arbitrament, 
and  by  the  alteration  in  affairs  since  that  time  ;  since  after 
a  war  a  treaty  of  truce  had  been  made,  the  warranty  of 
which  the  King  of  England  had  not  taken  too  much  trou- 
ble to  be  concerned  in  ;  and  that  it  was  his  business  to  con- 
sider what  will  suit  him  thereupon.  The  King  of  England 
told  me  "  I  do  not  hold  myself  in  any  way  bound  by  the 
"  treaty  the  King  my  brother  made  with  Spain,  but  I 
"  deem  myself  very  much  obliged  to  preserve  the  friend- 


APPENDIX.  Ixix 

'■'  ship  and  the   support  of  the  Kiitg  your  master,  and   I 
"  shall  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to  deserve  them." 

I  am,  &c. 

BARILLON. 

THK  KING  TO  M.  BARILLOK. 

Marcli  9,  1685. 

M.  Barillon,  I  received  your  letters  of  the  26th  of  Fe- 
bruar}',  and  the  first  of  this  mondi ;  and  saw  with  pleasure 
by  the  first,  that  the  King  of  England  was  as  sensibly  mov- 
ed as  I  could  wish  for,  by  the  means  I  afforded  you  to  as- 
sist him  in  his  most  urgent  wants,  without  waiting  for  his 
requesting  me  to  do  so  ;  but  though  I  believe  that  the  de- 
claration you  made  him  thereof  without  any  reserve,  has 
produced  ver}-  good  effects,  and  that  it  has  perfectly  well 
persuaded  that  Prince  how  much  he  ought  to  rely  upon 
my  friendship,  and  how  much  he  ought  to  prefer  it  to  any 
other,  nevertheless  irt  would  have  been  well,  as  I  ordered 
you  to  do  by  my  dispatch  of  the  20th  of  February,  to  wait 
till  he  had  felt  a  more  urgent  want  of  this  assistance,  as  it 
is  pi-obable  that  now,  that  3'ou  ha\'e  completely  explained 
yourself  thereon,  his  ministers  will  press  you  forthwith  to 
put  the  whole  fund  into  their  hands.  However  I  leave  it 
now  to  your  prudence  to  conduct  yourself  in  this  respect, 
in  a  manner  which  can  neither  displease  the  King,  nor  di- 
minish the  obligation  under  which  he  is  to  me,  for  so  essen- 
tial a  proof  of  my  friendship. 

In  regard  to  what  you  had  engaged  me  to  pay  to  the 
late  King  of  England,  as  you  have  sufficiently  perceived  by 
the  orders  I  ^ve  you,  and  the  letters  you  sent  me,  that  I 
only  granted  two  millions  of  livres  for  the  first  pa}Tnent;; 
and  fifteen  hundred   thousand  livres  for  each  of  the  two 


Ixxv  APPENDIX. 

others  which  ended  in  the  month  of  April  of  last  year,  you 
could  easily  have  undeceived  the  Earl  of  Rochester,  and 
the  other  Ministers  of  their  ill  grounded  pretensions  ;  and 
for  the  future,  as  I  do  not  pretend  to  forsake  the  King  of 
England  in  his  wants,  it  is  also  to  be  hoped  the  new  Par- 
liament he  convenes,  will  be  disposed  to  give  him  in  the 
beginning  of  his  reign,  all  the  means  which  he  needs  to 
support  his  dignity.  He  ought  however  to  rely  so  much 
more  upon  the  continuation  of  my  friendship,  as  before 
hand,  and  spontaneously,  I  enabled  you  to  give  him  very 
effective  marks  thereof. 

The  King  of  England  could  not  take  a  better  resolution  for 
the  good  of  his  dominions  and  the  relief  of  his  conscience, 
than  openly  to  hear  mass,  and  this  act  of  firmness  is  more 
capable  of  inspiring  his  subjects  with  respect  and  awe,  than 
of  giving  new  forces  to  the  disaffected.  You  have  seen  by 
my  last  dispatch,  that  he  anticipated  therein  my  sentiments, 
and  that  I  should  not  have  been  able  to  approve  a  long  dis- 
simulation of  the  religion  he  professes.  You  shall  also  re- 
present to  him  that  I  learn  with  pleasure  that  his  authori- 
ty is  daily  better  consolidated  by  the  submission  of  all  his 
subjects,  and  that  I  am  assured  his  good  conduct  will  dis- 
sipate all  the  cabals  that  threatened  to  disturb  the  repose 
of  his  reign. 

My  Lord  Churchill  spoke  to  me  in  the  sense  you  wrote 
to  me,  and  I  have  ordered  the  Marshal  Lorge  forthwith 
to  set  off  in  order  to  go  and  condole  with  the  Kmg  and 
Queens  of  England,  and  express  to  the  first  the  concern  I 
take  in  his  happy  accession  to  the  crov.-n  of  his  ancestors. 
Whatever  murmurs  may  be  excited  bv  a  continuation  of 
the  same  duties  which  were  granted  to  the  late  King  of 
England,  there  is  room  for  belief  that  they  will  be  stifled 


APPENDIX.  Ixxi 

\>y  the  convening  and  assembling  of  Parliament ;  but  what- 
ever effect  it  may  produce  the  King  of  England  acts  very 
wisely  by  preserving  this  means  to  supply  the  wants  of  his 
state.  It  likewise  appears  to  me  that  it  is  more  prudent 
to  get  himself  crowned  before  the  session  of  Parliament, 
than  when  it  shall  be  assembled  ;  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  be 
informed  by  }'ou  of  all  the  difficulties  that  may  arise  upon 
that  business,  and  of  the  expedients  which  shall  be  resorted 
to  in  order  to  overcome  them. 

You  are  in  the  right  to  let  the  King  of  England  know  that 
he  ought  not  implicitly  to  credit  every  thing  M.  Overkirk 
may  advance  of  himself  under  the   name  of  the   Prince 
of  Orange  ;   but  should  he   even  be   fully  autliorized,  the 
King  of  England  is  loo  well  informed  of  the  conduct  the 
Prince  of  Orange  has  shown  toward  him  v^hen  he  was  only 
Duke  of  York,  and  against  the  religion  he  professes,  even 
since  the  accession  of  the  said  King  to  the  Crown,  to  believe 
that  the  protestations  which  will  be  made  him  from  the 
Prince  of  Orange   are  very  sincere  ;  and  if  the  English 
Minister  at  the  Hague  gives  the  King  his  master  a  faithful 
account  of  Avhat  he  has  heard  and  knows  himself  of  the 
sentiments  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  he  v/ill  easily  judge 
that  the  only  intention  of  that  Prince  is  to  use,  against  the 
King's  intei-ests,  not  merely  the  facility  he  may  meet  with 
to  regain  his   good  graces,  but   also  the   apparent  marks 
he  may  receive  of  the  King's  good  vv'ill  ;  and  he  can  not 
more  effectually  mortify  the  prince  of  Orange  and  render 
him  submissive,  than  by  rejecting  with  cold  dignity  all  the 
proposals  he  makes  to  amuse  him,  and  above  all,  by  prevent- 
ing his  passing  into  England.  Continue  to  inform  me  with 
exactness  of  every  considerable  event  that  takes  place  at  the 
court  where  vou  are,  as  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  new  go\ - 
ernment  will  furnish  you  ^v'ith  ample  materials. 


Ixxii  APPENDIX. 

ABSTRACT  OF  ONE  OF  THE  KING'S  LETTERS  TO 
M.  BARILLON. 

March  16th,  1685. 

It  is  very  likely  the  King  of  England  who  now  so  open- 
ly professes  the  Catholic  religion  will  soon  ask  the  Pope  for 
bishops  of  his  communion  ;  and  as  it  must  not  be  question- 
ed, that  his  holiness  will  select  them  from  the  clergy  of 
England,  among  which,  as  I  am  informed,  there  are  many 
persons  infected  with  the  doctrine  of  Jansenism,  I  should 
be  glad  that  you  dexterously  suggest  to  the  King  his  inte- 
rest in  a  proper  discrimination  ;  so  that,  should  the  good 
example  the  King  gives  to  his  subjects  be  followed,  as  it  is 
to  be  wished  for,  that  kingdom  may  not  just  emerging  from 
one  heresy,  fall  into  another,  which  would  not  be  much 
less  dangerous. 

M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

I  executed  with  my  utmost  punctuality  your  Majesty's 
orders  conveyed  by  the  dispatch  of  the  6th  of  April.  I 
endeavoured  to  give  the  King  of  England  and  his  Minis- 
ters to  understand,  that  your  Majesty  had  already  given 
him  essential  marks  of  friendship  by  anticipating  his  wants, 
that  your  Majesty  would  continue  to  succour  him  in  his  ne- 
cessity ;  and  that  your  design  was  to  exceed  your  promises, 
that,  however,  your  Majesty  thought  it  was  sufficient  from 
you  to  perform,  rather  than  promise,  and  that  without  any 
engagement  your  Majesty  had  sent  me  a  fund  to  a  large  a- 
mount.  The  King  of  England  declared  to  me,  he  was  ver)- 
sensible  to  all  your  Majesty  has  done  for  him  ;  but  he  told 
me  the  state  of  his  affairs  Vvas  such  that  he  had  to  take  mea- 
sures beforehand,  and  that  he  could  not  undertake  A\hat 


APPENDIX.  Ixxiil 

he  had  resolved  on,  without  being  positively  assured,  of 
what  your  Majesty  will  be  pleased  to  do  in  his  favour ;  that 
vour  Majesty  will  know  by  his  subsequent  conduct  how 
much  he  is  devoted  to  your  interests  ;  that  your  Majesty 
will  always  have  it  in  your  power  to  retract  your  promise 
if  he  does  not  conduct  himself  in  such  a  way  as  your  Ma- 
jesty may  wish  ;  diat,  since  your  Majesty  pleases  to  succour 
him  it  will  be  laying  a  new  obligation  upon  him  if  your 
Majesty  pleases  to  set  his  mind  at  rest  by  promising 
what  he  asks  for  ;  because  an  uncertainty  upon  this  head 
would  not  allow  him  to  act  with  the  necessary  firmness, 
and  because  a  doubtful  and  uncertain  conduct  from  him 
would  make  his  foes  bolder  and  his  friends  more  timid. 

This  answer  brought  me  into  a  deeper  discussion  with 
that  Prince.  I  explained  to  him  what  had  happened  with 
the  late  King  of  England  ;  I  reminded  him  that  the  treaty 
though  it  was  merely  verbal  had  been  punctually  executed 
and  accomplished  on  both  sides  ;  that  your  Majesty  had 
completed  the  payment  of  what  was  promised  ;  and  that 
the  late  King  of  England  had  also  closely  adhered  to  the 
engagement  he  had  entered  into,  to  favour  the  pretensions 
of  your  Majesty  against  Spain,  and  not  to  assemble  parlia- 
ment ;  that  at  present  your  Majesty  asks  nothing  of  his 
Britannic  Majesty  which  can  cause  him  the  least  embarras- 
ment  as  your  Majesty  has  no  greater  desire  than  to  strength- 
en the  general  peace  j  that  your  Majesty  designed  however 
to  give  him  essential  marks  of  your  friendship,  and  to  as- 
sist him  in  maintaining  his  authorit}'  and  in  establishing 
"the  Catholic  religion  ;  that  these  two  points  seemed  to  be 
united,  and  could  not  be  separated  ;  that  your  Majesty  had 
resolved  to  contribute  thereto  from  a  motive  of  friendship 
and  esteem  for  the  person  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  by 

k 


Ixxiv  APPENDIX. 

the  zeal  your  Majesty  has  for  religion  j  that,  though  there 
was  no  express  stipulation,  your  Majesty  will  be  sufficiently 
bound,  by  what  your  Majesty  has  done  in  the  first  instance 
to  continue  henceforth  what  is  so  well  begun,  that,  there- 
fore it  may  be  relied  upon  that  your  Majesty  will  always 
be  like  yourself,  and  continue  to  support  what  your  Majesty 
undertakes  upon  foundations  that  will  not  change. 

The  King  of  England  answered  me  hereupon,  that  he 
had  no  right  to  exact  of  your  Majesty  more  than  your  Ma- 
jesty thinks  you  ought  to  do  ;  but  that  he  acted  frankly 
with  me  in  representing  his  wants,  and  that  the  request  he 
has  made  presupposes  all  sorts  of  engagements  from  hira, 
and  a  determined  will  to  be  entirely  devoted  to  your  Majes- 
ty, that  therefore  your  Majesty  is  to  prescribe  to  him  what 
will  suit  your  interests  in  order  to  make  him  follow  the  course 
which  will  be  most  agreeable  to  him  ;  that  when  your  Ma- 
jesty shall  be  thoroughly  informed  of  the  affairs  of  this 
country,  you  will  know  that  it  is  an  important  point  to  be- 
gin well,  and  to  enable  him  not  to  yield  at  first ;  that,  how- 
ever, it  is  impossible  to  take  a  firm  and  lofty  conduct  if 
there  is  not  a  sufficient  security  of  adequate  assistance ;  and 
that  it  would  no  longer  be  the  time  to  negotiate  upon  the 
amount  when  the  moment  of  using  it  has  arrived. 

I  told  the  Prince  that  he  saw  your  Majesty  begin  by 
performance,  and  that,  therefore,  it  was  not  so  essential  to 
stand  upon  the  form  and  manner  of  promising  for  the  fu- 
ture ;  that  it  was  only  necessary  that  affairs  here  should 
be  put  in  a  fair  train,  and  that,  in  process  of  time,  your  Ma- 
jesty would  not  fail  to  aid  tlie  first  progress,  and  to  facili- 
tate the  success  of  the  designs  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  in 
favour  of  royalty  and  the  Catholic  religion. 


APPENDIX.  ixxv 

I  had  several  conferences  with  the  ministers,  collectively 
and  separately;  they  answered  me  very  coldly  when  I 
spoke  to  them  together ;  my  Lord  Rochester,  who  is  the 
spokesman,  replied  to  me,  they  had  kno^vn  already,  what 
I  had  told  the  King  their  master,  and  that  their  sentiments 
could  not  differ  from  his ;  that  the  necessity  of  his  affairs 
obliged  him  to  have  recourse  to  your  Majesty,  that  the 
question  now  was,  the  establishment  of  his  authority  and 
securing  to  the  government  a  safe  form ;  that  I  knew  well 
enough  how  very  important  it  was  here  to  be  enabled  to 
give  and  not  to  receive  laws ;  that  it  w^as  my  business  to  re- 
present it  to  your  Majesty,  and  that,  as  to  themselves,  they 
had  discharged  their  duty  by  sincerely  exposing  the  wants 
of  their  master  to  a  friend  who  could  remove  them  if  he 
thought  fit  so  to  do. 

I  answered  him  what  I  had  already  told  the  King  of 
England-  I  discoursed  with  my  Lord  Rochester  in  pri- 
vate ;  and  we  have  thoroughly  discussed  the  business.  I 
confined  myself  to  saying,  that  your  Majesty  executes  in- 
stead of  promising,  that  thereby  it  is  seen  what  may  be 
expected  from  you,  that  it  is  unusual  to  pretend  your 
Majesty  shoiJd  enter  Into  engageiuents  to  furnish  subsidies 
for  several  years,  when  his  Britannic  Majesty,  on  his  side, 
15  bound  to  nothing ;  that  indeed,  your  Majesty  has  nothing 
to  ask  of  him  at  present;  that,  therefore,  your  Majesty 
claims  the  right  to  bestow  marks  of  friendship,  without 
requiring  of  him  any  thing  beyond  what  he  thinks  he  ought 
to  do  according  to  the  conjunctures  that  may  present  them- 
selves ;  that  no  doubt  can  be  entertained  of  your  Majesty's 
good  disposition  to  continue  as  vou  began,  and  that  reliance 
ought  to  be  placed  on  your  sincerity  and  friendship.. 


Ixxvi  APPENDIX. 

My  Lord  Rochester  told  me  thereupon,  that  if  he  did  not 
thoroughly  know  the  designs  and  intentions  of  the  King  his 
master,  he  would  not  have  pressed  me  to  prevail  upon  your 
Majesty  to  supply  him  promptly  with  a  large  sum,  and  to 
promise  him  a  subsidy  for  three  years ;  that  what  your 
Majesty  does  now,  ought  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  mark  of 
friendship,  and  that  it  would  serve  his  master's  turn  bettei- 
than  a  greater  engagement,  if  he  had  not  ^resolved  to  unite 
himself  closely  with  your  Majesty  and  not  to  flag  in  pro- 
cess of  time ;  that  if  he  did  not  act  honestly,  and  consider 
the  friendship  of  your  Majesty  as  the  fouiidation  of  the 
conduct  he  intends  to  hold,  he  would  content  himself  with 
a  temporary  or  loose  connexion  ;  and  that  he  would,  after 
having  established  himself,  take  into  consideration  what 
resolution  he  is  to  take,  and  that  without  neglecting  the 
obligations  under  which  he  was  to  your  Majesty,  he  wovild 
then  be  enabled  to  frame  a  plan  for  his  conduct,  such  as 
he  should  think  to  be  most  suitable  to  his  interests ;  that 
from  this  time  forward  he  intends  to  enter  upon  a  course 
which  will  last  as  long  as  his  reign  and  to  knit  indissoluble 
ties ;  that  it  has  been  perceived  that  the  connexion  formed 
between  yovs  Majesty^  and  the  King  of  England  has  pro- 
duced good  effects  for  both ;  that  the  same  thing  will  happen 
if  they  understand  each  other  well  at  first ;  and  if  your  Ma- 
jesty begins  by  enabling  the  King  of  England  to  follow  his 
inclination  and  iiis  real  interests. 

I  answered  the  minister,  that  the  treaty  concluded  with 
the  late  King  of  England  had  been,  on  bodi  sides,  scrupu- 
lously executed;  that  it  included  mutual  terms  and  advan- 
tages, that  the  same  thing  cannot  be  said  of  what  is  going 
oji  now,  since  your  Majesty  has  nothing  to  wish  from  the 
King  of  England,  and  is  yet  willing  gratuitously  to  con- 


APPENDIX.  Ixxvii 

tribute  to  establish  him  on  his  tlironc,  and  to  enable  him  to 
reign  peaceably  and  quietly.  My  Lord  Rochester  replied 
to  me  hereupon,  that  the  treaty  we  had  formed  included 
no  mvitual  conditions ;  that  the  late  King  hud  not  bound 
himself  not  to  assemble  parliament,  nor  formally  to  re- 
nounce his  treaty  with  Spain  ;  that  your  Majesty  had  well 
known  that  in  the  main  you  would  reap  the  same  advantages, 
and  that  the  late  King  of  England  had  also  been  strengthen- 
ed in  his  resolutions,  by  the  succour  your  Majesty  had  fur- 
nished him  with ;  and  had  even  dispensed  with  assembling 
his  parliament  and  defending  Spain,  when  he  was  the  most 
pressed  to  the  contrary  ;  that  the  same  case  may  again  hap- 
pen, and  though  your  Majesty  asks  nothing  of  the  King 
his  master,  he  cannot  resolve  to  devote  himself  to  your 
Majesty  without  renouncing  the  advantages  he  might  de- 
rive from  parliament  in  other  times ;  and  from  ever}'  en- 
gagement with  Spain :  That  it  will  be  a  question  as  soon  as 
parliament  is  assembled  to  obtain  the  continuation  of  the 
revenues,  but  that  after  that,  nothing  must  be  expected 
thereof  but  hard  and  perilous  terms,  which  the  King  his 
master  will-never  consent  to ;  that,  therefore  the  same  atti- 
tude would  be  maintained,  which  was  assumed  in  the  time 
of  the  late  King,  and  with  still  less  regard  for  the  Spaniards, 
since  there  existed  no  treaty  with  them,  as  there  had. been 
one,  the  execution  of  which  ihey  were  always  urging.  I 
replied  thereto,  that  it  was  not  a  question  now  to  examine, 
on  what  terms  we  had  treated  in  the  time  of  the  late  King, 
since  the  treat}'  had  been  executed  and  fulfilled  honestly  on 
both  sides ;  that  the  conjuncture  was  entirely  different,  and 
that  your  Majesty  expected  nothing  of  his  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty and  had  no  other  aim  but  to  give  him  solid  marks  of 
your  friendship.  I  remarked,  from  all  that  occurred  between 


ixxviii  APPENDIX. 

my  Lord  Rochester  and  me,  that  he  did  not  enter  upon  the 
proposal  of  a  new  treaty,  and  it  appeared  to  me  on  the  con- 
trary that  he  affected  not  to  understand  what  I  told  him  on 
that  score.  He  always  confined  himself  to  saying,  that  we 
must  do  as  we  have  done,  because  we  reaped  great  ad- 
vantages therefrom  on  both  sides. 

My  Lord   Sunderland  comprehended  at  the  first  blush 
that  it  would  be  far  more  adviseable  to  enter  into  formal 
and   reciprocal  engagements;    that  the   King   his  master 
ought  to  claim  every  thing  that  can  warrant  him  your  Ma- 
jesty's friendship.     He  lays  down  as   a  certainty  that  the 
parliament,  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  house  of  Austria 
ought  to  be  looked   upon  as  having  inseparable  interests ; 
that  it  is  impossible  to  put  them  at  variance ;  that,   there- 
fore, to  be  on  good  terms  with  your  Majesty,  he  must  not 
only  abstain  from  all  connexion  with  them,  but  even  part 
with  them  at  once ;    and  pull  oft'  the  mask  when  it  shall 
be  seasonable  to  do  so,  that  is,  when  parliament  shall  have 
granted  the  revenues.  I  maintained  great  reserve  upon  the 
new  engagements  that  might  be  formed.    I  contented  my- 
self with  suggesting  the  proposal  which  your  Majesty  or- 
dered me  to  make  in  this  respect,  and  I  thought  I  should 
bring  it  on  the  carpet  rather  as  a  natural  consequence  of 
what  we  were  treating  of,  than  an  overture  from  your  Ma- 
jesty. My  Lord  Godolphin  spoke  to  me  in  the  same  sense 
as  my  Lord  Rochester.    Though  he  is  in  the  secret,  he  has 
not  much  credit,  and  seeks  only  to  uphold  himself  by  a  wise 
and  moderate  deportment.     I  do  not  think  that,  if  his  ad- 
vice was  taken,  any  connexions  would  be  formed  with  your 
Majesty  which  would  extend  to  doing  entirely  without  par- 
liament or  to  decidedly  breaking  with  the  Prince  of  Orange. 


APPENDIX.  Ixxix 

Last  evening  I  had  a  long  conversation  with  the  King  of 
England  ;  we  repeated  all  that  had  been  talked  over  with 
the  ministers,  of  which  they  had  given  him  an  account.  I 
perceived  clearly  that  my  Lord  Simderland  had  spoken  to 
him  at  full  length  of  what  we  had  discoursed  upon,  and  had 
represented  to  him  the  necessity  of  not  forbearing  any  thing 
to  form  a  complete  connexion  with  your  Majesty.  The 
Prince  told  me  I  knew  his  intentions  and  designs  better 
than  his  own  ministers,  that  he  had  not  opened  his  mind  to 
them  so  much  as  to  me  upon  the  establishment  of  the  Ca- 
tholic religion ;  that  before  the  session  of  parliament  he; 
must  conceal  his  designs,  and  not  suffer  any  one  to  descry 
the  point  to  which  he  intended  to  carry  the  business ;  that, 
at  the  bottom,  he  knew  that  his  safety  depended  upon  a 
close  union  with  your  Majesty,  and  upon  putting  the  Catho- 
lic religion  in  a  fair  way  to  bid  defiance  to  opposition; 
that  he  intends  to  bring  it  about  as  soon  as  possible ;  that, 
however,  I  ought  to  represent  to  your  iVIajesty  how  impor- 
tant it  is  to  him  to  be  assisted  in  so  great  a  design,  that  his 
first  steps  with  parliament  may  be  decisive ;  that  those  Avho 
intend  to  thwart  him  will  not  omit  any  thing  that  can  pre- 
vent him  from  succeeding ;  that  your  Majesty  will  know 
perhaps  too  late  what  ought  to  have  been  done,  and  that 
what  is  necessary  now  is  far  less  than  what  your  Majesty 
would  contribute  at  a  future  period,  if  your  Majesty  saw 
rovalt}'  and  the  Catholic  religion  In  a  fair  way  of  being  de- 
stroyed in  England. 

I  told  the  Prince  that  he  saw  what  were  }-our  Majesty's 
intentions  with  respect  to  him ;  that  I  could  every  day  in- 
form vou  of  what  takes  place  here,  and  that  it  ought  not  to 
be  doubted  your  majesty  would  take  the  resolutions  whidi 
will  suit  the  state  of  affairs ;  that  your  friendship  for  his 


Ixxx  APPENDIX. 

person,  and  your  aeal  for  religion,  would  not  suffer  you  to 
forsake  him  in  his  need;  that  the  conduct  your  Majesty 
holds  towards  him  would  be  uniform  and  consistent,  that, 
therefore,  on  his  side  he  ought  to  apply  himself  to  manage 
a  friendship  which  he  judges  to  be  so  advantageous  to  him. 
His  Britannic  Majesty  told  me,  on  dismissing  xne.  "  I 
"  fully  rely  on  what  you  tell  me ;  but  represent  to  the  King 
*'  your  master,  that  what  he  can  do  now  would  set  mv 
"  mind  at  rest,  and  enable  me  to  act  with  a  firmness  and 
*'  confidence  which  I  cannot  have  if  I  am  not  completely 
"  assured." 

From  all  I  have  been  told  by  the  King  of  England  and 
his  ministers,  it  appears  to  me  that  they  do  not  so  much  in- 
sist now  upon  a  promise  of  a  subsequent  succour,  as  upon 
a  present  sum.  I  said,  as  your  Majesty  permitted  me,  that 
I  should  by  and  by  have  a  fund  of  900,000  livres ;  but  if 
}'our  Majesty  does  not  allow  me  to  furnish  any  thing  from 
this  sum,  it  is  just  as  if  there  was  none ;  it  will  not  even  be 
believed  that  there  is  any,  when  it  is  perceived  that  I  do 
not  make  the  payments  when  they  are  required  of  me. 

The  King  of  England  would,  in  my  judgment,  be  fully 
satisfied,  if  your  Majesty  took  the  resolution  to  send  hither 
another  sum  of  1,100,000  livres  before  the  session  of  Par- 
liament, so  that  he  could  rely  on  employing  2,000,000,  dur- 
ing the  session  of  Parliament,  that  might  in  time  be  count- 
ed for  a  year  of  subsidy,  and  if  it  should  be  agreed  upon 
granting  one  for  the  ensuing  years,  we  could  let  them  begin 
only  in  the  month  of  October  next,  and  perhaps  even  as  late 
as  the  nwnth  of  January  1G86.  Your  Majesty  will  givc 
ine  your  commands  as  to  what  will  best  suit  your  service. 
I  shall  hold  myself  in  readiness  to  execute  your  orders  11 


APPENDIX.  Ixxxi 

teialh-,  without  doing  any  thing  of  my  own  accord  beyond 
v.hat  shall  be  prescribed  to  me. 

The  Dutch  ambassadors  have  had  a  particular  audience, 
and  without  ceremony.  The  same  difficulty  continues  with 
regard  to  their  admission  and  public  audience ;  they  want 
to  have  an  Earl  of  England,  as  the  ambassy  to  Savoy  had ; 
they  are  not  likely  to  obtain  him,  and  the  King  of  Eng- 
land seems  determined^not  to  change  any  thing  in  his  usual 
deportment  witli  respect  to  them. 

I  am,  &c. 

BARILLON. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLOX. 

April  24th,  1683. 
M.  Barrillon,  I  received  your  letters  of  the  16th,  and 
19th  of  this  month,  and  though  I  had  expected  the  King  of 
England  would  have  been  well  satisfied  with  the  large  suc- 
cours of  money  which  I  promptly  caused  to  be  conveyed  to 
you  in  order  to  relieve  without  any  stipulation,  his  most 
urgent  wants,  in  case  the  next  Parliament  should  not  grant 
him  what  he  wishes  for,  both  for  the  establishment  of  the 
same  revenues  during  his  hfe,  which  the  late  King  his  bro- 
ther enjoyed  until  his  death,  and  for  the  free  exercise  of 
the  Catholic  religion  in  his  realm ;  nevertheless  that  Prince 
gave  you  to  understand,  that  if  he  was  not  assured  from 
me  of  a  more  considerable  assistance,  he  should  see  him- 
self under  the  necessity  to  shew  a  regard  for  Parliament 
which  would  be  ver}^  prejudicial  to  the  strengthening  of  the 
royal  authorit)',  and  consequently  to  the  welfare  of  the  Ca- 
tholic religion ;  but  though  he  haS  so  much  the  more  ground 
to  depend  entirely  upon  the  sentiments  of  esteem  and  friend- 
ship I  entertain  for  him,  so  he  sees  well  that  I  make  all 

1 


Ixxxii  APPENDIX. 

possible  dispatch  to  render  him  sensible  of  the  efflcacv 
thereof,  without  requiring  of  him  any  other  engagements  in 
my  interests  but  those  which  his  gratefulness  and  sincerity 
could  induce  him  to  take  when  there  shall  be  any  occasion 
for  it ;  I  consent  nevertheless  to  give  him  still  greater  proofs 
of  the  consideration  in  which  I  hold  every  thing  he  has  re  - 
presented  to^  you,  and  of  the  sincerity  with  which  I  intend 
to  concur  in  every  thing  which  can  be  advantageous  to 
him.  It  is  for  this  purpose  that  besides  the  500,000  livres 
which  I  caused  to  be  remitted  to  you,  as  soon  as  I  heard 
of  the  death  of  the  late  King,  and  which  you  must  still  have- 
in  your  hands,  I  shall  not  fail  to  send  you  forthwith  tlie 
900,000  livres  I  promised  you  by  my  dispatch  of  the  sixth, 
to  which  I  shall  order  to  be  added  another  sum  of  200,000 
crowns,  to  the  end  that  you  may  have  in  hand,  during  the 
session  of  Parliament,  so  much  as  comes  to  two  millions  of 
livres  j  but  as  I  hear  with  pleasure  that  almost  all  the  mem 
bers  are  very  well  affected  to  the  King's  interests,  and  that 
scarcely  more  than  five  or  six  of  them  are  known  to  be  op  • 
posed  to  him,  it  is  very  likely  that  the  prince  will  not  stand 
in  need  of  very  large  funds  to  render  the  deliberations  of 
the  Parliament  favourable  to  him ;  and  that  at  any  rate  he 
will  content  himself  with  promis'mg  rewards  to  those  who 
shall  perform  their  duty  well :  I  consent  nevertheless  that 
you  cause  to  be  paid,  so  much  as  comes  to  400,000  livres, 
to  supply  the  grcit'iji  cat  ions  xvhich  the  King  shall  find  pro- 
per to  hestoxv  during  that  session,  and  as  to  the  remaining 
1,600,000  livers  you  shall  orJy  part  with  them  in  case  the 
conduct  of  Parliament  should  be  bad  enough  to  oblige  the 
King  to  dissolve  it,  or  he  should  elsewhere  meet  with  such 
strong  opposition  to  the  establishing  of  a  free  exercise  of 
the^  Catholic    religion,  as  to  be  forced  to  take  up  arms 


APPENDIX.  Ixxxiii 

"Against  his  own  subjects.  In  short,  my  intention  is  can- 
■didly  to  succour  him  in  case  he  should  really  need  it,  to 
strengthen  his  authority  and  to  promote  the  welfai*e  of  our 
religion ;  but  if  his  Parliament  undertakes  of  themselves  to 
do  what  the  King  desires,  my  hitention  is  that  you  reserve 
the  funds  which  I  order  to  be  remitted  to  you,  till  it  ap- 
pears to  me  to  be  of  an  urgent  necessity  to  employ  it ;  and 
nevertheless  I  consent,  as  I  have  just  told  you,  that,  before 
the  sitting  of  Parliament,  you  deliver  to  the  King's  minis- 
ters to  the  amount  of  400,000  li\Tes,  in  case  the  King 
should  request  them.  I  hope  that,  after  you  shall  have 
made  known  to  that  Prince  my  latter  intentions,  I  shall 
receive  in  future  only  thanks  for  the  efforts  I  am  mak- 
ing to  promote  his  interests ;  but  if,  contrary  to  my  opi- 
nion, they  intend  to  make  new  attempts  to  get  from  me 
greater  succours,  it  is  my  wish  that  you  cut  off  all  hope 
to  obtain  them,  nay,  that  you  should  give  it  to  be  un- 
derstood, that  I  should  hear  with  displeasure  that  the  King 
was  not  satisfied  with  the  gi'eat  proofs  I  give  him  of  my 
friendship. 

It  will  be  easy  for  you  to  get  the  King  of  England  out " 
of  the  anguish  of  mind  into  which  he  is  throAvn  by  the  de- 
claration which  the  Marquis  of  Feuquieres,  by  my  command, 
made  to  the  King  of  Spain  and  his  ministers,  and  I  dis- 
patch on  purpose  this  courier  to  you,  that  you  may  without 
any  further  delay,  inform  the  King  of  England,  that  I  am 
so  much  the  more  satisfied  with  the  aiis^ver  of  the  said  Ca- 
tholic King,  as  besides  that  he  treats  the  proposal  to  Aield 
the  Netherlands  to  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  or  to  abandon  to 
him  the  government  thereof,  as  a  mere  chimera ;  he  gives 
me  moreover  positive  assurances,  rciigiously  to  observe  the 
truce  and  to  conform  in  ever)''  respect  to  its  provisions;  so 


i^txxiv  APPENDIX. 

that  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  Prince  will  make 
any  alterations  in  the  present  state  of  the  Netherlands ; 
and  as  I,  likewise,  had  no  other  intention  but  to  prevent, 
by  that  explanation,  all  that  might  disturb  the  repose  of 
Europe,  you  can  assure  the  King  of  England  that  I  shall 
always  use  the  same  diligence  to  maintain  it,  and  that  as 
long  as  the  Catholic  King  shall  continue  willing  to  concur 
on  his  side,  in  the  rejection  of  similar  novelties  so  contrary 
to  the  truce,  the  public  tranquillity  cannot  be  disturbed. 

M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING 

April  oOth,  1685. 

I  received  the  dispatch  of  your  Majesty  of  the  24th  of 
April,  by  an  express  courier.  I  went  presently  after  to 
wait  upon  the  King  of  England,  in  order  to  communicate 
to  him  the  answer  his  Catholic  Majesty  had  given  the 
Marquis  of  Feuquieres.  It  is  impossible  to  show  more 
joy  than  that  Prince  exhibited,  at  a  piece  of  ncAvs  which 
releases  him  from  very  great  anxiety,  and  sets  his  mind  at 
rest.  It  was  not  without  ground  he  feared  that  a  rupture 
between  your  Majesty  and  the  King  of  Spain  would  render 
Parliament  less  manageable  than  it  will  be,  when  all  looks 
calm  abroad. 

His  Britannic  Majesty  charged  me  to  thank  your  Majesty 
for  the  care  your  Majesty  had  taken  to  inform  him  there- 
of by  an  express,  and  declared  to  me  that  his  happiness  en- 
creases,  wherever  he  receives  marks  of  your  Majesty's 
friendship, 

Ministers  were  likewise  overjoyed  at  the  success  of  Mv 
Feuquieres  proposal.  My  Lord  Rochester  is  still  more 
sensible  than  the  others  to  every  thing  that  may  maintain 
peace  abroad ;  it  was  easy  for  me  to  show  that  your  Majcstv'5 


APPENDIX.  Ixxxv 

intention  only  was  to  prevent  what  might  have  altered  the 
repose  Europe  enjoys,  since  the  answer  that  was  given  at 
Madrid,  puts  these  affairs  in  a  state  of  calmness  and  tran- 
quillity which  according  to  appearances,  must  be  durable. 

The  King  of  England  spoke  to  me  thereof  as  late  as  this 
morning,  with  a  good  deal  of  satisfaction,  and  thinks  him- 
self rescued  from  a  great  embarrassment  to  which  he  be- 
lieved he  must  be  exposed,  if  Parliament  had  been  assem- 
bled when  the  war  should  have  begun  between  your  Ma- 
jesty and  Spain.  It  seems  to  me,  your  Majesty  reaps 
some  benefit  from  what  has  been  agitated  upon  this  matter ; 
because  people  are  accustomed  to  hear  of  the  Dauphin's 
right  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  without  any  appearance  of 
strong  alarm  in  perceiving  the  possibility  of  so  many 
realms  being  united  to  the  Crown  of  France.  They  seem 
at  least  to  acknowledge  that  if  his  Catholic  Majesty 
died  childless,  the  right  of  my  Lord  the  Dauphin  and  his 
descendants  would  be  far  better  than  of  those  who  could 
only  pretend  to  it,  by  virtue  of  a  renunciation  in  itself  null. 
I  spoke  of  all  this  but  very  slightly,  as  of  a  distant  matter, 
hut  I  did  not  think  I  ought  likewise  to  suppress  what  your 
Majesty  alleged  as  the  main  gi-ound  of  what  you  had  a  de- 
sign to  do,  in  order  to  prevent  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  and 
the  Archdutches's  being  put  in  possession  of  the  Nether- 
lands. 

An  occurrence  has  happened  within  the  court,  which  is 
of  no  little  consequence.  The  King  of  England  having  re- 
solved to  go  to  the  chapel,  accompanied  as  the  late  King 
was,  spoke  of  it  the  day  before  to  my  Lords  Rochester, 
Sunderland,  and  Godolphin.  He  told  them  that  having 
taken  the  step  openly  of  going  to  Mass,  he  thought  he 
•  "night  to  go  there  with  the  requisite  dignity,  and  accompa  • 


Ixxxvi  APPENDIX. 

nied  by  his  guards  and  principal  officers  ;  that  they  would 
remain  at  the  gate  of  the  chapel  and  await  there,  or  return 
to  it  at  the  time  when  he  was  to  leave  it.  My  Lord  Sun- 
derland started  no  difficulty,  nor  my  Lord  Godolphin,  who, 
as  the  Queen's  Chamberlain,  usually  conducts  her  as  far 
as  the  gate  ;  but  my  Lord  Rochester  combated  with  ve- 
hemence the  resolution  his  Britannic  Majesty  declared 
he  had  taken,  and  having  to  no  purpose  urged  all  the 
reasons  he  could  devise,  he  freely  declared  that,  unless  the 
King  of  England  positively  ordered  him  to  accompany  him 
as  far  as  the  gate  of  the  chapel,  he  would  not  do  it.  His 
Britannic  Majesty  told  him  his  intention  was  not  to  con- 
strain any  body,  nor  to  order  him  to  do  a  thing  for  which 
he  seemed  to  have  so  much  repugnance,  that  his  scruples 
appeared  to  be  ill  grounded,  and  that  it  oaght  not  to  l^e  an 
excuse  for  a  thing  which  should  be  bad  in  itself,  to  have 
it  commanded ;  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  do  it  or  not.  The 
contest  was  carried  pretty  far ;  the  King  of  England  did 
not  yield ;  and  would  not  command  my  Lord  Rochester 
to  accompany  him  ;  my  Lord  Rochester  persisted  he  would 
not  do  it  without  being  commanded,  and  took  the  expe- 
dient, his  Britannic  Majesty  proposed  to  him  to  go  the 
same  day  to  a  country  seat,  whether  he  had  previously  in- 
tended to  go  on  the  day  following.  My  Lords  Godolphin  and 
Sunderland,  as  able  courtiers,  pressed  my  Lord  Rochester 
to  have  that  complaisance  for  the  King,  but  could  not  pre- 
vail upon  his  mincl.  Your  Majesty  will  judge  from  this 
incident,  what  oppositions  the  King  of  England  may  pos- 
sibly meet  with  in  process  of  time,  to  what  he  yet  intends 
to  undertake  in  fiivour  of  die  Catholic  religion. 

These  particulars  are  very  secret  j  it  is,  however,  jn'o- 
•  bable,  that  my  Lord  Rochester  intends  to  gain  thereby  ho- 


APPENDIX.  Ixxxvii 

nour  with  the  zealous  Protestants,  and  tliinks  he  may  ob- 
tani  authority  among  them,  without  being  likely  thereby  to 
hazard  his  favour  or  his  place.  He  will  tr)'  to  make  the 
King  of  England  believe,  that  what  he  did  is  to  serve  and 
benefit  his  affairs  ;  that  it  is  perilous  to  make  too  open  and 
premature  a  declaration  j  that  whatever  may  happen,  he 
can  ha\'c  no  other  interests  but  his ;  but  he  has  to  deal 
with  a  very  firm  Prince,  and  >vho  bears  very  impatiently 
the  least  contradiction. 

Yesterday  it  was  here  Easter-day.  The  Knights  of  the 
orders  accompanied  the  King  of  England  with  their  collars 
as  far  as  the  door  of  the  galleiy  where  he  hears  Mass. 
The  Duke  of  Somerset  carried  the  sword,  he  remained 
at  the  door ;  because  it  is  not  customary,  that  he  who  car- 
ries this  sword,  should  enter  the  church,  except  when  the 
King  receives  the  commmiion.  The  Dukes  of  Norfolk, 
Grafton,  Richmond,  and  Northumberland ;  the  Earls  of 
Oxford,  Mulgi-ave,  and  many  other  Lords,  accompanied 
his  Britannic  Majesty,  as  he  went  and  returned.  It  was 
remarked,  t-hat  the  Duke  of  Ormond  and  Marquis  of  Ha- 
lifax, remained  in  the  antichamber.  My  Lord  Rochester 
returned  but  last  evening  from  the  country.  This  resolu- 
tion the  King  of  England  has  taken  to  go  to  church  with 
his  officers  and  guards,  causes  as  much  noise  and  more  re- 
flections to  be  made,  than  when  he  first  publicly  went  to 
Mass. 

The  Dutch  ambassadors  made  no  complaint  at  all  of  what 
befell  them  at  Gravesend.  M.  Avaux  sent  me  word  that 
the  Grand  Pensionary  Fagel  sent  them  orders  by  the  com- 
missioners of  Foreign  Affairs  they  should  show  no  resent- 
ment, and  take  no  notice  of  what  had  happened.  They  had 
but  one  nobleman  who  went  to  meet  them  on  the  day  of 


Ikxxvili  APPENDIX. 

their  entr}' ;  it  was  my  Lord  Tenay,  a  Catholic,  and  son- 
in-law  to  the  late  Viscount  Montague.  Even  that  brought 
on  some  talk,  and  it  was  held  to  be  strange,  that  the  King' 
of  England  affects  to  employ  a  Catholic  Lord  at  the  first 
solemn  reception  that  took  place  since  the  commencement 
of  his  reign,  and  to  send  him  to  the  Dutch  Ambassadors. 
They  had  audience  to-day  of-  their  Britannic  Majesties  at 
Whitehall ;  my  Lord  North  conducted  them  thither.  I  told 
the  King  of  England  what  your  Majesty  permitted  me  to 
say  concerning  the  sums  which  are  to  pass  hither.  I  drew 
from  him  the  remark,  with  how  great  an  application  youi 
Majesty  meets  his  wants,  and  what  essential  proofs  your 
Majesty  gives  him  of  your  friendship.  The  Prince  assu- 
red me  he  was  veiy  sensible  of  what  your  Majesty  does  in 
his  favour.  I  shall  certainly  hinder  your  Majesty's  being 
pressed  for  a  long  while  to  send  new  funds,  provided  your 
Majesty  permits  me  to  use  those  which  shall  be  here.  I 
neither  told  the  King  of  England  nor  his  Ministers,  that 
your  Majesty  allowed  me  only  to  furnish  to  the  amount  of 
400,000  livres  upon  the  two  millions  which  may  be  de- 
pended upon.  Such  a  declaration,  if  I  made  it,  would  en- 
tirely destroy  the  merits  of  what  your  Majesty  is  doing  in 
favour  of  the  King  of  England  and  induce  here  a  belief 
that  your  Majesty  only  intends  to  assist  him  in  case  he 
should  be  exposed  to  a  revolt.  It  is  not  expected  that  this 
is  the  foundation  of  the  succour  your  Majesty  is  pleased  to 
grant.  His  Britannic  INIajesty  and  his  Ministers  have  not 
the  least  doubt,  but  you  will  please  to  pay  what  remained 
due  of  the  old  subsidy  when  the  late  King  of  England 
died.  The  sum  of  500,000  livres,  which  your  Majesty 
sent  presently  after,  will  be  sufficient  entirely  to  pay  it  oil. 


APPENDIX.  Ixxxijt 

What  I  told  my  Lord  Rochester  about  the  sending  of 
new  funds  hindered  his  pressing  me  as  he  would  have 
done  otherwise  ;  but  he  does  not  call  in  doubt,  this  sum 
will  be  furnished  when  he  requests  it ;  I  entreat  your  Ma- 
jesty to  grant  me  permission  for  it.  Should  I  refuse  it,  it 
would,  in  my  judgment,  cause  a  serious  prejudice  to  the 
welfare  of  affairs  which,  hereafter,  it  would  be  difficult  to 
rectif}'.  After  paying  the  old  subsidy,  there  will  remain 
here  1,500,000  livres.  I  shall  do  every  thing  in  my  pow«r 
not  to  diminish  this  fund,  until  I  shall  be  very  much 
pressed  to  do  so  ;  but  I  am  so  bold  as  to  represent  once 
more  to  your  Majesty  that  if  I  am  positively  forbidden  it, 
and  dare  not  effect  some  payments,  it  will  be  out  of  my 
power  to  uphold  the  opinion  which  the  King  of  England 
and  his  ministers  harbour,  that  your  Majesty  sincerely 
desires  his  advantage  and  the  establishment  of  his  autho- 
rity. 

I  did  not  clearly  enough  explain  the  situation  of  the  af- 
fairs of  this  country,  when  I  occasioned  in  your  Majesty  a 
belief  that  the  money  your  Majesty  will  supply  will  be  em- 
ployed in  bestowing  gratifications  upon  the  members  of 
Parliament,  in  order  to  obtain  of  them  what  the  King  of 
England  desires  both  with  respect  to  the  revenues  and  the 
free  exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion.  This  is  not  the 
course  that  Prince  means  to  pursue,  and  nothing  is  more 
averse  from  what  he  designs  to  do.  His  conduct  will  be 
firm  and  resolute.  The  scheme  of  buying  the  votes  in 
parliament  which  the  Earl  of  Danby  had  contrived,  had 
such  bad  success,  that  it  is  no  longer  thought  of  resorting 
to  it ;  and,  to  speak  the  truth,  if  it  should  be  resorted  to 
the  same  inconveniences  would  arise.  The  King  of  Eng- 
land wishes  his  affairs   should  be  brought  to  an  issue  by 

m 


xc  APPENDIX. 

the  necessity  under  which  ParUament  will  be  to  grant  him 
what  he  has  determined  to  take  if  it  is  not  granted,  that 
is,  the  revenues  which  the  late  King  enjoyed  ;  and,  in  all 
likelihood,  the  Parliament  will  grant  them  ;  but  that  does 
not  set  the  King  of  England  at  rest  and  at  his  ease  ;  for 
he  cannot  with  reputation  and  safety  forsake  the  protection 
of  the  Catholics  ;  however,  it  is  very  likely  that  he  will 
meet  with  great  obstacles  to  establish  the  freedom  of  exer- 
cise for  the  Catholic  religion. 

I  already  know,  that  cabals  are  formed  among  the  Lords. 
It  is  believed  they  will  be  more  hard  to  please  on  the  point 
of  religion  than  the  house  of  Commons.  It  is  v^ery  probable 
the  revenues  will  be  granted,  to  take  from  the  King  of 
England  the  pretence  to  say  that  he  is  refused  what  is  ne- 
cessary for  the  support  of  government ;  but  at  the  same 
time  such  precautions  will  be  taken  for  the  safety  of  the 
Protestant  religion,  that  it  will  be  impossible  for  the  King 
of  England  to  admit  them  without  falling  in  a  very  peril- 
ous and  uncertain  position.  The  zealous  Protestants  alrea- 
dy declare  quite  loud  that  this  Prince  has  been  wanting  in 
what  he  said  to  the  council,  and  in  what  the  declaration 
imported  which  was  published,  since  he  formally  promised 
nothing  should  be  done  against  the  Protestant  religion 
though  he  has  since  given  a  regiment  in  Ireland  to  Colonel 
Talbot,  which,  as  they  say,  is  advancing  Popery  and  begin- 
ning the  destruction  of  the  Protestant  religion ;  your  Ma- 
jesty can,  therefore  fully  depend  upon  it,  that  the  King 
of  England  will  meet  with  very  serious  difficulties  concern- 
ing what  he  intends  to  do  in  favour  of  the  Catholic  reli- 
gion. No  means  will  be  omitted  to  disturb  him  therein 
and  to  weaken  the  resolutions  he  may  have  taken.  From 
what  my   Lord  Rochester  has    done   your   Majesty  sees 


APPENDIX.  xci 

what  is   to  be  expected  from  others   in  more   important 
matters. 

The  best  and  surest  means  to  fortify  and  maintain  that 
Prince  in  his  good  posture  with  respect  to  the  Catholic  reli- 
gion, and  your  Majesty's  interests,  is  to  see  himself  assured 
ot  a  close  connexion  with  your  Majesty,  and  in  a  full  security 
to  be  powerfully  succoured  by  your  Majesty ;  I  have  not  the 
least  doubt  but  he  will  engage  as  far  as  your  Majesty  can 
wish  for  hereafter,  and  he  already  thinks  to  do  so  by  re- 
ceiving gratifications  from  your  Majesty.     If  I  disconti- 
nue all  sorts  of  payments  and  the  King  of  England  and  his 
ministers  chose  to  explain  themselves  hereupon  with  indif- 
ference, and  not  to  speak  of  succour  as  a  necessary  matter, 
I  should  not  doubt  but  this  Prince  would  think  himself  to 
be  justifiable,  and  at  liberty  to  take  other  measures.    I  can- 
not too  strongly  represent  to  your  Majesty  how  requisite  it 
is  to  give  the  King  of  England  and  his  ministers  no  occa- 
sion for  a  belief  that  your  majesty  is  unwilling  to  contribute 
to  his  greatness  and  his  security.    I  shall  apply  myself  to 
give  so  exact  an  account  of  what  will  happen  here,  that  your 
Majesty  shall  see  to  the  bottom  of  all  concerns,  as  much  as 
I  am  able  to  unravel  them.     Meanwhile  it  is  in  my  opinion, 
veiy  necessary  your  Majesty  should  not  suspend  the  pay- 
ments, and  should  allow  me  to  furnish  the  King  of  England 
with  what  I  shall  think  I  ought  to  give  out  of  the  1,500,000 
livres  v/hich  will  remain  after  fully  paying  off  the  old  sub- 
sidv.     I  am  so  bold  as  to  warrant  that  this  money  will  pro- 
duce as  good  an  effect  as  any  other  your  Majesty  may  have 
spent.     It  is  a  decisive  stroke  for  what  your  Majesty  de- 
sires most,  that  is,  for  the  establishment  of  a  free  exercise 
in  favour  of  the  Catholic  religion.     I  entreat  your  Majesty 
to  recollect  that  I  managed  the  payments  of  the  past  subsl^ 


xcii  APPENDIX. 

dy  in  such  a  way  that  a  whole  year  slipped  away  without  any 
mention  being  made  thereof.  I  can  have  no  other  views 
ill  all  this  but  the  interest  of  your  Majesty,  who  could,  by 
a  single  disappointment  ruin  in  one  day  the  confidence, 
which  your  majesty  has  been  establishing  these  many  years 
past,  of  a  sincere  friendship  for  the  late  and  present  King, 
I  hope  your  Majesty  will  do  me  the  justice  to  be  persuad- 
ed that  I  am  not  wedded  to  my  own  opinion,  and  know  as 
well  as  any  other  how  to  obey  implicitly  your  Majesty's  or- 
ders. But  it  is  my  duty  to  represent  matters  as  they  are. 
and  always  to  submit  to  what  your  Majesty  will  please  to 
command, 

I  am,  with  the  deepest  respect,  &c. 
BARILLON. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

May  9th,  1685 
Mr.  Barrillon,  I  am  very  glad  to  see  by  your  letter  of  the 
SOth  of  April,  that  the  King  of  England  perceives  how- 
great  the  sincerity  of  my  intentions  was  in  the  declaration, 
which  the  Marquis  of  Feuquieres,  by  my  command  made  to 
the  Catholic  King ;  and  that,  as  I  was  pleased  to  content  my- 
self with  the  answer  which  was  given  to  him  from  the  King, 
it  also  put  a  stop  to  all  inquietude  which  that  business  pro- 
duced at  the  court  where  you  are.  I  hope  that  as  this  ex- 
planation has  not  been  useless  in  strengthening  the  peace,  it 
will  also  much  contribute  to  facilitate  to  the  King  of  Eng- 
land, the  execution  of  his  designs,  during  the  next  session 
of  Parliament,  and  that,  by  the  simple  disposition  of  the  pre- 
sent affairs  in  Europe,  he  will  obtain  whatever  he  wishes 
for,  without  needing  hereafter  any  other  assistance  but  what 
he  mav  derive  from  his  realm. 


APPENDIX.  xciil 

However,  I  see  by  your  letter,  that  you  are  persuaded 
that  my  service  requires  not  only  to  complete  as  soon  as 
he  shall  desire  it,  the  payment  of  the  subsidies,  which  you 
had  promised  from  me  to  the  deceased  King,  but  even  to 
grant  you  the  permission  to  dispose  of  the  remaining 
1,500,000  livres  when  you  shall  judge  it  necessary,  both  to 
strengthen  him  in  the  resolution  to  establish  at  any  rate  the 
free  exercise  of  our  religion  and  inseparably  to  attach  him 
to  my  interests,  and  prevent  his  taking  different  measures  ; 
but,  to  unfold  still  more  particularly  to  you  my  intentions, 
to  the  end  that  you  may  not  deviate  therefrom,  I  am  glad 
to  repeat  to  you  that,  indeed,  the  principal,  or  rather  the 
only  motive,  which  induces  me  to  cause  with  so  much 
speed,  such  a  considerable  sum  as  that  of  two  millions  to 
be  remitted  to  you  in  order  to  succour  therewith  the  King 
of  England  in  his  most  urgent  wants,  is  my  zeal  for  the 
augmentation  of  our  religion,  seconded  by  the  esteem  and 
affection  I  harbour  for  the  said  King;  he  ought  also  to  be 
so  much  the  more  persuaded  of  this  truth,  as  I  stipulate  no 
conditions  with  him,  and  as  my  intention  to  maintain  peace 
in  all  Europe,  gives  me  no  occasion  to  believe  that  I  can 
meet  with  sufficient  obstacles  thereto  to  want  any  foreign  as- 
sistance :  I  have  likewise  a  sufficiently  good  opinion  of  the 
King  of  England's  firmness  in  his  profession,  of  the  Catho- 
lic religion,  to  be  fully  persuaded  that  he  will  use  all  his 
authority-  to  establish  the  free  exercise  thereof  without  re- 
quiring to  be  excited  thereto  by  a  premature  distribution 
of  money,  and  which  ought  not  to  be  employed,  if  Parlia- 
ment grant  him  the  same  revenue  the  late  King  of  England 
enjoyed,  and  moreover  consent  to  the  establishing  of  the 
free  exercise  of  our  religion;  therefore  my  intention  is, 
that  you  shall  continue  the  payments  of  all  that  remains 


xciv  APPENDIX. 

due  of  the  subsidies  promised  to  the  late  King ;  which 
amounts,  according  to  the  last  account  you  sent  me,  to 
470,000  livres,  so  that  of  the  500,000  livres,  which,  by  my 
command,  were  remitted  so  you  on  the  15th  of  February, 
there  will  be  after  accomplishing  the  payments,  left  to  you 
only  the  sum  of  30,000  livres,  which  joined  to  all  the  re- 
mittances that  have  been  or  shall  be  made  to  you,  will 
make  the  sum  of  1,530,000  livres;  and  I  desire  that  you 
keep  that  fund  and  dispose  of  it  only  in  case  of  the  King 
of  England,  being  unable  to  obtain  from  Parliament  the 
continuation  of  the  same  revenues  the  late  king  his  bro- 
ther had,  or  meeting  with  so  many  obstacles  to  the  estab- 
lishing of  the  Catholic  religion,  should  be  compelled  to  dis- 
solve it,  and  to  employ  his  authority  and  forces  to  bring 
his  sv\bjects  to  reason;  I  consent,  in  that  case,  that  you 
should  then  assist  him  with  the  whole  sum  of  fifteen  hun- 
dred and  thirty  thousand  livres,  either  in  one  or  several 
payments  as  you  shall  judge  it  to  the  purpose,  and  that 
you  should  at  the  same  time  inform  me  thereof  by  an  ex- 
press. I  hope  the  King  and  his  Ministers  will  be  satisfied 
with  the  orders  I  give  you,  at  least,  they  will  have  no 
ground  for  complaining  that  I  intend  only  to  assist  them  in 
case  of  a  revolt,  and  they  will  see,  on  the  contrary',  that  it 
is  so  much  the  more  my  interest  that  Parliament  should 
spontaneously  incline  to  content  the  said  King,  as  he  will 
be  principally  indebted  for  it  to  the  good  intelligence  that 
subsists  between  me  and  him  ;  and  as  it  would  not  be  just 
that  he  should  turn  to  his  own  account,  and  lay  up  the  suc- 
cours I  appropriate  for  him  through  the  only  motives  I 
have  just  written  to  you;  he  can  always  be  assured  to  re- 
ceive from  mc  the  same  marks  of  affection  in  case  the  ur- 


APPENDIX.  xcv 

gency  of  his  affairs  should  compel  him  to  have  recoui-sc 
thereto. 

Endeavour  meanwhile  fully  to  ascertain  wliat  negotia- 
tions will  take  place  at  the  court  where  you  are  between  the 
King's  Ministers  and  the  Dutch  Ambassadors  for  a  treaty 
of  alliance  with  the  States  General  ;  and  take  care  lest,  by 
acting  as  candidly  as  I  do  with  the  court  where  you  are, 
it  makes  elsewhere  engagements  prejudicial  to  my  concerns. 

M.  JBAKILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

May  14tli,  1685. 

I  received  yesterday,  by  an  express,  your  Majesty's 
dispatch  of  the  9th  May.  I  shall  take  due  care  not  to  do 
any  thing  beyond  what  your  Majesty  prescribes  to  me  ;  I 
shall  content  myself  with  representing  to  your  Majesty 
matters  in  their  true  light,  and  after  that  to  follow  your  or- 
ders with  the  utmost  exactness. 

M.  Avaux  sent  me  a  copy  of  the  Dutch  Ambassador's 
letters  to  pensionary  Fagel  of  the  29th  of  April.  Those 
letters  import  that  my  Lord  Rochester  spoke  to  them  in  a 
manner  which  induces  them  to  hope  that  a  closer  connexion 
may  be  formed  between  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  the 
states  general.  I  positively  doubt  that  any  such  conference 
as  is  mentioned  in  those  letters  was  held,  and  if  it  was  in- 
tended here  to  lay  the  foundation  for  a  closer  connexion 
between  his  Britannic  Majestv  and  the  States  General,  it 
would  not  be  by  a  conference  of  the  Ambassadors  with  se- 
veral Ministers. 

I  can  also  hardly  believe  what  is  inferred  by  those  let- 
ters, that  my  Lord  Preston  has  been  charged  to  speak  to 
your  Majest}'  concerning  the  Prince  of  Orange.  The  King 
of  England  would  at  least,  have  told  me  something  about 


xcvi  APPENDIX. 

it,  if  he  wished  his  offices  should  succeed ;  but  he  often 
talks  to  me  as  having  a  great  and  well-grounded  distrust  of 
the  conduct  and  intentions  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  towards 
him.  Your  Majesty  knows  well  how  my  Lord  Preston 
spoke  to  him  concerning  the  Prince  of  Orange.  If  this  pas- 
sage of  the  Ambassador's  letters  is  false,  the  remainder  may 
likewise  be  so. 

Your  Majesty  will  have  seen  by  the  letters  I  did  myself 
the  honour  to  write  to  you,  that  I  believe  the  King  of  Eng- 
land to  be  in  the  best  possible  disposition  to  keep  up  a  close 
connexion  with  your  Majesty,  and  that  it  is  on  this  foun- 
dation all  his  designs  turn.  However,  it  is  certain  that  the 
zealous  Protestants  and  the  Prince  of  Orange's  partizana 
leave  no  means  untried  to  wean  him  from  your  Majesty's 
interests.  Nothing  will  be,  at  first,  proposed  to  him  which 
might  be  directly  contrary  thereto,  but  they  will  try  insen- 
sibly to  lead  him  into  secret  measures  with  the  Prince  of 
Orange  alone,  or  with  the  States  General.  I  do  not  think  it 
will  be  brought  about  ;  and  I  should  rather  think  the 
Dutch  Ambassadors  flatter  themselves  and  take  general 
discourse  for  special  measures. 

The  affairs  of  Parliament  will  not  be  so  easy  as  it  it  was 
imagined.  The  minds  of  those  who  compose  the  house  of 
Commons  seem  to  be  disposed  to  grant  the  enjoyment  of 
the  revenues  ;  but  there  are,  in  the  cabals,  every  day  mak- 
ing new  proposals  which  will  throw  his  Britannic  Majesty 
t\nd  his  Ministers  into  embarrassment. 

There  has  been  a  very  important  matter  agitated.  It  is 
an  opinion  generally  diffused  that  my  Lady  Portsmouth  and 
my  Lord  Sunderland  are  the  principal  causes  of  the  close 
connexion,  that  was  discovered  a  few  years  since  between 
^  our  Majesty  and  the  King  of  England.    They  were  seen.. 


APPENDIX.  xcvVi 

in  the  latter  times  of  his  reign,  possessed  of  all  the  credit. 
Even  my  Lord  Rochester  was  perceived  to  have  grown  out 
of  favour  and  on  the  point  of  setting  out  for  Ireland  ;  this 
is  the  reason  why  the  principal  hatred  of  the  past  falls  upon 
my  Lord  Sunderland  and  my  Lady  Portsmouth  ;  Avho  are 
known  to  have  always  gone  hand  in  hand.  My  Lord  Go- 
dolphin  is  also  involved  therein.  The  factious  pretend  they 
were  forsaken  by  them  and  lay  to  their  charge  all  the  mis- 
fortunes that  befell  them.  On  this  ground  is  built  a  design 
to  propose  as  soon  as  Parliament  shall  be  assembled,  to 
turn  out  of  the  house  of  Commons  all  those  who  in  other 
Parliaments  were  for  excluding  the  Duke  of  York  from  the 
succession.  It  is  a  specious  proposal,  aiid  looks  as  being  full 
of  respect  and  zeal  for  the  King  of  England ;  but  it  is  de- 
signed thereby  to  irritate  against  him  the  minds  of  the 
whole  nation,  and  to  show,  (if  be  consents  to  it,)  that  he 
does  not  forget  what  was  done  against  his  interests,  and  has 
always  in  mind  to  revenge  it.  It  is  also  a  step  to  attack 
those  of  the  upper  house,  who  were  for  his  exclusion,  and 
especially  my  Lords  Sunderland  and  Godolphin,  who  from 
the  late  King  treated  with  the  factions  and  induced  them 
at  that  epocha  to  insist  on  a  thing  to  which  they  assured 
them  the  Prince  would  at  length  consent  if  they  held  out. 

This  project  is  very  likely  to  be  supported  by  people 
who  are  not  quite  out  of  business.  My  Lord  Halifax  stiH 
liarbours  a  lively  hatred  against  my  Lord  Sunderland  and 
underhand  animates  those  he  had  disposed  to  harm  him. 

My  Lord  Sunderland  has  already  spoken  to  the  King  of 
England  to  prevent  the  snare  which  they  laj-  for  him  un- 
der pretence  of  driving  out  those  who  are  called  the  ex- 
cluders. But  if  the  means  fail,  others  will  be  tried,  and  I 
believe,  I  know  that  my  Lord  Sunderland  will  be  strongly 

n 


1 


h 


xcviii  APPENDIX. 

attacked  both  by  the  unabated  hatred  of  the  former  minis- 
try, and  because  it  is  foreseen  that  he  will  hereafter  have 
a  great  share  in  the  confidence  of  his  master,  if  his  con- 
nexion with  your  Majesty  subsists,  and  he  persists  in  his 
design  to  establish  the  Catholic  religion. 

I  believe  my  Lord  Rochester  will  be  spared  in  the  be- 
ginning by  Parliament.  He  is  thought  to  be  a  good  Pro- 
testant, and  is  considered  as  the  protector  of  the  Episco- 
pal party.  He  is  seen  at  the  head  of  affairs,  and  the  trea- 
sury is  in  his  hands  ;  he  is,  besides,  brother-in-law  to  the 
King ;  they  would  think,  in  attacking  him,  to  furnish  his 
Britannic  Majesty  with  a  pretence  to  dissolve  Parliament. 
But  they  imagine,  they  may  attack  the  other  Ministers 
with  impunity,  and  that  perhaps  my  Lord  Rochester  will 
wot  be  sorrj'  at  what  may  be  done  against  those  who  had 
got  the  better  of  him  in  former  times,  and  induced  him  to 
seek  a  retreat  in  Ireland. 

The  Catholics  openly  side  with  my  Lord  Sunderland : 
and  for  this  reason  the  minds  of  the  lower  house  will  be 
more  readily  excited  against  him.  However  he  served 
the  King  of  England  very  well  before  he  came  to  the 
crown,  and  he  laboured  so  usefully  to  have  him  recal- 
led from  Scotland,  and  to  restore  him  to  the  council  and 
admiralty,  that  I  do  not  think  that  Prince  will  forsake 
him  or  suffer  Parliament  to  begin  an  attack  upon  his  mi- 
nisters, which  would  be  very  prejudicial  to  the  royal  au- 
thority. 

My  Lady  Portsmouth  likewise  believes  she  is  to  be  at- 
tacked. That  belief  compels  her  to  press  her  departure 
before  the  meeting  of  Parliament.  The  manner  in  which 
the  King  of  England  spoke  to  me  concerning  her,  inducts 


APPENDIX.  xcis 

toe  to  believe  she  will  be  satisfied  with  his  resolutions  about 
her  concerns. 

Your  Majesty  may  judge  by  what  I  have  now  the  ho- 
nour to  communicate,  that  matters  will  not  be  so  peaceable 
in  Parliament  as  it  was  imagined.  It  is  true,  the  former 
ringleaders  were  not  elected,  but  those  who  compose  Par- 
liament will  easily  become  so.  Nearly  all  of  them  har- 
bour an  insurmountable  aversion  against  the  Catholic  reli- 
gion, and  most  of  them  are  hostile  to  France,  and  jealous 
of  your  Majesty's  grandeur.  They  know  well  that  on  the 
success  of  this  session,  the  establishment  of  his  Britannic 
Majesty's  affairs  depends,  and  for  this  reason  nothing  will 
be  forgotten  to  create  embarrassments  to  him. 

Intelligence  has  been  received  that  the  English  refugees 
at  Amsterdam,  intend  to  send  arms  into  Scotland,  and 
have  taken  measures  to  that  effect ;  it  is  the  place  where 
it  is  easiest  to  excite  disorders,  as  well  as  in  the  North  of 
Ireland,  which  lies  close  to  Scotland.  The  King  of  Eng- 
land does  not  seem  to  me  to  be  uneasy  about  the  time  to 
come,  and  expects  to  manage  every  thing  with  facility. 

The  Dutch  Ambassadors  had  their  audience  of  the 
Prince  and  Princess  of  Denmarki  They  paid  to  me  the 
next  visit  after  the  royal  family.  According  to  what  is  re- 
ported to  me  by  some  of  their  confidants,  they  are  not  so 
contented  as  they  appear  by  their  letters.  I  shall  not  for- 
bear to  redouble  my  efforts  to  find  out  what  is  going  on 
concerning  that  subject. 

Veiy  good  news  arrived  yesterday  from  Scotland.  It 
was  a  question  in  Parliament,  to  grant  his  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty for  his  life,  the  duties  of  the  excise  and  customs 
which  had  also  been  granted  to  the  late  King  for  his  life- 
time.    Not  merely  was  that  done,  but  Parliament  annex- 


c  APPENDIX. 

cd  those  very  same  duties  to  the  crown  for  ever.  It  is  the 
Duke  of  Hamilton  who  proposed  it  to  the  Lords,  and  cau- 
sed it  to  succeed  by  his  credit  in  Parliament. 

An  equerry  of  the  Dvike  of  Monmouth's  has  been  ar- 
rested  here  ;  the  King  of  England  told  me,  he  had  nothing 
about  him,  and  did  not  conceal  himself,  that,  therefore, 
he  had  been  released  on  giving  bail  to  make  his  appearance. 

The  Duke  of  Norfolk  has  got  the  order  of  the  garter. 
The  ribbon  became  vacant  by  the  decease  of  the  late  King 
of  England.  My  Lord  Churchill  will  be  a  peer  of  Eng- 
land ;  he  was  only  a  peer  of  Scotland  before.  M.  Ger- 
maine  will  also  be  made  a  peer,  and  Colonel  Talbot  will  be 
created  an  Earl  of  Ireland,  as  soon  as  he  shall  have  ar- 
rived there.  All  this  will  be  done  before  Parliament  meet. 
I  am  with  the  profound  respect  I  owe,  &c. 

M.  BAIIILLOX  TO  THE  KING 

May  irth,  1685,  ut  London 

1  see  by  your  Majesty's  last  dispatch,  that  it  is  your  reso- 
lution to  succour  the  King  of  England  in  his  wants.  It  is 
in  this  view  your  Majesty  sends  here  large  sums.  How- 
ever, it  appears  to  me  your  Majesty  is  not  without  a  sus- 
picion the  King  of  England  might  take  measures  contrar}^ 
to  his  interests,  and  fonn  connexions  with  the  States  Gene- 
ral and  the  Prince  of  Orange.  My  chief  application  ought 
to  consist  in  endeavouring  to  penetrate  the  business,  and 
I  shall  omit  nothing  calculated  to  inform  myself  of  the  most 
secret  events  that  happen  here.  My  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  King  of  England  and  his  Ministers  places  me  in 
such  a  position  that  it  must  be  my  fault  if  I  am  deceived. 
Your  Majesty  may  take  it  for  granted  that  the  King  of 
England  has  no  plan  of  connexion  with  the  States  Gene- 


APPENDIX.  ci 

ral,  and  still  less  with  the  Prince  of  Orange.  It  is  not  lightly 
that  I  say  this  with  confidence,  but  upon  many  grounds, 
which  it  would  be  difficult  for  me  to  explain  to  your  Ma- 
jesty as  clearly  as  I  perceive  them.  It  must  be  granted, 
however,  that  the  King  of  England  dissembles,  and  it  is 
important  for  him  to  do  so  until  Parliament  separate  ;  but 
I  am  convinced  he  will  presently  after  take  off  the  mask 
and  not  constrain  himself,  as  he  has  done  till  now,  to  con- 
ceal his  propensit\'  towards  your  Majesty's  interests  ;  and 
his  design  to  establish  the  free  exercise  of  the  Catholic  re- 
ligion. I  am  persuaded  he  will  meet  with  many  difficul- 
ties in  the  execution  of  this  design.  There  is  no  appear- 
ance that  Parliament  will  consent  to  it ;  nay,  I  question 
whether  his  Britannic  Majesty  will  be  bold  enough  to  pro- 
pose it.  That  will  depend  upon  their  first  resolutions 
which  will  be  taken  concerning  the  revenues.  But  I  know 
beforehand,  that,  on  both  sides,  their  minds  are  filled  with 
great  distrust ;  and  that  if  Parliament  shows  any  facility  in 
granting  the  revenues,  they  will  not  relax  upon  w^hat  con- 
cerns the  Catholic  religion.  This  is  the  reason  for  my  hav- 
ing, till  now,  persisted  with  your  Majesty  to  entreat  you  not 
to  order  the  suspending  of  the  payments  which  are  ex- 
pected here.  Nay,  I  should  find  it  very  inconvenient  to 
declare  to  the  King  of  England  and  his  ministers  that  after 
paying  off  the  former  subsidy,  your  Majesty  will  no  longer 
supply  him  with  any  thing  unless  he  is  obliged  to  force  his 
subjects  to  conform  to  what  he  desires  both  with  respect  to 
his  revenues  and  die  free  exercise  of  the  Catholic  reli- 
gion. 

I  see  that  your  Majesty  considers  it  as  an  inconveni- 
ence that  the  King  oi  England  should  be  able  to  lay  up  and 
to  encrease  his  owti  funds  with  a  large  sum,  furnished  from 


cii  APPENDIX. 

time  to  time  by  your  Majesty,  which  would  eftable  him  t<^ 
subsist  comfortably ;  and  then,  his  authority  being  establish- 
ed within,  and  having  obtained  what  he  wishes  for  with  re-* 
spect  to  the  Catholic  religion,  he  would  be  enabled  to 
determine  on  the  alliances  he  should  form  abroad. 

If  the  matter  stood  so,  I  should  think  your  Majesty 
would  be  concerned  to  prevent  that  Prince  by  a  gratifica- 
tion, and  insensibly  to  engage  him  in  your  interests  by  a 
much  less  considerable  sum  than  that  which  your  Majesty 
would  spend  if  once  he  had  taken  the  resolution  to  join 
those  who  are  jealous  of  your  greatness.  But  the  aifairs 
of  this  country  are  very  remote  from  such  a  state  of  tran- 
quillit}\  Your  Majesty  will  see,  that  hereafter  the  King  of 
England  will  meet  with  far  greater  opposition  than  is  be- 
lieved. There  are  already  movements  among  the  Highland- 
ers in  Scotland.  The  North  of  Ireland  is  not  quiet  ;  the 
factious  here  have  not  lost  all  hope  ;  and  your  Majesty 
knows  that  measures  have  been  taken  in  Holland  to  send 
them  arms  and  ammunition. 

If,  at  a  time  when  every  thing  is  stirring,  and  the  greatest 
efforts  will  be  made  to  wean  the  King  of  England  from  your 
Majesty's  friendship,  I  declared  to  him  and  his  minis- 
ters that  your  Majesty  is  no  longer  willing  to  succour  him^ 
I  should  furnish  a  very  plausible  pretence  to  those  who  in- 
tend to  make  him  follow  a  quite  different  course  from  that 
he  has  determined  to  keep.  I  still  question  if  they  would 
bring  it  about.  But  it  is  a  peril  to  which,  methinks,  it  is 
unnecessary  to  expose  the  affairs  of  this  country  ;  which 
can  (if  I  am  not  mistaken)  be  conducted  with  perfect  safe- 
ty, without  your  Majesty's  hazarding  a  great  deal.  I  sec 
what  is  going  on  ;  it  will  be  difficult  to  hide  it  from  me. 
Thus  I  shall  not  give  indiscreetly  what  I  shall  ha^e  power 


APPENDIX.  clli 

to  spend.  I  am  once  more  so  bold  as  to  entreat  your  Ma- 
jesty to  allow  me  (after  paying  off  the  former  subsidy)  to 
furnish  the  King  of  England,  pending  the  session  of  Parli- 
ament, to  the  amount  of  200,(X)0  crowns  upon  the  1,530,000 
livres,  which  will  remain  in  my  hands,  after  your  Majesty 
shall  have  sent  here  the  whole  sum  which  your  Majesty 
has  determined  to  send.  I  shall  manage  this  sum  of  200,000 
crowns  in  such  a  way  that  your  Majesty  shall  know  here- 
after that  it  promoted  your  Majesty's  interests. 

Your  Majesty  permits  me  by  your  last  dispatch  to  give 
the  whole  sum  I  may  have  in  my  hands,  if  I  see  Parlia- 
ment dissolved,  and  the  King  of  England  reduced  to  com- 
pel his  subjects  to  submission  by  foice.  It  is  not  likely  that 
matters  on  a  sudden  will  come  to  an  open  rupture,  and  I 
shall  always  have  time  enough  to  inform  your  iMajesty  and 
to  receive  your  orders,  provided,  however,  I  am  allowed 
to  furnish  some  sum.  In  short,  Sire,  the  affairs  are  here, 
according  to  what  I  can  judge  thereof,  in  a  very  good  con- 
dition with  respect  to  your  Majest)^,  but  I  should  not  pass 
my  word  for  it  if  your  Majesty  deprived  me  of  the  power 
to  make  any  kind  of  payment,  after  having  paid  oiF  the  for- 
mer subsidy.  It  is  sufficient  for  me  to  have  known  your 
IVIajesty's  intentions,  in  order  not  to  go  too  far  when  I 
shall  have  permission  for  doing  so.  The  King  of  England 
tliinks  in  some  manner  he  is  himself  the  judge  of  his 
wants;  if  your  Majesty  intends  entirely  to  oblige  him  and 
to  show  him  a  true  friendship,  your  Majcst)^  Mill  refer  it 
to  him.  If  I  filled  his  mind  with  distrust,  though  ill-ground- 
ed, it  would  be  difficult  for  me  to  brmg  him  over  again, 
whereas  now  I  have  established  a  confidence  which  nothing 
will  destroy  provided,  your  Majesty  permits  me  to  do  what 
I  shall  think  entirelv  necessan*  for  his  service.  I  should  not 


tiv  APPENDIX. 

be  imprudent  enough  to  press  your  Majesty  to  do  a  thing 
which  seems  to  be  repugnant  to  your  Majesty,  if  I  did  not 
know  the  utility  and  necessity  thereof  ;  nor  would  I  lose 
near  your  Majesty  the  little  service  I  may  have  rendered 
in  this  country  by  advising  your  Majesty  to  do  a  thing 
that  might  hereafter  be  prejudicial  or  at  least  useless  to 
your  interests.  But  I  should  be  wanting  in  my  duty  and  the 
loyalty  I  owe  to  your  Majesty,  if  I  did  not  represent  to 
your  Majesty  as  I  do,  that  it  is  absolutely  necessary  1 
should  be  left  at  liberty  to  give  the  King  of  England  marks 
of  your  friendship  at  a  time  when  most  pains  will  be  taken 
to  stagger  him. 

The  present  juncture  is  critical.  It  is  a  question  whether 
the  King  of  England  will  take  a  resolution  to  which  he  will 
adhere  for  a  long  while.  I  see,  this  resolution  is  taken  in 
his  mind,  and  he  is  determined  to  hold  himself  closely 
imited  with  your  Majesty  ;  it  is  only  necessary  to  main- 
lain  him  in  this  resolution  and  to  hinder  him  from  falling 
into  the  snares  which  will  be  laid  for  him. 

The  letters  I  received  yesterday  from  M.  Avaux  strength- 
en me  in  the  opinion  that  the  letters  of  the  Dutch  Ambas- 
sadors to  Pensionar}^  Fagel,  of  which  copies  were  obtained, 
are  false  and  conjectural.  There  is- in  it  much  the  appearance 
of  a  trick  contrived  to  induce  a  belief  in  Holland  and  else- 
where, that  the  King  of  England  is  entirely  disposed  to 
form  a  new  and  closer  connexion  with  the  States  General, 
and  that  there  is  already  a  perfect  intelligence  re-establish- 
ed between  his  Jiritannic  Majesty  and  the  Prince  of  O- 
range.  I  am  persuaded  that  neither  is  true.  The  King  of 
England's  jealousy  against  tlie  Prince  of  Orange  is  too  weU 
grounded  and  too  natural  to  be  easily  destroyed  ;  nor  do  I 
■>oe  any  likelihood  that  the  interests  of  England  and  the 


APPENDIX.  cv 

States  General  can  be  easily  reconciled  on  the  subject  of 
commerce  since,  on  the  contrary  it  is  the  foundation  of  di- 
vision in  the  most  solid  interests  of  both  nations. 

The  single  business  of  Bantam  may,  for  a  long  while  yet, 
hinder  the  forming  of  a  connexion  between  his  Britannic 
Majesty  and  the  States  General :  their  delegates  and  those 
of  the  India  company  of  Amsterdam  have  arrived.  Con- 
ferences will  be  begun  with  them.  However,  I  see  yet 
many  persons  persuaded  that  business  will  not  be  settled. 
I  have  been  informed  by  one  of  the  chief  proprietors  in  the 
East- India- Company,  that  the  King  of  England  is  strongly 
reeolved  to  support  their  commerce,  and  to  thwart  that  of 
the  Dutch.  That  very  same  person  told  me,  that  his  Bri- 
tannic Majesty  not  long  since  sent  an  express,  charged 
with  a  letter  to  the  King  of  Persia,  to  exhort  him  not  to 
agree  with  the  Dutch,  to  the  prejudice  of  other  nations, 
and  even  to  offer  him  assistance,  in  case  the  war  which  the 
Dutch  make  upon  him,  should  continue. 

I  am,  with  the  profound  respect  I  owe,  &c» 

M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

May  21st,  1685,  at  London. 

Letters  were  yesterday  received  here  which  import  that 
three  vessels  laden  with  arms  and  warlike  stores  had  sail- 
ed either  for  Scotland  or  the  north  of  Ireland.  The  King 
of  England  spoke  to  me  thereof,  and  told  me  he  saw  well 
liow  little  care  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  taken  to  settle  so 
important  a  matter,  and  that  if  he  had  taken  the  necessary 
measures  therefor,  he  would  have  been  first  informed  of  it, 
stopped  the  vessels  and  sent  him  word  thereof:  that  instead 
of  doing  so  they  had  delayed  several  days,  at  the  Hague, 
^loing  any  thing  upon  the  remonstrances  of  Mr.  Skilton, 

o 


cvi  APPENDIX. 

and  obliged  him  to  give  in  a  memoir ;  tliat,  however,  it 
would  have  been  an  easy  matter  to  stop  the  ships,  if  it  had 
been  intended,  that  such  a  slowness  was  a  proof  of  very 
little  application  and  zeal  from  the  States  General  and  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  and  does  not  agree  with  the  fair  words 
that  are  reported  to  him  from  them  every  day ;  that  he  did 
not  design  to  complain  thereof  in  the  usual  way,  but  that  he 
knew  well  those  who  really  side  with  him,  and  those  from 
whom  he  expects  sincere  marks  of  friendship ;  that  however 
he  is  neither  puzzled  nor  uneasy  as  to  what  will  become  of 
those  vessels,  that  he  has  given  the  necessary  orders  to 
prevent  the  movements  which  the  factious  might  excite  in 
Scotland  or  Ireland  ;  that  he  has  sent  some  frigates  upon  the 
coasts  and  that  in  the  main  he  thought  he  had  nothing  to 
dread,  being  assured  of  your  Majesty's  friendship. 

I  answered  his  Britannic  Majesty  every  thing  I  thought 
calculated  to  augment  his  suspicion,  about  the  conduct  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  ixnd  to  assure  him  of  your  Majesty's 
friendship.  He  agreed  to  what  I  told  him,  and  gave  me 
to  understand  that  he  thought  he  ought  not  yet  to  open  his 
mind  hereupon,  but  he  hoped  he  should  no  tbe  much  longer 
obliged  to  dissemble ;  that  it  was  a  part  he  badly  played, 
and  for  which  he  was  not  fit.  I  have  known  since  that  he 
has  spoken  with  great  resentment  of  their  having  not  pre>^ 
vented  in  Holland  what  the  English  exiles  had  contrived 
for  the  execution  of  their  evil  designs ;  nay,  he  said  loudly 
in  council,  that  if  those  whose  duty  it  was,  had  disharged 
their  duty  in  the  time  of  the  late  King  and  in  his  own,  with 
respect  to  the  factious  that  withdrew  themselves  into  Hoi 
land,  they  would  not  have  the  trouble  noAv  to  deliberate  up- 
on the  means  of  withstanding  the  efforts  which  tl\ey  employ 


APPENDIX.  evil 

to  excite  troubles.     That  can  only  be  understood  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange. 

The  Dutch  Ambassadors  seem  to  be  puzzled  by  this  piece 
of  news,  they  say,  all  possible  dispatch  was  used  to  stop  the 
vessels,  as  soon  as  the  States  were  informed  by  Mr.  Skilton ; 
but  that  their  government  is  subjected  to  forms  which  can- 
not be  trampled  upon. 

The  King  of  England  spoke  aloud  two  days  ago,  to  M. 
Zitters,  upon  the  business  of  Bantam,  at  a  pretty  high  rate, 
and  gave  him  to  understand,  that  all  the  nations  of  Europe, 
and  above  all  the  English  were  very  much  concerned  that 
the  Dutch  should  not  entirely  monopolize  the  commerce 
of  pepper  and  other  spices.  M.  Zitters  said  they  pay  so 
dear  for  that  commerce  that  it  ought  not  to  bring  envy  up- 
on them ;  nay  that  they  had  offered  the  English  merchants 
who  reside  in  the  Indies,  to  share  with  them  the  half  part 
of  the  spices  which  they  should  bring  to  Europe. 

The  King  of  England  replied  that  it  was  not  just  they 
should  exclusively  preside  over  the  distribution  of  that 
branch  of  commerce  and  regulate  the  share  others  should 
have  therein  ;  that  commerce  ought  to  be  free,  and  that  be- 
ing the  masters  thereof  they  would  put  such  a  price  upon 
goods  as  they  would  chuse.  The  King  of  England  added 
by  turning  to  me,  "  It  is  well  known  both  in  France  and 
"  Denmark  how  the  matter  stands  ;  for  the  same  thing  is 
"  done  with  respect  to  them." 

This  discourse  uttered  in  public  has  increased  the  unea- 
siness of  the  Dutch- Ambassadors  upon  the  affair  of  Ban- 
tam. But  I  do  not  think  that  gi-eat  regard  ought  to  be 
paid  to  what  is  said  publicly.  It  is  rather,  as  far  as  I  can 
judge  tliereof,  with  a  design  to  Induce  the  commissioners 


eviii  APPENDIX. 

tt>^make  offers  calculated  to  content  the  Company  of  Lon- 
don. 

His  Britannic  Majesty  thinks  the  Earl  of  Argyle  is  in 
the  Highlands  of  Scotland.  He  told  me  he  would  send 
there  regular  troops^  and  that  meanwhile  orders  were  giv- 
en to  authorize  those  families  which  are  hostile  to  the  Earl 
of  Argyle  and  the  Campbells,  to  take  up  arms  and  to  fall 
upon  them.  My  Lord  Dumbarton  sets  off  to-day  to  com- 
mand the  troops  in  Scotland  and  to  lead  them  where  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  factious  intend  to  make  their  first  at- 
tempts. 

Colonel  Talbot  sets  also  off  for  Ireland.  In  the  troops, 
which  are  there  many  officers  have  been  changed ;  new  al 
terations  are  there  to  be  made  which  are  necessaiy.  They 
wait  here  with  impatience  to  know  where  the  three  vessels 
loaded  with  arms  and  ammunition  may  have  landed.  They 
left  the  Texel  ten  days  ago.  The  King  of  England  told 
me,  troops  were  on  board  and  some  officers  of  those  who 
were  broken  in  Holland.  It  is  not  known  to  a  certainty 
whether  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  is  on  board  one  of  these 
vessels.  He  was  of  late  at  Rotterdam.  No  doubt  is  enter- 
tained, this  enterprize  to  send  vessels  is  grounded  upon  a 
secret  understanding  witli  the  factions  in  the  country  where 
they  are  to  land,  and  measures  are  taken  to  take  up  arms 
presently  after.  It  is  feared  their  troops  will  increase  and 
the  disaffected  who  are  very  numerous  in  the  North  of 
Ireland  assemble,  and  form  a  body  sufficiently  large  to 
keep  the  field  and  withstand  the  regular  troops  which  will 
be  sent  against  them,  and  which  cannot  even  with  safety 
be  entirely  trusted.  All  this  causes  a  great  talk  in  Lon- 
don, and  happens  at  the  time  wlien  Parliament  is  abput  to 
meet. 


APPENDIX.  cix 

The  least  inconveniency  that  may  result  therefrom  is  to 
render  Parliament  more  difficult  to  please  than  they  would 
have  been  if  all  had  been  quiet. 

A  writing  has  been  published  here  under  the  name  of 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham  in  favour  of  the  liberty  of  con- 
science for  all  Non-conformists.  The  King  of  England 
cold  not  forbear  at  first  praising  that  work.  He  only  speaks 
of  it  since  as  of  a  thing  that  deserves  no  manner  of  regard. 
But  the  episcopalians  were,  for  all  that,  alarmed  by,  and 
found  great  fault  with  that  production.  I  send  a  trans- 
lation thereof,  of  which  your  Majesty  may  get  an  ac- 
count ;  it  is  the  most  important  matter  that  can  be 
agitated  in  respect  to  the  internal  state  of  England. 

The  party  of  the  Bishops  was  at  the  time  of  the  late 
King  of  England,  looked  upon  as  the  support  of  the  throne, 
and  the  Presbyterians  as  well  as  the  other  Sectaries  main- 
tained the  Protestant  religion  and  stoutly  withstood  what 
is  called  the  encrease  of  Popery.  But  the  state  of  religious 
affairs  is  greatly  altered  since  the  King  openly  professes 
the  Catholic  religion.  All  the  Non-conformists  are  in  the 
same  predicament  with  the  Catholics.  The  laws  are  equal- 
ly established  against  both.  There  is  no  other  but  the 
Anglican  church,  which  is  the  religion  of  the  state  and 
can  withstand  all  the  other  sects  ;  it  is  for  this  reason  look- 
ed upon  as  the  only  prop  of  the  Protestant  religion  in 
general,  as  there  is  no  other  means  to  oppose  the  encrease 
of  the  religion  the  King  professes  but  to  stick  strictly  to 
the  execution  of  the  penal  laws.  They  sec  well,  however 
that  it  is  impracticable  to  pursue  and  punish  those  who  arc 
of  the  same  religion  as  the  reigning  King  ;  and  it  even 
seems  that  the  laws,  made  against  the  Catholics,  fall  of 
themselves,  and  are  as  it  were,  annihilated,  where  he,  in 


ex  APPENDIX. 

whose  name  they  are  prosecuted  and  to  whose  profit  the 
forfeitures  and  fines  revert  is  himself  of  the  rehgion  for 
which  it  is  contended  they  ought  to  be  punished. 

There  is  now  another  great  embarrassment  in  all  the 
oaths  that  are  taken  by  the  Protestants.  They  swear  not  to 
acknowlege  any  other  chief  of  the  English  church  but  the 
King  of  England  ;  yet  it  is  notorious  that  he  acknowledges 
another  head  of  the  church,  and  does  not  believe  in  the 
church  of  England  of  which  the  he  is  the  head.  These 
form  contradictions  which  are  impossible  to  reconcile;  the 
least  relaxation  of  the  penal  laws  will  be  considered  by  the 
sealous  protestants  as  a  step  directly  intended  to  establish 
the  Catholic  religion.  The  essential  reason  thereof  is,  that 
the  Catholic  religion  was  the  religion  of  the  state,  and  es- 
tablished by  law  under  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary.  The 
laws  made  under  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth  against  the 
Catholics,  have  established  the  Anglican  church.  If  these 
laws  are  abolished,  or  suspended,  the  ancient  religion  be- 
comes again  the  religion  of  the  state,  and  is  re-established 
in  its  first  rights  and  force,  which  even  authorize  it  to  pur- 
sue the  other  sects  as  was  done  in  the  time  of  Queen  Mary, 
All  these  things  will  be  the  subjects  of  discussion  in  Par- 
liament unless  the  business  of  the  revenue  is  forthwith 
settled,  and  the  King  of  England  resolves  to  dissolve  or 
prorogue  Parliament  presently  after,  and  to  take  of  him- 
self the  resolution  he  will  think  suitable. 

Mr.  Oates  has  been  tried,  whose  depositions  served  as  a 
foundation  for  the  pretended  conspiracy  of  the  Catholics. 
He  M'as  brought  in  guilty  of  perjuiy,  and  it  was  proved 
that  he  was  at  St.  Omer  when  he  deposed  he  was  present 
at  an  assembly  of  Jesuits  in  London.  He  defended  him- 
self with  a  good  deal  of  audacit}'^  and  impudence  :  he  said 


APPENDIX.  cxi 

three  Parliaments  had  approved  of  his  depositions  and  be- 
lieved him ;  that  at  present  he  suffers  for  the  Protestant  reU- 
gion.  When  he  left  Westminster,  My  Lord  Louvelez  who  is 
signalized  among  the  factious,  embraced  him  and  compli- 
mented him  upon  his  finnness.  The  penalty  established  bv 
law  against  perjury  is  to  be  put  in  the  pillory,  and  to  have 
the  end  of  the  ear  cut  off.  Tlie  sentence  will  be  executed,  and 
then  Oates  will  be  imprisoned  again  and  retained  there 
a  long  while,  being  doomed  to  pay  large  fines  for  scandal- 
ous discourses  he  held  against  the  Duke  of  York.  He 
cannot  according  to  law  be  vexed  or  pursued  for  the  false- 
hoods which  he  invented  against  the  Queen  Dowager  of 
England  and  the  Catholic  peers,  as  there  are  no  penalties 
established  against  calumny.  Some  think  it  would  have 
been  better  not  to  bring  Oates  to  trial  at  this  time,  and  that 
it  would  have  also  been  much  better  not  to  pursue  him  at 
all  since  the  condemnation  does  not  go  farther  than  the 
pillor}',  which  is  not  a  punishment  proportionate  to  his 
crime. 

I  am  with  the  profound  respect,  I  owe,  &c. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLOX. 

May  25l.h,  1685,  at  Versailles. 

M.  Barillon,  I  received  your  letter  of  the  24th  of  May  by 
the  post,  and  that  of  the  21st  of  May  by  the  return  of  the  cou- 
rier I  had  dispatched  to  you.  I  have  no  doubt  you  will  em- 
ploy to  a  good  purpose  the  falsehood  which  appears  in  the 
pretended  letters  of  the  Dutch  Ambassadors  to  Pensionar}- 
I'agel,  in  order  to  show  the  King  of  England  and  his  Mi- 
nisters that  the  Prince  of  Orange  only  assumes  the  appear- 
ance of  a  good  understanding  Avith  the  King  of  England, 


cxii  APPENDIX. 

in  order  thereby  to  encrease  his  credit  in  the  United  Pro- 
vinces ;  but  that  at  the  bottom  he  always  intends  to  main- 
tain a  secret  correspondence  with  the  disaffected  in  Eng- 
land ;  and  nothing  can  better  persuade  the  court  where  you 
reside  thereof,  than  the  Prince  of  Orange  winking  at  the 
fitting  out  of  three  vessels  in  Holland  to  carry  the  chiefs  of 
the  disaffected,  and  as  many  arms  and  warlike  ammunition 
as  they  want,  to  excite  seditions  and  arm  the  rebels  either 
in  England,  Scotland  or  Ireland.  Therefore  you  are  right 
in  not  believing  that  the  English  Envoy  is  charged  from 
the  King  his  master  to  speak  to  me  in  favour  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange  ;  and  he  only  told  Croissy  that  the  said  King 
had  explained  himself  by  saying,  that  he  could  not  have 
any  close  connexion  with  that  Prince  as  long  as  he  should 
not  be  on  good  terms  with  me. 

I  am,  in  the  mean  time,  glad  to  hear  that  the  King  of 
England  has  no  cause  for  apprehending  the  passage  of  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth,  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  and  Mr.  Gray, 
nor  any  of  the  attempts  which  the  dissaffected  could  make 
pending  the  session  of  Parliament ;  and  I  hope  neverthe- 
less that  he  will  take  every  necessary  precaution  to  secure 
himself  against  their  foul  designs. 

Nor  do  I  see  that  he  enters  upon  the  proposal  which 
they  intended  to  make  to  him,  to  turn  out  of  Parliament 
all  those,  who  in  the  foregoing  assemblies  were  for  exclud- 
ing him  from  the  succession  ;  and  as  their  number  is  great, 
and  the  interest  they  will  have  to  wipe  off  this  stain  by 
considerable  services,  will,  in  all  likelihood,  induce  them  to 
serve  him  more  usefully  than  those  would  do,  who  were  al- 
ways the  most  devoted  to  his  person  ;  prudence  and  a  just 
and  enlightened  policy  requires  of  iiim  to  show  that  he  en- 
tertains no  manner  of  resentment  for  what  was  done  against 


APPENDIX.  cxiii 

him,  before  he  came  to  tlic  crown,  and  only  proposes,  in 
process  of  time,  to  distinguish  those  who  shall  serve  him 
well,  from  others  who  may  show  by  their  behaviour,  that 
their  actions  only  originated  in  a  mere  spirit  of  cabal. 

Your  last  letter  shows  me  that  there  is  a  greater  disposi- 
tion than  was  first  believed,  to  pernicious  movements  both 
in  Scotiand  and  Ireland,  and  upon  this  foundation  you  re- 
urge  that  I  should  permit  you  to  employ,  besides  the 
470,000  livres  that  remain  to  be  paid  of  the  subsidy  pro- 
mised to  the  late  King,  at  least  600,000  livres  upon  the 
1,530,000  livres  which  are  in  your  hands,  after  all  the  funds 
shall  be  remitted  to  you  which  I  appropriated  to  assist  the 
King  of  England.  But  as  the  order  I  gave  you  by  my 
dispatch  of  the  9th,  appears  to  me  sufficient  for  the  satis- 
faction of  that  Prince,  I  do  not  think  proper  to  change  any 
thing  in  it,  insomuch  more  as  causing  the  whole  sum  I 
permit  you  to  give,  in  case  of  urgenc)^,  forthwith  to  be  re- 
mitted to  London,  the  King  may  well  judge  that  I  do  not 
intend  to  refuse  the  necessary  assistance.  You  may 
inform  me  daily  of  what  occurs  ;  I  shall  also  give  you  my 
orders  with  the  same  punctuality  according  to  the  differ- 
ent events. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LF.TTER  OF  THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Versailles,  June  1st,  1685. 

M.  Barillon,  your  letters  of  the  21st  and  24th  May,  show 
me  that  though  the  King  of  England  expresses  no  uneasi- 
ness about  the  preparations  which  the  English  outlaws  are 
making  both  to  return  to  England  and  to  excite  some 
movements  either  there,  in  Scoumd,  or  in  the  North  of 
Ireland ;  nevertheless  the  court  where  you  reside,  and  the 
principal  merchants  of  the  city  of  London,  do  not  appre- 

P 


cxiv  APPENDIX. 

hend  that  the  enterprises  of  those  factious  people  will  pro- 
duce any  consequences  that  can  disturb  the  commerce-  and 
repose  which  the  English  enjoy  at  present.  I  am  glad  to 
hear  that  the  King  has  given  effectual  orders  to  frustrate 
the  designs  of  the  rebels,  and  puts  his  chief  confidence  in 
my  friendship. 

He  may  also  expect  a  continuation  thereof,  as  long  as  he 
continues  faithful  to  the  engagements  which  the  late  King 
his  brother  and  himself  have  made  with  me  ;  and  as  the 
language  which  the  public  put  in  his  mouth  upon  all  that 
relates  to  my  interests  do  no  not  agree  with  what  I  ought 
to  expect  from  him,  you  are  to  observe  very  carefully 
what  are  his  real  sentiments,  and  to  inform  me  of  every 
thing  you  shall  hear  that  he  may  have  uttered  upon  this 
subject,  either  in  his  private  conversations,  or  in  the 
speeches  he  may  have  delivered  to  the  foreign  Ambassa- 
dors and  Ministers  ;  so  that  after  having  given  proofs  of 
my  zeal  for  the  restoration  of  the  Catholic  religion  in 
England,  and  of  my  friendship  for  that  Prince,  by  the 
succours  which  I  have  directed  to  be  remitted  to  you,  I 
do  not  contribute,  if  he  harbours  ill  designs,  towards  en- 
abling him  to  withstand  every  thing  that  may  be  to  my  sa- 
tisfaction ;  and  you  cannot  give  me  too  exact  an  account 
of  the  manner  he  treats  you,  of  all  he  tells  you  about  the 
present  state  of  affairs,  and  you  can  penetrate  his  inten-^ 
tions,  both  with  respect  to  the  alliances  he  proposes  to 
form  hereafter,  and  the  measures  he  intends  to  pursue  with 
his  neighbours. 

You  can  however  assure  him  that  there  is  no  foundation 
for  the  advice  he  received  that  the  Marquis  of  Boufflers  had 
orders  to  overrun  Spanish  Navarre  ;  that  as  to  the  squad- 
ron of  my  ships  which  under  the  command  of  M.  Freuil- 


APPENDIX.  cxv 

ly,  I  sent  towards  Cadiz,  he  is  only  ordered  to  facilitate 
the  commerce  of  my  subjects,  and  the  return  of  the  mer- 
chandize which  they  have  on  board  the  India  fleet.  You 
also  know  that  the  Marshal  d'Estrees  is  only  to  make  war 
with  the  ships  he  commands  upon  the  Tripolitan  pirates ; 
thus  there  is  nothing  new  in  these  orders,  or  of  which  you 
have  not  already  been  apprized. 

You  conceive  well  that  every  thing  which  henceforth 
may  happen  in  England  deserves  the  greatest  attention : 
and  I  have  no  doubt  you  will  use  all  your  diligence  to  be 
well  informed  thereof,  and  to  give  me  an  exact  account  of 
what  you  shall  learn. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

28th  May,  1685,  London. 

M.  Avaux  will  have  sent  your  Majesty  the  copy  of  a 
letter  of  the  Dutch  Ambassadors,  on  which  it  seems  to  me 
he  makes  many  serious  reflections.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
some  Ministers  speak  to  those  Ambassadors  in  the  sense 
they  write,  and  that  these  latter  indulge  hopes  upon  the 
time  to  come ;  but  I  have  no  ground  for  believing  that 
those  hopes  are  well  founded.  I  persist  in  what  I  had  the 
honour  to  write  to  your  Majest)^  formerly  thereupon. 

The  King  of  England  seems  to  me  to  perceive  every  day 
more  distinctly  how  necessary  your  Majesty's  friendship  is 
to  him.  All  the  attempts  that  may  be  made  to  stagger 
him  will  be  of  no  avail,  if  your  Majesty  on  your  side,  does 
all  that  is  necessary  to  confirm  him  in  his  present  senti- 
ments. I  should  not  be  imprudent  enough  to  assure  your 
Majesty  thereof,  did  I  not  believe  that  I  possess  decisive 
proofs. 


cjtvi  APPENDIX. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OP  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING, 

London,  June  2cl,  1685 

The  vexation  and  uneasiness  this  piece  of  news  may 
cause  to  the  King  of  England  have  been  very  much  lesr 
sened  by  what  happened  yesterday  in  Parliament.  The 
House  of  Commons  gi-anted  to  his  Britannic  Majesty  for 
his  life-time,  the  same  revenues  which  the  late  King  his 
brother  enjoyed ;  it  was  unanimously  resolved  upon.  Mr- 
Seymour  alone  opposed  it,  but  he  harangued  to  no  purpose 
against  the  form  of  the  elections,  and  upon  the  peril  where- 
in they  stand  to  see  the  Catholic  religion  and  a  government 
against  the  laws  established.  His  speech  was  neither  fol- 
lowed  nor  applauded  by  any  one. 

The  upper  house  deliberated,  at  the  same  time,  upon  the 
affair  of  the  Lords  accused  of  high  treason,  and  annulled 
a  regulation  of  their  own  house,  which  imports  that  im- 
peachments entered  into  by  the  lower  house  shall  subsist 
from  one  Parliament  to  the  other.  This  had  been  done  to 
perpetuate  the  accusation  against  the  Earl  of  Danby  and 
the  Catholic  peers,  who  by  that  means  were  always  liable 
to  be  condemned  upon  the  testimony  that  might  be  brought 
in  against  them.  They  are  now  free  from  the  accusation ; 
and  to  pursue  them  it  would  be  necessary  to  begin  a  new 
accusation  and  a  new  trial.  This  determination  of  the 
upper  house  annuls  every  thing  that  was  done  upon  the 
pretended  conspiracy  of  the  Catholics,  which  otherwise- 
would  have  subsisted:  it  is  a  very  important  stroke  with 
respeot  to  his  Britaimic  Majesty.  My  Lords  Devonshire, 
Anglesea,  Clare  and  Radnor,  opposed  the  motion  and  only 
proved  their  disaffection. 


APPENDI}^.  cxvir 

The  King  of  England  spoke  to  me  last  evening  with 
great  warmth  of  his  attachment  to  your  Majesty,  and  of 
his  desire  to  preserve  your  friendship,  and  to  augment,  if 
possible,  the  existing  connexion.  He  told  mc  that  lie 
thought  himself  to  be  in  a  better  condition  to  act  according 
to  his  inclination  and  interests,  since  he  is  possessed  of  the 
revenue  the  late  King  his  brother  enjoyed;  that  he  should 
however  alwavs  stand  in  great  need  of  your  Majesty's 
friendship  and  succours  to  execute  the  projects  he  has 
formed,  and  without  which  he  cannot  be  safe  ;  that  your 
INIajesty  should  see  how  carefully  he  will  manage  the  ho- 
nour of  your  good  graces,  and  how  firmly  he  will  adhere 
to  your  interests ;  that  Prince  then  told  me  the  particulars 
of  the  news  from  Scotland,  and  added  that  he  had  no  doubt 
but  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  and  other  Princes  of  Ger- 
many, had  underhand  contributed  to  the  enterprise  of  the 
Earl  of  Arg}'le,  and  he  would  be  supported  by  all  the  Pro- 
testant powers  in  Europe,  which  pointed  out  to  him  the 
course  he  ought  to  follow  and  whom  he  could  trust.  I  told 
him  I  would  inform  your  Majesty  of  what  was  going  on, 
and  could  assure  him  beforehand  your  Majesty  would 
omit  nothing  to  support  him  and  to  give  him  essential  proofs 
of  your  friendship. 

The  letters  I  received  from  M.  Avaux  of  the  29th  of 
May,  show  me  that  the  Dutch  Ambassadors  who  rc;side 
here,  -write  as  if  they  were  persuaded  that  the  King  of 
England  is  entirely  disposed  to  form  a  new  and  closer  alli- 
ance with  the  States'  General. 

Your  Majesty  will  judge  what  is  to  be  done  here  fcr 
your  service  in  the  present  juncture.  I  shall  keep  myself 
ready  to  execute  your  orders  without  advancing  bevond  the 
payment  of  the  old  subsidy.     I  do  not  question  but  mt 


cxviii  APPENDIX. 

Lord  Rochester,  nay  the  King  of  England  himself,  will 
soon  urge  me  to  supply  them  Avith  money  from  the  funds 
which  they  know  to  be  here.  I  imagine  the  event  referred 
to  in  your  Majesty's  orders  is  nearly  at  hand ;  since  there 
is  a  rebellion  formed  in  Scotland,  which  has  its  roots  and 
branches  in  England  and  Ireland.  I  shall  await  the  orders 
your  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  give  me  ;  but  what  is  to 
be  done  soon  and  of  your  Majesty's  own  accord,  will,  in 
my  judgment,  have  far  more  weight  and  merit  than  the 
succours  which  may  be  gi-anted  when  they  are  solicited 
with  impatience. 

I  know  that  large  sums  are  not  furnished  usually  with- 
out previous  stipulations  and  positive  assurances  of  the 
effect  they  are  proposed  to  produce.  I  make  no  doubt  that 
the  King  of  England  will  hereafter  enter  upon  all  the  en- 
gagements your  Majesty  may  desire.  I  did  not  open  my 
mind  hereupon,  because  I  had  no  positive  order  from  your 
Majesty  to  do  so  ;  nay  I  was  apprehensive,  if  I  had  began 
to  talk  thereof,  that  terms  would  be  requested  which  per- 
haps might  not  suit  you,  such  as  not  to  conclude,  on  your 
side,  any  alliance  with  other  princes.  This  equality  is  nei- 
ther rational  nor  admissible  between  your  Majesty  and 
the  King  of  England,  whose  power  is  so  different  from 
and  unequal  to  yours.  But  the  English  always  presume 
more  upon  themselves  than  they  ought,  and  those  who 
wish  to  hinder  or  weaken  the  connexions  between  your 
Majesty  and  his  Britannic  Majesty  would  perhaps  find  ex- 
pedients in  the  provisos  of  a  treaty  to  elude  the  ends  there- 
of. I  make  this  reflection  beforehand  upon  a  matter  which 
is  not  yet  talked  of,  but  which  may  come  to  be  a  topic  ol 
discussion  in  time. 


APPENDIX.  cxix 

The  only  question  now  is  what  your  Majesty  will  have 
me  do  with  the  money  you  sent  hither?  It  appears  to  me 
that  the  King  of  England  proportions  his  engagements  to 
the  money  which  he  receives  from  your  Majesty,  and  that 
it  is  the  best  and  surest  means  to  render  ineftectual  all  the 
attempts  that  may  be  made  to  stagger  him,  and  to  induce 
him  to  take  a  course  contrary  to  your  Majesty's  interests ; 
I  think  I  see  this  clearly,  and  that  it  would  be  perilous  to 
leave  the  King  of  England  without  supplies,  at  a  time  when 
he  may  most  want  them.  Parliament  have,  indeed,  grant- 
ed him  the  revenue  of  the  late  King ;  they  may  even,  here- 
after, give  something  for  the  fleet ;  but  civil  war  is  begun 
in  Scotland,  and  I  find  veiy  sensible  people,  who  are  per- 
suaded that  the  Earl  of  Arg)de's  enterprise  is  of  a  more 
serious  nature  than  it  first  seemed  to  be. 

As  soon  as  the  act  for  the  supply  is  past,  the  affairs  which 
concern  religion,  will  be  brought  on  the  carpet,  and  man)- 
other  matters.  I  think  it  would  be  useful,  at  that  time,  for 
your  Majesty's  service,  if  some  members  of  Parliament  could 
he  managed,  and  inspired  with  a  conduct  such  as  suits  your 
Majesty's  interests.  A  sum  of  1500  or  2000  pieces  would 
be  sufficient  to  preserve  to  your  Majesty  a  credit  whicli 
you  might  possibly  want  in  other  times.  I  shall  do  nothing 
on  that  head,  even  if  I  had  permission  for  it,  but  with  gi'eat 
precaution. 

My  lord  Montague  waited  upon  me  before  his  departure 
for  France :  he  strongly  pressed  me  to  write  to  your  Majesty 
about  the  complete  payment  of  what  remains  c  ue  to  him. 
He  told  me  that  instead  of  50,000  crowns  which  are  due  to 
him,  he  would  content  himself  with  a  pension  during  his 
life,  which  he  pretended  could  not  be  less  than  2,000  livres  : 
he  thinks  it  would  be  a  means  to  pay  off  what  is  legitimate- 


V.XX  APPENDIX. 

ly  due  to  him,  without  your  Majesty's  being  obliged  to  dis- 
burse a  large  sum  ;  and  that  it  would  even  be  a  guarantee 
of  his  conduct  at  all  times,  since  your  Majesty  could  stop 
the  payment  of  the  pension,  if  your  Majesty  was  not  satis- 
fied with  his  conduct.  I  could  not  forbear  giving  your 
Majesty  an  account  of  this  proposition.  It  is  certain  that 
my  Lord  Montague  has  rendered  a  great  service :  he  is 
himself  to  speak  thereof  to  M.  Croissy. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING 

London,  June  4th,  1685. 

Mr.  Seymour's  speech  has  made  a  great  noise  in  Lon- 
don, and  at  court ;  though  it  has  not  retarded  the  resolution 
of  the  Lower  House,  concerning  the  appropriations,  but  in 
process  of  time  this  discourse  will  be  often  talked  of,  in 
which  most  important  matters  have  been  fully  investigated. 
Mr.  Seymour  did  not  oppose  the  motion  to  grant  the  King 
of  England  the  revenues  which  the  late  King  enjoyed ;  but 
he  proposed  to  put  off  deliberating  thereupon,  until  the 
forms  by  which  the  members  of  Parliament  were  elected, 
had  been  examined.  He  asserted  that  the  elections  were, 
for  the  most  part  vicious,  and  carried  by  cabals,  and  by  au- 
thority, directly  contrary  to  the  laws  of  England,  which 
establish  an  entire  freedom  on  the  subject  of  elections;  so 
that,  the  least  bribery  being  proved  renders  an  election 
void  ;  that  the  sheriffs  and  other  officers  who  had  presided 
over  the  elections,  had  all  been  appointed  in  virtue  of  new 
writs  issued  not  long  since,  in  lieu  of  the  old  ones  that  were 
called  in  and  annulled ;  that  the  example  of  what  had  been 
done  with  respect  to  the  city  of  London,  in  annulling  its 
charters  and  privileges,  had  been  followed  in  the  other 
towns  and  boroughs,  though  according  to  the  laws  and  cus- 


APPENDIX.  cxxi 

?oms,  it  is  not  in  the  King's  power  to  repeal  nor  to  render 
void,  charters  granted  by  the  Kings  his  predecessors  con- 
firmed by  time  immemorial,  and  the  express,  and  tacit  ap- 
probation of  several  Parliaments ;  that  therefore  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  elections  being  vicious,  the  deputies  were  not 
really  members  of  Parliament,  chosen  by  the  nation  with 
requisite  freedom  and  in  the  usual  way ;  that  yet  there  had 
been  no  time,  in  which  it  was  more  necessary  to  have  a 
Parliament  composed  of  persons  well  disposed  and  attach- 
ed to  the  laws  of  England,  because  the  nation  was  in  evi- 
dent peril,  when  its  laws  and  religion  were  altered:  that 
the  English  people's  aversion  against  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion,  and  their  attachment  to  their  laws,  Avcrc  so  well  es- 
tablished in  their  minds,  that  their  religion  and  laws  could 
only  be  destroyed  by  acts  of  Parliament ;  w^hich  would  be 
no  difficult  matter,  when  a  Parliament  is  entirely  depend- 
ing on  those  who  may  have  such  designs ;  that  they  were 
alreadv  talking  of  abolishing  the  test-act,  which  was  the  on- 
ly rampart  capable  of  preventing  the  introduction  of  Pope- 
ry ;  and  that,  as  soon  as  that  obstacle  v/as  removed,  the  Pa- 
pists would  easily  attain  to  offices  and  employments,  and 
the  establishment  of  their  religion,  upon  the  ruins  of  the 
Protestant  religion ;  that  it  was  also  said  to  be  intended  to 
repeal  the  Habeas-Corpus-act,  which  is  the  firmest  foimda- 
tion  of  the  English  liberties ;  that  if  that  act  were  repealed, 
arbitrary  government  would  soon  be  established ;  that  what 
he  advanced  was  known  to  every  body  and  wanted  no  proofs; 
that  therefore  before  they  took  any  important  resolution,  it 
was  necessary  to  examine  the  vpJidity  of  the  recent  elec- 
tions and  to  decide  according  to  the  rules  established  in 
England,  whether  the  members  were  capable  of  constitut- 

q 


cxxii  APPENDIX, 

ing  a  true  and  lawful  Parliament,  competent  to  represent 

the  nation. 

This  speech  was  pronounced  with  great  energy,  and  se- 
cretly approved  of  by  many  persons ;  but  nobody  rose  to 
support  it.  Those  of  his  party  thought  they  should  do  it 
to  no  purpose,  and  that  any  contest  that  should  arise  would 
only  shew  their  weakness  and  small  number,  in  compari- 
son with  the  others  who  believe  themselves  to  be  elected. 
These  same  questions  will  often  come  into  discussion  here- 
after, and  will  serve  as  a  foundation  for  ever)'  thing  that 
maybe  alleged  against  the  measures  of  the  Parliament  now 
assembled.  Those  who  dispute  its  power  have  no  other 
judges  but  the  very  same  persons,  the  validity  of  whose 
elections  is  contested.  It  was  this  sent  to  the  tower,  for  a 
considerable  time,  those  peers  who,  some  years  ago,  intend- 
ed to  maintain  that  the  Parliament  was  not  a  true  one,  and 
who  were  at  length  obliged  to  retract.  The  Earl  of  Ar- 
gyle's  eldest  son,  whose  name  is  my  Lord  Lorn,  came  and 
delivered  himself  up  to  the  King  of  England  and  offered 
to  serve  against  his  father.  There  is  another  of  his  chil- 
dren with  him.  Tljey  think  here  every  day  more  seriously 
of  the  state  of  affairs. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

London,  June  7th,  1685. 

News  was  received  yesterday  from  Ireland  which  im- 
ports that  the  Earl  of  Argyle  had  landed  in  the  island  of 
Man  which  belongs  to  him.  The  500  men  which  had  been 
placed  there  by  the  Marquis  of  Athol,  had  already  with- 
drawn. Many  of  the  inhabitants  left  it  also,  in  order  not 
to  declare  in  favour  of  the  Earl  of  Argyle.  It  is  thought 
here,  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  remain  long  in  that 


APPENDIX.  cxxiii 

island  unless  he  were  succoured  by  the  people  in  the  North 
of  Ireland.  They  seem  not  to  be  disposed  to  it.  His  Bri- 
tannic Majesty's  troops  have  advanced  and  occupied  the 
positions  best  adapted  for  hindering  the  people  from  assem- 
bling or  undertaking  any  thing:  for  this  reason  it  is  said 
here  that  the  Earl  of  Argyle's  enterprise  will  not  succeed. 
It  is  however  not  known  yet  what  is  the  state  of  affairs  in 
Scotland,  where  he  first  landed,  and  where  it  was  reported 
he  left  one  of  his  sons  to  assemble  the  country  people  who 
side  with  him.  Nobody  doubts  but  his  design  is  founded 
upon  the  hope  that  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  would  attempt 
at  the  same  time  to  excite  a  revolt  in  England ;  but  it  is 
belierv^ed  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  dare  not  venture  upon 
coming  hither,  till  the  trial  is  made  in  Scotland.  The  act 
for  the  grant  of  the  revenues,  will  be  past  in  three  or  four 
davs.  It  was  read  for  the  second  time  in  the  House  of 
Peers.  Parliament  do  not  meet  to-day  ;  because  it  is  the 
ascension-day,  nor  to-morrow,  because  it  is  the  anniversary 
of  the  re-establishment  of  the  late  King  of  England,  the 
festival  of  which  they  mean  to  celebrate. 

A  very  important  thing  happened  the  day  before  yesterr 
day,  in  the  Lower  House.  It  was  proposed  in  the  morning 
the  House  should  form  itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole, 
in  the  afternoon,  to  consider  the  King's  speech,  upon  the 
subject  of  religion,  and  to  know  what  ought  to  be  under- 
stood bv  the  term  Protestant  Religion.  The  resolution  was 
unanimously  adopted,  and  without  opposition  an  address 
was  voted  to  the  King,  praying  him  to  issue  a  proclamation 
for  the  execution  of  the  laws  against  all  the  Non-conformists 
in  geiyeral,  that  is,  against  all  those  Avho  do  not  openly  be- 
long to  the  English  church :  this  proclamation  applies  tQ 
the  Presbj-terians  and  all  the  sectaries,  as  well  as  to  the  Ro- 


cxxiv  APPENDIX. 

man  Catholics.  The  malignity  of  this  resolution  was  im- 
mediately perceived  by  the  King  of  England  and  his  Mi- 
nisters. The  chief  of  the  Lower  House  were  assembled 
as  well  as  those  whom  his  Britannic  Majesty  thinks  to  side 
with  him.  He  gave  them  a  severe  lecture  for  having  suf- 
fered themselves  to  be  seduced  and  hurried  into  so  dange- 
rous and  so  inadmissible  a  resolution.  He  declared  to 
them,  that  if  they  persisted  to  make  such  an  address  to  him; 
he  would  answer  the  Lower  House  in  terms  so  decisive 
and  firm,  that  they  should  not  return  to  make  him  a  like 
address.  The  manner  in  which  his  Britannic  Majesty  ex- 
pressed himself,  produced  its  effect ;  for  yesterday  morn- 
ing the  Lower  House  revoked  unanimously,  what  had  been 
resolved  in  committee  of  the  whole  the  day  before. 

Many  reflections  are  made  here  upon  this  mark  of  con- 
descension and  submission  which  the  Lower  House  have 
given.  But  those  who  knoAV  the  motive  of  the  first  pro- 
ceeding perceive  that  the  second  is  forced,,  and  that  what 
is  done  by  authority  does  not  disguise  the  reality  of  the 
intention  having  been  to  give  a  blow  to  the  Catholics,  nay 
to  give  the  King  of  England  to  understand  how  difficult  it 
would  be  for  him  to  obtain  from  Parliament  any  thing  in 
their  favour. 

The  Prince  has  shown  a  great  deal  of  resentment  a- 
gainst  his  household,  and  other  persons  particularly  attach- 
ed to  the  royal  person  who  tlirough  malice  or  ignorance 
favoured  a  resolution  so  little  respectful  to  him  ;  he  knows 
how  ridiculous  and  dangerous  it  is  for  him  to  be  besought 
by  Parliament  to  pursue  with  rigor  the  execution  of  the 
laws  against  the  Catholics  and  Non-conformists.  However 
he  derives  from  thence  this  advantage  that  he  has  been 
made  acquainted  with  the  concealed  intentions  of  the  Low- 


I 


APPENDIX.  cxxv 

cr  House  and  has  exercised  a  stretch  of  authority  by  oblig- 
ing them  to  retract  as  early  as  the  next  day  a  resolution 
unanimously  passed. 

His  Britannic  Majesty  takes  it  very  ill  of  the  Bishops, 
who  under  a  pretence  of  zeal  for  the  English  Church,  had 
caused  so  absurd  and  dangerous  a  resolution  to  be  taken. 
The  persons,  opposed  to  the  court,  feel  a  secret  joy  that  the 
Lower  House  has  let  the  whole  world  see  what  their  sen- 
timents upon  religion  are.  They  make  little  account  of 
their  having  been  obliged  to  retract,  hoping  that  on  some 
other  occasion  they  will  have  more  firmness,  and  that  the 
King  of  England  will  not  always  have  it  in  his  power  nor 
be  willing  to  exercise  his  authority. 

It  was  a  question  in  the  Lower  House  todepive  of  their 
seats  those  who  had  been  for  excluding  the  Duke  of  York 
from  the  succession  ;  but  the  leaders  of  the  house  were 
ordered  to  oppose  that  proposition  ;  thus  it  was  dropt.  It 
was  an  attempt  against  several  of  the  Ministers  who  have 
now  the  King  of  England's  confidence. 

From  what  happened  yesterday  and  the  day  before  yes- 
terday it  may  be  perceived  how  difficult  it  is  to  foresee 
what  Parliament  may  do.  For  that  reason  it  is  already 
said  the  Parliament  will  not  remain  long  in  session.  They 
desire  themselves  to  be  prorogued  or  adjourned  as  thev 
well  sec  that  they  are  unable  to  take  any  important  resolu- 
tion, and  to  maintain  it  when  it  shall  not  be  agreeable  to 
his  Britannic  Majesty.  They  are  also  very  much  incom- 
moded in  their  house  which  is  too  small  to  contain  the 
members  it  is  composed  of,  which  is  five  hundred  and 
thirteen  persons.  It  is  however  likely  that  the  court  will 
make  some  new  attempt  to  oblige  them  to  give  something 
for  fitting  out  the  fleet  for  Sea. 


.xxvi  APPENDIX. 

The  Commissioners  of  the  India  Company  of  Amstfer 
dam  and  those  of  the  Company  of  London  have  met.  They 
do  not  seem  yet  to  be  disposed  to  agree  together  or  cor- 
dially to  approach  each  other.  Those  of  Holland  want  to 
get  time  and  to  treat  by  memorial  with  the  usual  delays, 
the  English  wish  for  abridging  the  matter  and  coming  to 
the  point,  that  is  for  agreeing  upon  the  restitution  of  Ban- 
tam. The  Dutch  would  hardly  accede  to  it  with  sincerity. 

I  know  that  in  the  private  assemblies  which  are  formed 
by  the  members  of  Parliament,  it  has  been  agitated  to  pro- 
pose something  with  respect  to  France,  and  to  chalk  out 
for  the  King  of  England  the  course  he  should  follow.  No 
seeming  pretence  has  been  found  to  propose  any  thing  upon 
that  head  at  present.  If  any  opportunity  for  it  should  offer 
itself  hereafter,  it  will  not  be  missed,  both  from  evil  dispo- 
sitions to  the  King  of  England,  and  to  embarrass  him  by 
the  jealousy  of  your  Majesty's  greatness,  which  of  course 
hangs  heavy  on  the  minds  of  Englishmen.  In  one  of  those 
conferences  it  was  a  question  to  present  an  address  be- 
seeching his  Britannic  Majesty  to  endeavour  to  preserve 
the  repose  of  Europe.  This  proposition  was  deemed  to  be 
too  general  and  liable  to  misinterpretation  ;  nay,  it  was 
thought  it  might  afford  his  Britannic  Majesty  an  occasion 
for  uniting  himself  more  closely  with  your  Majesty  under 
pretence  of  preserving  the  peace  of  Europe. 

The  King  of  England  has  just  told  me,  that  an  exprass 
has  arrived  from  Scotland,  who  left  Edinburg  on  the  fourth 
of  this  month  ;  that  the  Earl  of  Argyle  entered  the  country 
of  Cantire  which  belongs  to  him  ;  it  is  a  narrow  piece  ol 
land  stretching  towai'ds  Ireland.  He  advanced  as  far  as 
the  county  called  Argyle  to  meet  the  Marquis  of  Athol's 
troops,  and  to  hinder  them  from  joining  the  other  royal-- 


APPENDIX.  cxxvii 

ists.  The  letters  state  that  the  Earl  of  Argyle  has  3000 
men  with  him.  His  Britannic  Majesty's  opinion  is  that 
they  will  still  augment.  His  son  is  in  the  country  of  Lorn, 
and  it  is  easy  for  them  to  join.  All  the  letters  coming  from 
Scotland  induce  the  belief  that  the  Earl  of  Argyle  expected 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth  would  endeavour  to  excite  a  re- 
volt in  England. 

I  am,  with  the  profound  respect  I  owe,  &c. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Versailles,  June  loth,  1685 

M.  Barillon,  I  received  by  the  post  your  letters  of  the  4th 
and  7th  of  this  month,  and  by  the  courier  you  dispatched  to 
me  that  of  the  10th,  which  contains  nothing  more  remark- 
able than  the  preceding  ones,  except  the  reasons  you  think 
you  have  to  believe  that  the  good  of  my  service  requires  I 
should  give  you  power  to  deliver  to  the  King  of  England 
the  sum  of  100,000  crowns  besides,  and  beyond  what  re- 
remains  due  to  him,  on  account  of  the  subsidy  promised 
to  the  late  King  his  brother.  But,  it  appears  to  me,  on  the 
contrary,  from  all  that  your  letters  contain,  that  the  Prince 
stands  in  less  need  of  my  assistance  now,  than  he  ever  did 
since  he  came  to  the  cro'wn.  And  indeed  I  see  first  that  all 
the  remonstrances   Mr.  S.eymour  has  made  in  the  Lower- 
House,  and  every  thing  he  has  said  to  attack  the  validity  of 
the  elections,  served  only  tq  determine    Parliament  more 
promptly  to  continue  to  the  King  the  same  revenues  which 
the  late  King  his  brother  enjoyed ;  that  on  the  other  hand  the 
noise  produced  by  the  Earl  of  Argyle's  landing  in  Scotland 
with  a  small  retinue  of  rebels,  ill  pi'ovided  in  everv  respect 
and  little  capable  of  a  great  enterprise,  has  caused  Parlia- 
ment also  to  take  the  resolution  to  grant  the  King  further 


cxxviii  APPENDIX. 

supplies  to  the  amount  of  1,600,000  pounds  sterling,  which 
will  make  more  than  20  millions  of  livres,  that  finally  as 
soon  as  that  Prince  showed  how  disagreeable  the  proposi- 
tion would  be  to  him  which  the  whole  house  of  Commons 
had  passed  to  request  a  proclamation  for  the  execution 
of  the  laws  against  the  Non-conformists,  they  rejected 
with  a  common  consent  their  previous  resolves  in  the  com- 
mittee ;  so  that  it  may  be  said  that  a  King  of  England  never 
acted  with  more  authority  in  his  Parliament  than  this 
Prince  does  at  present,  and  that  there  is  nothing  he  ought 
not  to  expect  from  them  for  the  strengthening  of  his  autho- 
rity, and  the  punishment  of  the  small  number  of  rebels 
that  were  bold  enough  to  show  themselves.  Thus  I  have 
cause  to  hope  that  not  only  he  will  not  desire  from  me  in 
the  present  juncture  any  other  assistance,  beyond  what  I 
promised  to  give  him,  that  is,  the  payment  of  the  subsidies 
that  remain  due  j  but  even  that  he  will  rest  persuaded  that 
the  public  testimonies  of  my  friendship  and  the  fear  of  the 
succours  which  I  should  not  fail  to  give  him  if  he  had 
wanted  them,  have  niuch  contributed  to  maintain  his  sub- 
jects in  obedience  and  to  make  him  obtain  from  his  Parli- 
ament every  thing  he  desired  of  them  till  now. 

There  remains  therefore  nothing  more  to  be  done  both 
for  my  own  and  his  satisfaction,  than  to  obtain  the  repeal- 
ing of  the  penal  laws  in  favour  of  the  Catholics,  and  the 
free  exercise  of  our  religion  in  all  his  dominions,  and  you 
know  that  it  is  also  the  principal  motive  which  induced  me 
to  send  you  with  so  much  dispatch  such  large  sums  of  mo- 
ney. But  as  that  Prince  does  not,  as  yet,  deem  it  proper 
to  attempt  that  measure  I  do  not  want  either  to  press  him 
to  run  the  hazard  of  a  refusal  in  so  important  a  business, 
and  for  the  success  of  which  his  prudence  requires  he 


APPENDIX.  cxx'ix 

^nould  take  effective  measures.  I  should  now,  nevertheless 
think  that  as  Parliament  seem  to  be  disposed  not  to  refuse 
him  an)-  thing,  whether  they  are  actuated  by  good-will 
alone,  or  that  fear  has  a  share  in  it,  that  Prince  would  act 
very  wisely  in  profiting  by  it  and  deriving  thence  what  he 
desires  in  favour  of  our  religion,  without  allowing  them 
time  for  recollecting  themselves,  and  concerting  with  those 
who  are  most  incensed  against  our  religion,  the  means  of 
retarding  its  progress ;  and  if  the  King  took  this  resolution 
and  met  with  any  obstacle  which  he  could  only  surmount 
by  my  assistance,  I  should  assuredly  grant  it  to  him  as  soon 
as  you  should  have  informed  me  of  his  wants.  But  until 
he  takes  and  executes  this  resolution,  it  is  not  my  intention 
to  change  any  thing  in  the  orders  I  gave  you ;  and  I  will 
have  you  keep  the  funds  I  sent  you,  and  not  dispose  of  them 
unless  I  deem  it  necessary.  Therefore,  if  the  Lord  High 
Treasurer  of  England  should  press  you  to  make  him  some 
pa\-ments  beyond  the  old  subsidy,  you  are  simply  to  tell 
him,  that  as  Parliament  conduct  themselves  according  to 
my  own  and  the  said  King's  wishes,  I  have  no  cause  to  be- 
lieve that  the  King  can  now  stand  in  need  of  any  extraordi- 
nary assistance,  and  that  therefore  )-ou  have  no  power  to 
dispose  of  your  funds. 

I  send  you  the  letter  in  my  own  hand  which  you  pro- 
posed to  me  to  write  to  the  King,  both  upon  the  satisfac- 
tion his  Parliament  gives  him  and  what  regards  the  move- 
ments in  Scotland,  and  I  desire  that  on  both  points  you 
should  only  speak  conformably  to  what  I  write  to  the  King, 
and  what  this  dispatch  contains,  as  I  do  not  deem  it  to  the 
purpose  to  make  an  open  offer  of  troops  to  a  Prince  who 
asks  me  for  none,  anrl  for  a  service  which  he  can  effect  by 
his  ovra  forcesl 

r 


cxxk  APPENDIX, 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  M.  BARILLOX  TO  THE  KING 

London,  June  18th,  1685. 

There  are  people  here  who  woiUd  saddle  upon  France 
the  suspicion  which  is  thrown  upon  the  city  of  Amsterdam, 
as  if  there  was  sufficient  intelligence  between  your  Majesty 
and  that  city  to  presume  that  every  thing  that  is  done  there, 
is  concerted  with  your  Majesty. 

The  King  of  England  rejects  with  indignant  disdain  what 
is  said  in  his  presence  of  the  interest  your  Majesty  has  to 
keep  up  divisions  in  England.  That  Prince  declared  quite 
aloud  that  the  rebels  are  supported  and  aided  by  the  zealous 
Protestants  in  other  countries,  and  holds  every  thing  to  be 
ridiculous  which  is  said  in  opposition  thereto. 

I  am  with  the  profound  respect  I  owe,  8cc. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Vei-sailles,  July  IStli,  1685 

M.  Banilon,  I  received  your  letters  of  the  2d  and  5th  of 
this  month,  and  they  gave  me  so  much  the  more  satisfac- 
tion, as  they  leave  me  no  room  for  doubting  that  the  King 
Qf  Great  Britain  will  find  the  same  facility  in  dispersing  the 
small  remains  of  the  revolted  in  England,  as  he  had  in  pun? 
Ishing  the  rebellion  in  Scotland ;  and  as  the  Duke  of  INIon- 
mouth  has  already  lost  his  vessels,  and  has  no  considerable 
town  to  which  he  can  retreat,  it  is  very  likely  that  he  will 
soon  undergo  the  same  fate  as  the  Earl  of  Arg}'le,  and  that 
his  wicked  attempt  will  have  served  to  make  the  King  of 
England  far  more  absolute  in  his  kingdom  than  any  of  his 
predecessors  were. 

I  am  told,  however,  that  besides  the  three  English  regi- 
ments \^'hich  he  calls  back  from   Holland,  the  Pvince  of 


APPENDIX.  cxxii 

Orange  has  moreover  asked  for  him  from  the  States'  GenC' 
ral  a  succour  of  3000  men ;  nay,  that  he  has  requested 
some  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg ;  and  as  till  now,  it  ap- 
peared to  me  by  all  you  wrote  to  me,  that  the  King  would 
not  employ  foreign  troops  in  order  not  to  give  any  um- 
brage to  his  subjects,  I  shall  be  glad  that  you  let  me  know 
whether  it  is  by  his  orders  the  Prince  of  Orange  made  that 
request,  as  the  latter,  for  his  peculiar  ends,  may  possibly 
desire  to  have  a  gi-eat  number  of  troops  in  England  devoted 
to  him,  and  of  which  he  could  dispose  hereafter  against 
the  interests  of  the  said  King. 

Continue  likewise  to  inform  me  exactly  of  every  thing 
that  may  take  place  in  the  court  where  you  reside,  in  such 
an  important  conjuncture,  and  not  to  let  any  thing  be  want- 
ing on  your  side  to  get  accurate  intelligence,  and  to  give 
me  an  exact  accoimt  thereof. 

As  I  see  with  pleasure  that  the  English  Parliament  am- 
ply supplies  all  the  wants  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and. 
that  that  Prince  will  not  even  meet  with  any  obstacle  to  the 
re-establishment  of  the  Catholic  religion,  when  he  shall  in- 
tend to  undertake  it,  after  having  totally  dispersed  the  small 
number  of  the  revolted;  I  thought  it  proper  to  have  the 
funds  returned  which  I  had  ordered  to  be  remitted  to  you 
to  support  in  case  of  urgency  the  designs  which  that  Prince 
would  form  in  favour  of  our  religion.  Thus  my  intention 
Is,  that  if  that  money  is  at  your  house,  you  cause  it  to  be 
remitted  at  several  times  through  the  hands  of  bankers 
with  the  same  secrecy  that  it  was  sent,  and  if  possible  in  a 
still  more  impenetrable  way,  as  I  desire  that,  whether  it  re- 
mains in  the  hands  of  the  said  bankers  or  at  your  house,  it 
shall  be  sent  back  bv  the  same  means  and  remitted  into  my 


tsxxii  APPENDIX. 

treasury,  until  I  shall  deem  it  necessary  to  use  it  in  behalf 
of  the  King  of  England. 

M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

July  16th,  1685,  London 
I  could  not,  after  the  separation  of  Parliament,  delay  ex- 
plaining myself  to  the  Lord  High  Treasurer,  concerning 
the  applications  addressed  by  him  to  me,  to  continue  the 
payments  of  the  subsidy.  I  told  him  that  I  could  not  dis- 
pose of  the  funds  Avhich  had  been  sent  hither  without  re- 
ceiving further  orders ;  that  these  funds  were  destined  only 
for  the  most  urgent  wants  of  the  King  of  England,  and  that 
this  urgent  want  did  not  appear  now,  after  Parliament  had 
granted  very  large  sums  for  the  encrease  of  his  revenues 
during  several  years,  and  had  even  granted  an  extraordi- 
nary supply ;  the  advantage  of  which  could  be  received 
from  this  time  forward  by  the  means  of  a  loan. 

I  well  foresaw  that  this  discourse  would  not  please  the 
Lord  High  Treasurer.  He  appeared  to  me  amazed,  and 
gave  me  to  understand  that  he  could  not  imagine  what  rea- 
son your  Majesty  had  for  stopping  the  payment  of  the 
sums  conveyed  hither,  at  a  time  when  the  King  his  master 
most  wanted  them,  and  when  he  expected  to  receive  fur- 
ther marks  of  your  Majesty^s  friendship  ;  that  Parliament 
had,  indeed,  granted  taxes  for  several  years  besides  the 
revenue,  but  that  what  could  be  got  therefrom  was  not  re- 
alized, and  that  if  those  funds  were  consumed  beforehand^ 
the  King  his  Master  would  hereafter  be  in  a  very  bad  pre- 
dicament ;  which  he  could  not  too  carefully  avoid,  know- 
ing in  what  embarrassment  a  King  of  England  is  thrown^ 
who  depends  much  on  his  Parliament ;  that  he  did  not 
think  youi   Majesty  was  fully  informed  of  what  is  taking 


APPENDIX.  cxxxiii 

place  in  England  at  present ;  and  that  at  a  time  when  u 
civil  war  is  lighted  in  the  heart  of  the  Kingdom  ;  and  the 
King  his  master  not  merely  wants  his  forces  but  the  suc- 
cour of  all  those  who  are  concerned  in  his  preservation, 
your  Majesty  intends  to  cut  off  the  subsidies  which  you 
furnished  at  a  time  when  he  less  Wiuited  them,  and  when 
that  cutting  off  would  not  have  been  of  any  moment ; 
whereas  in  the  present  conjuncture,  the  supplies  of  your 
Majesty  are  not  only  useful  but  necessary*.  In  short,  that 
Minister  omitted  nothing  to  show  me  that  what  I  had  told 
him  was  a  disappointment,  the  motive  of  which  he  could 
not  penetrate  ;  as  he  did  not  think  that  your  Majesty  had 
changed  your  sentiments  towards  the  King  his  master,  nor 
would  you  (if  you  had)  show  it  on  an  occasion  like  the 
present. 

I  did  what  I  could  to  explain  to  the  Minister  that  your 
Majesty  had  simply  concluded  that  the  King  of  England 
was  in  a  condition  not  to  need  any  foreign  assistance  ;  that 
the  Earl  of  Argyle's  revolt  had  lasted  so  short  a  time,  that 
it  was  only  to  be  considered  as  a  futile  attempt  of  the 
factious  paity,  which  had  not  been  of  the  least  moment ; 
nor  was  it  imagitied  in  France,  that  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth's enterprise  could  meet  success,  and  that  it  was  daily 
expected  to  hear  that  his  troops  had  dispersed,  and  that 
he  had  been  taken  or  had  made  his  escape  ;  that  your  Ma- 
jesty had  shown  your  friendship  to  the  King  of  England, 
by  so  promptly  sending  funds  for  his  most  urgent  wants, 
and  that  you  also  reserved  them  for  an  occasion  which 
seems  not  to  have  arrived. 

The  Lord  High  Treasurer  replied  to  me,  that  during  the 
King's  reign,  there  never  would  happen  such  a  pressing  occa- 
sion as  the  present  one,  and  that  he  could  not  imagine  that 


cxxxlv  APPENDIX. 

your  Majesty  if  fully  apprised  of  what  is  taking  place  hcie^ 
would  leave  him  to  disentangle  so  intricate  a  business  with- 
out giving  him  new  proofs  of  your  friendship.     As  I  left 
die  Lord  High  Treasurer,  I  went  to  wait  upon  the  King  of 
England,  to  prevent  his  going,   and  to  hinder  the  Lord 
High  Treasurer  from  explaining  to  him,  what  I  had  told 
him,  in  a  way  which  might  have  more  irritated  him  than 
my  own  explanations.     I  reminded  that   Prince  of  all  the 
marks  of  friendship  he  received  at  your  Majesty's  hands 
at  all  times,  and  of  the  promptness  with  which  your  Majes- 
ty let  him  know  the  sincerity  of  your  intentions  to  support 
him  at  the  moment  he  came  to  the  crown.     I  gave  him  to 
understand  that  nothing  could  lessen  your  Majesty's  senti- 
ments towards  him,  but  a  change  of  conduct  on  his  side, 
which  I  thought  would  never  happen ;  that  therefore  he 
could  expect  a  firm  and  sincere  friendship  from  your  Ma- 
jesty, of  which  he  would  receive  strong  and  effectual  proofs 
whenever  suitable  opportunities  for  giving  them  should  of- 
fer ;  that  your  Majesty  thought  the  affairs  of  his  finances 
in  so  good  a  condition,  that  you  did  not  suppose  that  he  at 
present  stood  in  need  of  fresh  aids,  and  that  what  he  had 
received  from   Parliament  enabled  him  to  sustain  greater 
expenses  than  those  he  was  obliged  to  incur. 

The  King  of  England  appeared  to  me  pretty  much  em- 
barrassed, and  at  first  imagined  your  Majesty  was  discon- 
tented with  his  conduct,  and  would,  as  it  were,  renounce 
his  friendship.  I  told  him  that  I  did  not  know  any  thing 
which  had  any  relation  to  what  he  supposed ;  that  it  was 
simply  true,  that  I  had  no  order  to  continue  the  payments 
beyond  the  ancient  subsidy  ;  that  your  Majesty  had,  how- 
ever, ordered  me  to  assure  him,  that  the  funds  your  Ma- 
jesty had  sent  hither,  were  preserved  to  succour  him  on  an. 


APPENDIX.  cxxxv 

urgent  Qccasion,  and  that  if  he  undertook  to  establish  the 
free  exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  met  therein  with 
any  difficulties  which  he  could  not  surmount  without 
your  Majest}''s  aid,  you  would  employ  the  whole  fund 
that  is  here  to  succour  and  help  him ;  that  thereby  he 
could  see  your  Majest)''s  Intentions  and  the  sincerity  of 
your  conduct.  What  I  said,  in  some  measure,  removed 
the  fears  of  that  Prince,  who  at  first  was,  I  believe,  very 
much  agitated. 

He  answered  me  upon  what  I  had  just  told  him,  that  I 
was  acquainted  with  his  secret  intentions  concerning  the 
establishment  of  the  Catliolic  religion ;  that  it  was  only 
with  your  Majesty's  assistance  he  hoped  to  bring  it  about, 
that  I  saw  he  had  just  given  employments  in  his  troops  to 
Catholics  as  well  as  Protestants  ;  that  this  equality  incen- 
sed many  persons,  but  that  he  had  not  suffered  so  impor- 
tant an  opportunity-  to  slip  away  without  taking  advantage 
of  it ;  that  he  would  do  the  same  with  respect  to  feasible 
things,  and  that  I  more  clearly  perceived  his  intention  about 
those  matters  than  his  o^vn  ministers,  as  he  often  without 
any  reserve  opened  his  mind  to  me  thereupon.  He  added 
that  I  was  a  witness  of  his  attachment  to  your  Majesty's 
person,  and  of  his  sincere  desire  never  to  separate  from 
your  interests  ;  that  he  had  placed  more  reliance  upon  your 
Majesty's  assistance  and  friendship,  than  upon  any  other 
thing  in  the  world  ;  and  that  he  did  not  believe  your  Ma- 
jesty would  in  the  present  juncture  suspend  subsidies  which 
he  wanted  more  than  he  ever  should  in  his  life. 

I  answered  to  this,  that  your  Majesty  had  not  altered 
your  sentiments  and  only  considered  that  he  was  not  in 
want  of  the  same  supplies,  as  he  had  been  enabled  by  Par- 
liament to  do  M' ithout  them.     I  contented  myself  with  hav- 


cxxxvi  APPENDIX. 

mg  entered  upon  the  matter  and  mixed  therewith  the  affaii- 
of  religion,  in  which  the  Lord  High  Treasurer  is  not  much 
concerned,  what  credit  soever  he  may  have  in  other  mat- 
ters. I  informed  my  Lord  Sunderland  of  what  was  on  the 
carpet,  that  he  might  be  prepared,  when  the  King  his  mas- 
ter should  speak  to  him.  He  told  me,  "  the  King  your  mas- 
"  ter  may  have  designs,  which  I  do  not  penetrate  ;  but  this  is 
"  an  unlucky  accident,  which  I  hope  will  be  remedied  by 
"  showing  that  it  is  a  mistake,  arising  from  not  having 
"  been  thoroughly  informed  of  what  is  taking  place  in  this 
"  country,  otherwise  you  ruoiddfurjiish  those  xvith  arms  who 
"  want  to  break  the  union  of  the  two  Kings.  If  in  France 
"  they  do  not  care  for  it,  I  have  nothing  to  say :  but  if  they 
"  make  any  account  of  us  I  know  well  that  you  may  be  as- 
*■'  sured  of  the  King  of  England  forever  ;  and  that  it  is  only 
*'  with  the  assistance  and  friendship  of  the  King  your  mas- 
"  ter  that  his  designs  and  intentions  can  succeed." 

I  explained  to  my  Lord  Sunderland  what  I  had  told  the 
Lord  High  Treasurer  and  his  Britannic  Majesty  about  the 
good  condition  of  the  finances  and  the  little  want  which 
they  are  in  here  of  foreign  assistance.  He  replied  to  me 
"  you  see  in  what  expenses  we  engage,  and  what  we  shall 
"  want  to  sustain  them  ;  you  know  how  expensive  troops 
"  are  which  must  be  kept  and  what  a  civil  war  in  the  inte- 
"  rior  is  which  we  cannot  hope  to  see  so  soon  at  an  end  ; 
"  but  for  the  present  it  is  not  in  our  power  to  do  with- 
"  out  the  King  your  master's  assistance,  and  I  do  not 
"  think  that  he  can  spend  money  in  a  way  more  useful  to 
"  him." 

I  had  a  second  conference  with  the  King  of  England  in 
liis  closet  where  we  were  long  alone.  He  appeared  to 
Tue  persuaded  that  the  refus;d  to  continue  the  supplies  orir 


APPENDIX.  cxxxvii 

ginates  from  your  Majesty's  believing  that  he  can  do 
without  foreign  assistance.  He  descended  hereupon  into 
the  particulars  of  his  affairs,  and  told  me  that  I  know  in 
what  disorder  the  late  King  his  brother  had  left  his  maga- 
zines and  vessels  ;  that  the  augmented  duties  which  had 
been  granted  to  him  could  hardly  suffice  to  put  an  indift'er- 
cnt  fleet  again  in  a  condition  to  hold  the  sea  ;  that  the  lat- 
ter supply  granted  by  Parliament  would  be  consumed  be- 
forehand for  the  support  of  the  troops  which  hereafter  he 
could  not  do  without,  as  he  knew  hoAV  little  reliance  was  to 
be  placed  on  the  militia  ;  that  the  expenses  of  Government 
were  such  (besides  that  the  civil  war  may  be  protracted) 
that  in  his  whole  life  he  should  never  lack  assistance  more 
than  at  present ;  that  I  knew  him  well  enough  to  be  con- 
vinced that  he  would  be  very  glad  to  be  attached  and  united 
to  your  Majesty  without  seeking  a  supply  of  money;  and 
that  he  would  be  delighted  if  he  could  merit  new  marks 
of  your  friendship;  but  that  in  the  present  juncture  your 
Majesty's  supplies  were  essential  to  him,  and  that  he  did 
not  believe  your  Majesty  intended  to  reserve  for  other 
times  the  supply  which  you  destined  for  him,  as  it  is  not 
likely  that  there  could  occur  another  conjuncture,  in  which 
he  could  more  want  it ;  that  I  was  acquainted  with  his  se- 
cret designs  and  could  warrant  that  all  his  aim  was  to  esta- 
blish the  Catholic  religion ;  that  he  would  not  lose  any  op- 
portunity to  do  it ;  that  he  had  armed  the  Catholics  in 
Ireland;  that  my  Lord  Dumbaiton  had  commanded  his 
army  in  Scotland ;  that  the  Duke  of  Gordon  had  been  put 
at  the  head  of  the  militia  ;  that  now  he  entrusted  the  ^vn,r- 
offices  as  much  as  he  could  to  the  Catholics  in  England; 
that  it  was,  in  some  manner,  pulling  off  the  mask ;  but  he 
had  not  been  willing  to  sufler  the  opportunity  of  doing  so 


cxxxviii  APPENDIX. 

to  slip  away,  as  he  thought  it  decisive.  That  he  knew  how 
many  people  were  incensed  at  it,  but  that  he  would  pursue 
his  course,  and  that  nothing  should  put  him  out  of  his  way 
provided  your  Majesty  would  be  pleased  to  assist  him  in 
so  grand,  so  glorious  a  design ;  that  already  Hamilton's 
regiment  of  dragoons  was  entirely  composed  of  Catholics, 
that  he  had  given  free-companies  of  horse  to  Bernard, 
Howard,  and  to  many  other  distinguished  Catholics ;  that 
by  degrees  he  approaches  his  design,  and  that  what  he  does 
now  necessarily  implies  the  free  exercise  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  which  will  be  established  before  an  act  of  Parlia- 
ment authorizes  it ;  that  I  knew  England  well  enough  to 
be  convinced  that  the  possibility  of  getting  places  and  em- 
ployments xvill  make  more  Catholics  than  the  permission  to 
say  Mass  publicly ;  that  however  he  hoped  your  Majesty 
would  not  forsake  him  when  he  has  a  foe  in  the  heart  of 
his  kingdom  who  disputes  the  crown  with  him,  and  is  se- 
cretly countenanced  by  a  great  number  of  persons  who  are 
irather  for  upholding  the  pretensions  of  a  Protestant  bas- 
tard than  the  right  of  their  laAvful  King,  because  he  is  a 
Catholic. 

I  had  also  two  conferences  with  the  Lord  High  Trea- 
surer and  my  Lord  Sunderland  separately.  The  Lord 
High  Treasurer  repeated  to  me  what  he  had  before  told 
me,  and  gave  me  to  understand  that  he  knew  well  that  the 
King  his  master  would  be  very  glad  to  have  no  occasion 
for  a  supply  of  money,  that  at  another  time  he  would  not 
have  replied  to  what  I  had  said ;  and  would  have  thought 
of  giving  and  receiving  reciprocal  marks  of  friendship  from 
your  Majesty,  but  that  it  should  not  be  concealed  from  mc 
that  the  King  his  master  v/anted  the  present  assistance  of 
your  Majesty,  and  that  li?  would  not  be  under  that  obliga- 


APPENDIX.  cxxxix 

tion  to  vour  Majesty,  if  he  did  not  intend  to  preserve  a 
gratefulness  for  it,  proportionable  to  the  service  j  that  the 
happiness  and  safety  of  the  King  his  master's  reign  de- 
pended upon  the  friendship  of  your  Majest)^' ;  that  he  would 
carefully  preserve  it,  and  that  I  must  be  sure  that  with 
respect  to  him  (who  was  speaking  to  me)  he  thought  nothing 
so  important  to  the  King  his  master  as  the  preserving  your 
Majesty's  friendship,  and  that  nothing  could  hurt  him  so 
much  as  his  being  deprived  of  it. 

I  gave  thereto  no  other  but  a  general  answer,  saying  that 
your  Majesty  had  given  proofs  enough  of  your  desire  to 
see  the  affairs  of  the  King  of  England  in  an  advantageous 
and  secure  condition. 

My  Lord  Sunderland  entered  with  me  upon  a  very  ex- 
tensive discussion,  and  appeared  to  me  thoroughly  inforaied 
of  what  took  place  between  the  King  of  England  and  me 
concerning  the  Catholic  religion.  That  minister  said,  "  I 
"  dont  know  whether  things  are  viewed  in  France  as  they 
"  are  here,  but  I  deem  it  impossible  for  those  who  see  them 
''  near  at  hand,  not  to  perceive  that  the  King  my  master 
"  has  no  greater  desire  than  to  establish  the  Catholic  reli- 
"  gion ;  nay,  that  according  to  common  sense  and  sound 
"  reason,  he  can  have  no  other  design,  that  without  this  he 
*'  will  never  be  safe,  and  must  always  be  exposed  to  the 
"  indiscreet  zeal  of  those  who  will  incense  the  people  against 
"  Catholicism,  as  long  as  it  shall  not  be  better  established. 
"  Another  point  is  unquestionable  ;  that  plan  can  only  suc- 
"  ceed  by  a  concert  and  closer  connexion  with  the  King 
"  your  master  ;  it  is  a  project  that  can  suit  him  only ;  and 
"  succeed  by  him  alone.  All  the  other  powers  will  openly 
"  oppose,  or  thwart  it  underhand.  It  is  well  known  that  it 
"  does  not  suit  the  Prince  of  Orange,  but  he  will  not  be 


exl  APPENDIX. 

"  able  to  prevent  it,  if  France  acts  as  is  necessary,  that  i^,. 
"  sustains  the  King  of  England's  friendship  and  supports 
"  his  project.  I  clearly  perceive  the  apprehension  many 
"  people  harbour  of  a  connexion  with  France,  and  the  en- 
"  deavours  that  are  made  to  weaken  it ;  but  no  one  will 
"  have  power  to  effect  it,  if  it  is  not  wished  for  in  France. 
"  Hereupon  you  must  give  a  plain  explanation,  that  you 
"  show  the  King  your  master  intends  candidly  to  aid  the  King 
'-  of  England  in  establishing  the  Catholic  religion  here,  up- 
"•'  on  a  firm  basis." 

He  added  thereto,  that  he  had  had  a  long  conversation 
with  the  King  of  England,  and  left  him  persuaded  that  the 
refusal  to  continue  the  payments  was  not  founded  upon  any 
change  of  your  Majesty  towards  him,  but  upon  a  supposi- 
tion that  he  is  in  a  condition  in  which  he  does  not  want 
your  assistance ;  that  however  it  was  possible  to  rectif) 
this  incident  if  it  was  not  wished  that  the  King  of  Eng- 
land should  believe  that  after  having  assisted  him  when 
he  did  not  much  need  it,  your  Majesty  forsakes  him  in, 
the  most  important  juncture  of  his  life ;  that,  perhaps  your 
Majesty  paid  attention  to  the  report  which  has  been  circu- 
lated of  a  re-union  between  the  King  of  England  and  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  that  at  the  bottom  there  was  nothing 
more  absurd  j  that  one  was  in  possession  of  a  crown  which 
the  other  waited  for  with  impatience,  that  the  difference 
of  their  religion  and  sentiments  upon  every  thing  does  not. 
promise  that  they  will  candidly  re-unite,  that  both  are  oblig- 
ed to  dissemble,  and  to  observe  decorum ;  but  that  their 
designs  and  projects  are  of  too  opposite  a  nature  to  be  re- 
conciled ;  that  he  who  spoke  to  me,  clearly  saw  all  this,  and 
that  if  any  one  would  take  the  trouble  to  examine  it  well, 
he  would,  through  all  that  is  taking  place,  perceive  a  ground 


APPENDIX.  cxli 

of  jealousy  and  discontent  between  the  King  of  England 
and  the  Prince  of  Oiange  which  nothing  can  remove ;  that 
his  Britannic  Majesty  would  never  permit  him  to  come 
hither,  and  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  always  desirous 
to  come  hither  and  to  show  himself  to  the  English. 

I  told  my  Lord  Sunderland,  that  many  things  furnished 
ground  for  judging  that  the  King  of  England  had  much 
relaxed  towards  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  that  that  pro- 
duced a  very  pernicious  effect  every  where,  because  the 
Prince  of  Orange  always  acted  with  the  same  animosity 
against  the  interests  of  France,  that  I  sufficiently  compre- 
hended it  not  to  he  his  Rritnnnic  Majesty's  interest  to  push 
the  Prince  of  Orange  so  far  as  to  induce  him  to  support  the 
rebels,  but  too  great  a  forbearance  would  enable  him  to  be 
more  dangerous  and  hurtful  to  his  concerns  ;  that  for  my- 
self I  did  not  suffer  myself  to  be  deluded  by  the  artifices  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange's  partizans,  and  was  very  much  per- 
suaded that  the  King  of  England  knew  his  interests  too 
well  to  separate  them  from  your  Majesty's  concerns,  or  to 
form  connexions  hostile  to  you ;  and  that  on  my  side  I 
should  do  what  I  could  fully  to  explain  the  truth  to  your 
iVIajesty. 

Last  evening  I  had  another  conversation  with  the  King 
of  England.  He  pressed  me  to  give  your  Majesty  an  ac- 
count of  all  he  had  told  me,  and  appeared  to  me  to  expect 
that  your  Majesty  would  give  me  orders  different  from 
those  I  have,  and  not  refuse  him  a  present  supply,  at  a 
time  when  he  wants  it  so  much.  He  told  me  that  if  your 
Majesty  had  any  thing  to  desire  of  him,  he  would  meet 
any  thing  your  Majesty'  may  please  to  suggest;  but  that  no- 
thing could  more  sensibly  touch  him,  than  to  see  that  while 
your  Majesty  confided  in  him,  you  could  believe  tliat  he 


:xlu 


APPENDIX. 


would  receive  your  supplies  and  assistance,  if  he  was  not 
determined  inviolably  to  remain  attached  to  your  interests ; 
that  he  had  been  brought  up  in  France,  and  eaten  your 
Majesty's  bread ;  that  in  his  heart  he  was  a  Frenchman, 
that  he  thought  of  nothing  but  of  deserving  your  Majesty's 
esteem,  and  that  you  would  never  repent  to  have  assisted 
him  and  to  have  secured  the  crown  upon  his  head. 

I  told  him  I  would  give  your  Majesty  as  exact  an  account 
of  every  thing  as  possible ;  that  I  was  thoroughly  acquaint- 
ed with  his  intentions,  and  that  your  Majesty's  chief  mo- 
tive was  the  establishment  of  the  Catholic  religion,  that  in 
giving  your  Majesty  a  full  kno\v'ledge  thereof,  I  had  no 
doubt  you  would  enter  upon  the  measures  he  could  hope  for. 

The  King  of  England  told  me,  he  had  spoken  hereupon 
more  clearly  to  my  Lord  Sunderland,  than  to  the  other 
Ministers ;  that  I  might  talk  with  him  about  it.  He  fin- 
ished by  saying,  "  I  entreat  the  King  your  master  to  con- 
"  fide  in  me,  and  not  to  believe  that  I  have  any  other  aim 
"  besides  what  I  told  you ;  which  I  can  only  attain  by  his 
"  succour  and  assistance." 

This,  Sire,  is  what  occurred  with  the  King  of  England 
and  his  Ministers,  whereupon  your  majesty  will  please  to 
give  me  your  instructions ;  if  they  are  such  as  they  are  ex- 
pected here,  and  I  can  continue  the  payments  of  the  subsi- 
dy, it  will  depend  upon  your  Majesty  to  form  stronger  ties, 
and  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  closer  connexion,  that  mav 
last  a  long  while,  and  in  which  your  Majesty  may  find  your 
advantages,  as  you  may  find  it  proper.  But  I  think  that, 
pending  the  negotiation,  it  would  be  necessary  to  continue 
some  payments,  unless  your  Majesty  should  resolve  to  fur- 
nish the  whole  fund  which  is  here,  which  would  overjoy  the 
King  of  England,  both  on  account  of  the  present  advantage 


APPENDIX.  cxliii 

he  would  derive  therefrom,  and  the  pledge  he  would  think 
it  would  afford  of  your  Majesty's  friendship.  I  have  no 
doubt  but  in  this  case  he  would  take  all  the  determinations 
which  might  be  most  advantageous  to  the  Catholic  religion, 
and  execute  them :  but  besides  that  he  would  enter  into 
all  the  engagements,  as  far  as  I  may  judge  thereof,  which 
your  Majesty  might  desire,  in  relation  to  foreign  affairs. 
From  all  that  I  have  been  told,  I  am  satisfied  that  it  would 
be  \try'  perilous  for  the  King  of  England  to  be  on  bad  terms 
with  your  Majest}'.  It  would  be  much  more  so  than  is 
imagined ;  and  the  party  opposed  to  royalty  in  England,  is 
so  nymerous,  and  the  seeds  of  division  in  their  minds  are 
so  strong,  that  were  it  not  for  your  Majesty's  friendship, 
it  would  be  very  difficult  for  the  King  of  England  to  enjoy 
a  peaceable  and  happy  reign.  I  think  I  saw  in  every  thing 
that  prince  told  me,  a  very  sincere  desire  to  be  closel)' 
united  to  your  Majesty.  If  he  had  a  design  to  separate 
from  you,  he  would  not  so  earnestl}-  urge  a  present  supply, 
and  would  content  himself  with  remaining  in  a  state  of  re- 
ser^'e  with  your  Majest}'',  without  wishing  for  so  close  a 
league.  I  also  think  I  perceive  that  he  has  formed  a  design 
to  establish  the  Catholic  religion,  which  will  only  be  inter- 
rupted or  delayed  when  he  shall  be  unable  to  overcome  the 
obstacles  which  it  will  present.  But  he  will  be  daily  at 
work  to  bring  it  about ;  and  he  perceives  well  enough  that 
your  Majesty  alone  can  assist  him  therein. 

Parliament  have  shown  a  gi-eat  aversion  to  consent  to 
eveiy  thing  that  would  have  made  a  precedent  in  favour  of 
the  Catholics.  Their  first  impulse  was  to  pursue  them  and 
to  execute  the  law^s  against  them.  They  gave  this  up,  but 
against  their  sentiments,  and  by  a  bold  stroke  of  power 
which  cannot  alwavs  succeed.    The  bill  for  the  restoration 


cxliv  APPENDIX. 

'Of  My  Lord  Stafford  remained  in  the  House  of  Commons^ 
without  being  acted  upon,  because  in  the  preamble  there 
were  some  words  inserted  that  seemed  to  favour  the  Ca- 
tholic religion;  which  alone  frustrated  the  act  of  Lord 
Stafford's  re-establishment,  upon  which  all  had  other- 
wise agreed  with  respect  to  the  main  point.  In  the  last 
bill  which  the  House  of  Commons  brought  in  for  the  pre- 
servation of  the  King's  person,  it  was  expressly  stated  that 
the  ministers  should  be  permitted  to  preach,  and  others  to 
speak  against  Popery.  The  Queen  has  shown  a  great  deal 
of  animosity  and  resentment  thereat,  and  the  King  of  Eng- 
land had  rather  that  act  should  not  pass,  though  it  included 
many  other  things  very  advantageous  to  his  government. 
It  was  just  this  point,  as  far  as  I  may  judge  thereof,  which 
caused  the  separation  of  Parliament. 

I  make  these  remarks  that  your  Majesty  may  observe 
that  the  King  of  England  was  neither  in  a  condition,  nor 
had  he  it  in  his  power  to  establish  the  free  exercise  of  the 
Catholic  religion.  He  could  not  have  attempted  it  without 
exposing  himself  not  only  to  a  refusal,  but  to  something 
worse,  that  is,  it  might  have  prevented  Parliament  from 
granting  him  the  supplies  of  money.  Meanwhile  the  King 
of  England  does,  I  think,  every  thing  in  his  power,  in  be- 
half of  the  Catholics,  as  he  bestows  upon  them  the  princi- 
pal military  offices,  and  confers  the  subaltern  employments 
on  all  othei'S  indiscriminately.  It  is  difficult  to  describe 
how  much  fault  was  found  here  with  my  Lord  Dumbar- 
ton's having  been  made  general  of  all  the  troops  in  Scot- 
land, and  Mr.  Talbot's  having  received  the  direction  over 
all  those  in  Ireland.  It  is  perceived  that  insensibly  the 
Catholics  will  be  armed ;  it  is  a  very  different  situation 
from  that  oppression  which  they  were  imder;  and  produ- 


APPENDIX.  cxlv 

v;es  among  the  zealous  Protestants  great  mortification, 
rhey  perceive  that  the  King  of  Enghmd  will  do  the  re- 
mainder when  he  shall  have  it  in  his  power.  The  levy  of 
the  troops  which  will  soon  be  completed,  evinces  that  the 
King  of  England  wants  to  be  in  a  condition  to  make  him- ' 
self  obeyed,  and  not  to  be  restrained  by  the  laws  which  are 
adverse  to  what  he  intends  to  establish.  All  these  views 
do  not  agree  with  connexions  opposed  to  }our  Majesty's 
concerns. 

I  know  well  what  they  say  in  foreign  countries,  and  that 
the  report  there  is  very  general,  that  the  King  of  England 
and  Prince  of  Orange  are  secretly  reconciled.  I  apply  my- 
self as  much  as  I  am  bound,  to  penetrate  what  is  going  on 
in  this  respect.  But  I  have  discovered  nothing  that  goes 
further  than  what  the  King  of  England  is  obliged  to  do  in 
order  not  openly  to  force  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  side 
with  his  enemies,  which  would  not  be  prudent  in  him  to 
provoke  at  the  present  conjuncture.  It  was  a  matter  of 
course  to  withdraw  from  Holland  the  troops,  composed  of 
subjects  of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  in  order  to  obtain  prompt 
assistance. 

M.  Avaux  sent  me  word,  by  his  last  letter,  that  he  had 
been  informed  that  Skelton  has  asked  Mr.  Fuches  for 
troops  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg.  I  investigated  this 
report,  which  has  no  foundation  at  all.  It  is,  no  doubt,  an 
artifice  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  to  make  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg  believe  that  he  had  induced  the  King  of  Eng- 
land to  have  recourse  to  him. 

Nor  do  I  think  there  is  any  more  foundation  for  what  is 
pretended  to  have  been  said  at  the  Hague,  about  the  King 
of  England's  dissatisfaction  with  France,  and  which  is  to 
break  forth  in  due  time.    Should  that  be  the  case,  it  would 


cxlvi  APPENDIX. 

not  be  confided  to  a  clerk  of  my  Lord  Middleton  s.  There 
is  not  a  shadow  of  truth  in  it;  and  at  the  time  when  it 
ivas  said,  the  King  of  England  did  not  know  that  the  pay- 
ments  would  be  stopped  and  was  fully  satisfied  with  your 
Majesty. 

Nor  is  it  more  likely  that  Bentem  is  so  bold  as  to  speak 
to  the  King  of  England  upon  the  Catholic  religion.  Your 
Majesty  may  judge  whether  that  Prince  will  suffer  him- 
self to  be  staggered  upon  this  matter,  and  whether  any  one 
will  be  bold  enough  to  propose  to  him  to  change  his  religion 
without  incurring  his  utmost  displeasure.  The  ground 
for  Bentem's  mission  was,  in  all  likelihood,  to  obtain  per- 
mission for  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  come  hither ;  the  king 
of  England  told  me  he  had  refused  and  would  always  re- 
fuse it.  Your  Majesty  can  obtain  a  sure  knowledge  of 
what  is  taking  place  eveiy  where  ;  my  views  are  confined 
to  what  is  going  on  here.  But  it  seems  that  most  part  of 
the  things  that  are  circulated  in  Holland  are  false,  and  that 
they  argue  there  upon  foundations  entirely  destitute  of 
truth. 

To  confine  myself  to  the  fact  which  is  in  question 
now,  I  shall  keep  myself  ready  to  execute  the  orders  your 
Majesty  may  please  to  give  me,  It  is  sufficient  forme  to 
have  explained  to  your  Majesty,  matters  as  they  appear  to 
me  to  be  in  this  country.  I  must  now  give  your  Majesty 
an  exact  account,  as  far  as  I  shall  be  able  to  do,  of  the  situa- 
tion of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  business,  It  is  not  pre- 
cisely known  how  many  troops  he  has  got ;  they  say  at 
London  20,000  men :  I  think  he  may  have  about  8  or  10,000 ; 
6,000  of  which  are  tolerably  well  armed  ;  the  remainder 
are  not  sufficiently  armed  for  a  battle.  It  is  unquestion? 
abl^  that  till  now  his   forces  were  continually  augmented ; 


APPENDIX.  cxlvii 

arid  it  seems  they  have  not  acted  against  him  with  the 
promptitude  and  vigour  which  were  requisite  to  put  an  end 
to  a  business  that  may  produce  dangerous  consequences, 
but  the  small  number  of  troops  of  his  Britannic  Majesty 
was  not  sufficient  to  attack  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  and 
check  his  first  progress.  It  would  have  been  necessary  to 
strip  London ;  which  would  have  been  very  imprudent, 
for  people's  minds  arc  in  such  a  disposition,  that  the  least 
incident  might  produce  great  disorders  there.  Above  200 
suspicious  persons  were  ordered  to  be  arrested,  among 
v/hom  there  are  several  rich  merchants,  and  other  wealthy 
and  distinguished  people.  This  causes  a  great  alteration 
in  the  public  mind,  and  a  great  interruption  of  commerce* 
The  people  secretly  favour  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  and 
it  would  burst  forth  if  an  opportunity  offered  itself,  which 
would  permit  them  to  declare  themselves  without  great  pe- 
ril. The  King  of  England  knows  these  things  well,  and  is 
firmly  resoh'ed  not  to  leave  London  on  any  account. 

A  report  has  been  in  circulation  within  a  few  days,  that 
my  Lord  Delamere  had  gone  to  Cheshire,  (it  is  contigu- 
ous to  Wales)  and  had  begun  to  assemble  troops  there  in 
behalf  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.  It  was  also  said,  upon 
my  Lord  Grey  of  Stamford's,  no  longer  appearing,  that  he 
had  gone  to  do  the  like  in  the  North.  I  do  not  yet  see  any 
sure  foundation  for  those  reports  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  if 
there  was  any  stirring  in  any  part  of  England,  the  Duke 
of  Monmouth's  affair  would  become  far  more  dangerous, 
because  it  would  be  necessary  to  divide  the  troops  of  the 
King  of  England ;  for  there  is  no  relying  on  the  militia, 
who  are  rather  disposed  to  favour  the  Duke  of  Monmouth 
than  the  party  of  the  King.  The  news  that  was  received 
yesterday  imports  that  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  after  tak- 


cxlviii  APPENDIX. 

ing  and  plundering  the  town  of  Wells,  went  to  Bridgewa- 
ter  which  he  affects  to  fortify ;  it  is  a  port  where  they  say 
he  may  subsist  comfortably,  having  behind  him  a  very 
abundant  country  and  full  of  the  factious:  It  is  even  said 
that  he  cannot  be  attacked  in  Bridgewater,  but  by  dividing 
the  troops  and  constructing  bridges  of  communication  over 
the  river,  which  is  very  wide  at  that  place.  That  it  re- 
quires time  and  more  regular  troops  than  my  Lard  Fe- 
\'ersham  has  under  his  command.  The  three  Scotch  regi- 
ments passed  through  London  to  go  and  join  him.  Mr. 
Lasnis  will  in  a  few  days  have  a  regiment  of  600  horse 
ready  to  march.  The  three  English  regiments  are  in  the 
river,  and  will  likewise  join  the  army.  All  these  will 
make  together  7000  men  in  twelve  or  fourteen  days. 

Till  now  my  Lord  Feversham  was  unable  to  undertake 
any  thing  rigorous  against  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.  The 
loss  of  the  Royalists  in  the  fight  near  Philip's- Norton,  was 
greater  than  it  was  reported.  About  a  hundred  men 
were  killed  and  wounded,  in  the  quarter  where  the  Duke 
of  Grafton  advanced.  It  is  certain  that  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth subsists  with  facility,  and  that  the  people  furnish 
him  with  provisions  more  willingly  than  the  troops  of  hi? 
Britannic  Majesty. 

The  Earl  of  Argyle  has  been  executed  at  Edinburgh, 
and  left  an  ample  written  confession,  in  which  he  disco- 
vers all  those  who  supplied  him  with  money,  and  counte- 
nanced his  designs  :  this  confession  rescued  him  from  the 
rack.  The  Chevalier  Cochran  und  his  son  who  were  the 
chief  accomplices  of  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  have  been  arrest- 
ed in  a  house  where  they  had  taken  refuge.  There  are 
still  many  people  in  London  who  do  not  believe  that  my 
f lOrd  Arg\le  has  been  taken. 

I  am,  with  the  profound  respect  I  owe,  ?<c 


APPENDIX.  cxlix 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Versailles,  July  26th,  1685. 

M.  Barillon,  I  received  your  letters  of  the  16th  and 
19th  of  this  month,  and  saw  with  great  joy,  by  the  latter, 
that  the  rebellion  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  had  the  same 
end  as  the  Earl  of  Argyles,  as  I  foretold  it  to  you  in  all 
the  letters  I  \vrote  to  you  on  this  subject.  You  will  ex- 
press to  the  King  of  England  the  share  I  take  in  the  satis- 
faction he  feels  to  have  entirely  dispersed  by  his  own  for- 
ces all  that  could  disturb  his  reign,  and  at  the  same  time 
restored  his  revenues  and  authority  to  a  more  prosperous 
state  than  any  of  his  predecessors  could  carr)^  them.  I 
also  hope  that  there  is  nobody  in  his  kingdom  who  will  be 
bold  enough  to  rise  against  him,  and  that  he  will  enjoy  as 
long  as  I  wish  it,  the  full  repose  he  has  acquired.  Nay,  I 
shall  forthwith  send  Marshal  Humiers  to  reside  near  that 
Prince,  to  let  him  know  more  peculiarly  what  my  senti- 
ments are  upon  this  event,  and  you  may  meanwhile  speak 
to  him  about  it  conformable  to  what  I  write  to  you. 

As  all  the  remainder  of  your  first  letter  contains  nothing 
which  does  not  tend  to  oblige  me  to  furnish  the  King  with 
supplies  of  money,  I  should  hope  that  the  good  condition 
wherein  his  affairs  now  stand,  it  would  be  superfluous  to 
let  you  know  my  sentiments  hereupon.  But  as  I  see  by 
your  letter  that  you  still  insist  on  my  leaving  you  a  fund 
for  the  necessity  which  may  unexpectedly  befal  the  court 
where  you  reside,  I  cannot  forbear  telling  you,  that  I  was 
extremely  surprised  to  see  that  after  having  instructed  you 
by  several  dispatches  of  mine,  you  did  not  entirely  unde- 
ceive the  Ministers  of  the  court  where  you  reside,  if  any 
hope  which  they  conceived  with  so  little  reason  that,  at  a 


cl  APPENDIX. 

time  when  the  King  their  master  enjoys  a  larger  revenue 
than  any  of  his  predecessors,  I  should  yet  exhaust  my  trea- 
sure, and  unnecessarily  sacrifice  the  fund,  of  which  I  had 
only  deprived  myself,  to  give  the  said  King  more  extra- 
ordinary  proofs  of  my  friendship,  in  case  the  bad  situation 
of  his  affairs  had  obliged  him  to  have  recourse  to  it.  They 
are,  by  the  grace  of  God,  now  in  that  state  which  he  could 
most  Mash,  and  therefore  I  cannot  believe  that  henceforth 
the  same  solicitations  will  be  renewed.  But  if,  contrary 
to  my  opinion,  similar  requisitions  should  be  made  to  you, 
you  may  plainly  declare  that  I  have  spared  nothing  to  give 
you  the  means  of  assisting  the  King  of  England,  when  I 
had  ground  for  apprehending  that  the  Catholic  religion 
which  he  professes  might  aiford  the  factious  a  pretext  for 
exciting  great  disturbances  in  his  kingdom  and  for  prevent- 
ing him  from  enjoying  the  revenues  which  ceased  on  the 
decease  of  the  late  King  :  but  that  after  so  much  satisfac- 
tion as  his  Parliament  gave  him,  the  entire  defeat  of  his  e- 
nemies,  or  rather  of  his  revolted  subjects,  and  the  restora- 
tion of  his  authority  to  such  a  high  degree,  I  reasonably 
believed,  that  he  could  not  want  any  assistance  of  mine, 
and  that  I  could  employ  in  other  services  which  I  have  to 
support,  the  fund  which  I  had  designed  for  him,  without 
his  being  less  persuaded  of  the  sincerity  of  my  friendship ; 
that  if,  nevertheless,  against  all  appearances,  and  through 
some  accident  which  I  cannot  foresee,  he  should  happen 
to  be  in  urgent  want  of  my  assistance,  he  ought  not  to 
doubt  but  he  will  always  find  me  as  much  disposed  as  I 
have  shown  him  that  I  have  been,  to  give  him  effective 
proofs  of  the  share  I  take  in  every  thing  that  concerns  him. 
You  must  confine  yourself  to  this  expression,  which 
ought  to  put  a  stop  to  demands  of  money  t4iat  are  so  much 


APPENDIX.  tji 

the  less  warrantable  In  the  present  juncture,  as  the  court 
where  you  reside  knows  well  that  the  agreement  you  made 
with  the  late  King  of  England  expired  before  his  decease, 
and  though  I  have  sufficient  reason  for  believing  that,  had 
he  lived  longer,  he  would  have  been  contented  with  the 
subsidies  I  caused  to  be  paid  until  the  end  of  last  year, 
without  claiming  any  more,  I  have  nevertheless  not  hesi- 
tated to  direct  you  to  pay  500,000  livres,  which  in  the 
court  where  you  reside  are  looked  upon  as  a  balance  of 
subsidy,  when  I  had  reason  to  think  that  the  King  of  Eng- 
land wanted  them.  In  short,  you  must  perceive  that  my 
intention  is  that  you  should  not  leave  the  court  where  you 
reside  the.  least  hope  to  draw  from  you  the  fund  which  is 
in  your  hands,  and  that  on  the  contrary  you  ought  forth- 
with to  place  it  in  the  hands  of  the  bankers,  ii-  order  that 
it  may  be  conveyed  back  into  my  kingdom,  by  every  oppor- 
tunity that  may  offer  itself. 

I  hope  the  King  will  be  sufficiently  impressed  with  grate- 
fulness to  Divine  Providence  for  the  happy  successes  he  has 
just  experienced,  by  the  re-establishment  in  his  kingdom  of 
the  exercise  of  the  true  religion  which  we  profess  ;  and  you 
ought  likewise  to  aid  these  good  dispositions  with  gentle- 
ness and  skill  on  all  occasions  that  may  present  themselves. 

THE  KIXG  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Versailles,  August,  1685. 

M.  Barillon,  I  received  }our  letters  of  the  23d  and  26tli 
July,  which  merely  inform  me  of  what  occurred  during  the 
execution  of  the  Duke  of  INIonmouth,  and  as  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that  this  example  will  henceforth  keep  all  the  sub- 
jects of  the  King  of  Great  I'ritain  in  obedience,  and,  should 
'^ven  the  number  of  the  disaffected  not  be  diminished,  that 


clii  APPENDIX. 

none  will  be  found  daring  enough  to  become  their  leader 
and  to  rise  against  the  King's  authority,  it  will  be  easy  for 
the  King  of  England,  and  as  useful  to  the  security  of  his 
reign  as  to  the  repose  of  his  conscience,  to  restore  the  exer- 
cise of  the  Catholic  religion,  which  will  peculiarly  engage 
all  those  who  profess  it  in  his  kingdom,  to  serve  him  far 
more  faithfully,  and  with  far  more  submission,  than  any 
other  of  his  subjects  ;  whereas  if  he  suffers  so  favourable  a 
conjuncture  as  the  present  to  escape,  he  will,  perhaps,  never 
find  so  fav^ourable  a  disposition  on  all  sides  either  to  concur 
in  his  designs  or  to  enable  him  to  accomplish  them.  You 
ought,  nevertheless,  to  content  yourself  with  aiding  the  in- 
clination he  may  have  to  it,  without  too  much  pressing, 
which  might  rather  retard  than  advance  that  resolution. 

Observe  well,  meanwhile,  what  measures  he  takes  with 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  if  there  is  not  any  treaty  for  a 
new  alliance  negotiating  between  the  King  and  the  States' 
General  of  the  United  Provinces. 

I  also  hear  from  several  quarters,  that  the  Spaniards  rely 
itiuch  upon  the  inclination  which  that  Prince  shows  to  fa- 
vour their  interests,  and  you  ought  to  pay  a  great  deal  of 
attention  to  the  manner  in  which  he  treats  the  Spanish  Am- 
bassador ;  whether  this  latter  has  more  frequent  conversa- 
tions either  with  the  King  or  his  Ministers,  and  whether 
there  is  any  likelihood  of  renewing  the  treaty  between 
Spain  and  England. 

Endeavour  likewise  to  obtain  very  exact  information  oi 
the  number  of  troops  and  ships  that  Prince  means  to  keep, 
and  of  their  destination.  In  short,  you  ought  in  this  con- 
juncture, to  redouble  your  attention  on  eveiy  matter  that 
occurs  in  the  country  where  you  reside,  and  to  give  me  by 
all  your  letters  an  exact  accoimt  thereof. 


APPENDIX.  liil 

IIIR  KTXG  TO  M.  BARHLLOX 

Versailles,  August  24lh,  1685. 

M.  Barillon,  your  letters  of  the  13th  and  16th  of  this 
month,  inform  me  of  the  resoKition  the  King  of  England 
has  taken  to  renew  with  the  States'  Cieneral  the  treaties  of 
alliance  which  they  had  with  the  late  King  his  brother,  and 
of  all  he  told  you  upon  this  subject.  I  have  been  so  much 
the  more  surprised  at  the  conclusion  of  this  business  as  it 
did  not  appear  to  me  by  any  letter  of  yours,  that  }'Ou  re- 
ceived any  communication  thereof ;  and  I  have  reason  not 
to  look  upon  it  as  a  mere  formality  as  the  ministers  of  the 
court  where  you  reside  endeavour  to  persuade  you.  I  think 
on  the  contrary,  that  it  lays  the  foundation  of  a  league 
-^vhich  may  encourage  those  who  cannot  endure  the  repose 
that  Europe  now  enjoys  ;  that  the  States'  General  who  in- 
tended to  remain  perfectly  neutral,  or  rather  the  Prince  of 
Orange  and  Pensionary  Fagel,  talk  at  present  of  renewing 
an  alliance  with  the  Emperor,  with  the  Kings  of  Spain  and 
Sweden ;  that  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  is  on  the  point 
of  concluding  a  treaty  with  them,  and  that  the  disposition 
^vhich  the  King  of  England  displays  to  renew  the  treaties 
entered  into  by  the  late  King  his  brother,  not  only  with  the 
States'  General  but  also  with  Spain,  causes  the  Ministers  of 
this  Crown  to  believe  that  that  Prince  is  already  entirely 
for  them.  The  reports  which  they  spread  thereof,  are  so 
much  the  more  credited,  as  it  is  known  that  the  late  King 
of  England  had  entered  upon  those  engagements  only  pend- 
ing the  misunderstanding  that  subsisted  between  me  and 
him ;  and  that  as  soon  as  friendship  had  been  restored  by 
the  verbal  agreement  which  you  entered  upon  by  my  or- 
derfe,  he  presently  showed  that  he  no  longer  thought  hinx- 

u 


cliv  APPENDIX. 

self  bound  by  those  treaties,  and  that  he  was  veiy  far  from 
wishing  to  renew  them.  Therefore  I  do  not  comprehend 
from  what  motive  the  King  of  England  should  be  in  such 
haste  to  involve  himself  in  similar  embarrassments,  espe- 
cially at  a  time  when  he  sees  that  all  my  designs  tend  to 
preserve  peace,  and  that  it  can  only  be  disturbed  by  such 
overtures  for  a  league,  which  cannot  in  any  manner  what- 
ever suit  his  interests.  You  may  even  yet  speak  thereof 
in  this  sense,  as  there  is  less  inconveniency  in  showing  that 
I  cannot  be  pleased  with  that  resolution,  than  in  confirming 
it  by  a  kind  of  acquiescence  on  my  side ;  and  perhaps  when 
the  King  of  England  perceives  that  thereby  he  gives  mc 
just  ground  for  being  discontented,  he  will  either  no  longer 
be  in  a  hurry  to  bring  this  treaty  to  a  complete  ratification, 
or  he  will  trammel  it  with  so  many  modifications  and  quali- 
fications that,  in  fact,  it  will  be  impossible  not  to  look  upon 
it  as  a  bare  formality.  But  if  he  actually  desires  to  pre- 
serve my  friendship,  he  will  enter  upon  no  other  engage- 
ment that  maybe  either  directly  or  indirectly  contrary  to  it. 

I  am  also  told  that  the  English  Parliament  have  laid  new 
and  heavy  duties  upon  foreign  goods  and  commodities 
imported  into  that  kingdom.  You  should  not  neglect  to 
let  me  know  as  soon  as  possible,  if  those  duties  are  gene- 
ral, or  if  they  solely  concern  the  goods  and  provisions  which 
from  my  kingdom  are  carried  to  England,  and  to  what 
they  amount. 

Continue  to  give  me  as  exact  information  as  you  can  of 
every  thing  that  occurs  in  the  place  where  you  reside. 

I  am  surprised  that  you  do  not  mention  in  your  letters  the 
Earl  of  Sunderland,  though  there  are  several  reports  here 
of  his  removal  to  Ireland  as  a  viceroy.  Tell  me  what  is 
the  matter  concerning  him.     Keep   your  remaining  funds 


APPENDIX.  civ 

m  yoar  hands,  without  remitting  any  portion  thereof  to  the 
baniiers  until  I  give  you  new  orders. 

TIIK  KING   ro  M.  BAlilLLON. 

Versailles,  Augtist  30th,  1683. 

M.  Barillon,  though  your  letters  of  the  20th  and  23d, 
of  this  month  do  not  yet  explain  to  me  the  negotiation 
which  is  going  on  between  the  commissioners  of  the  King 
of  England  and  the  Ambassadors  of  the  States'  General  but 
as  a  preparatory  disposition  to  renew  the  treaty,  yet  the  last 
letters  of  M.  Avaux  of  the  24th,  assure  me  that  those  of  the 
said  Ambassadors  which  had  just  arrived  from  England 
at  the  Hague,  import  that  they  had  just  concluded  the  act 
of  rencAval  of  the  said  treaties  ;  and  the  declaration  which 
the  Earl  of  Sunderland  made  to  you,  that  they  would  be 
sure  not  to  insert  any  thing  in  the  treaty  which  might  en- 
gage the  King  of  England  contrary  to  the  obligations  of  the 
late  King  his  brother  with  you,  is  of  so  much  less  moment 
as  it  is  well  known,  that  the  deceased  King  had  only  con- 
ti'acted  those  obligations  at  a  time  when  he  was  not  on 
good  terms  with  me,  and  that  since  our  friendship  was 
restored,  he  put  only  such  constructions  thereupon  as  1 
could  desire.  Whereas  the  King  of  England  now  reigning 
spontaneously  renewing  them,  and  at  a  time  when  nothing, 
compelled  him  to  it,  intends  to  execute  them  literally,  and 
will  afford  means  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  form  thereby 
a  league  capable  of  disturbing  the  repose  of  Europe.  How- 
ever, it  is  no  longer  time  to  remonstrate  upon  this  subject, 
and  you  ought  only  do  it  to  prevent  the  renewal  of  a  trea- 
t}'  with  Spain  or  with  any  other  Prince  or  State  whatever. 

Marshal  Cregin  is  how  near  me,  and  whatever  report 
mav  circulate  at  the  Court  where  von  reside  about  mv  de- 


civi  APPENDIX. 

signs,  you  can  assure  the  King  of  England  that  they  onlv 
tend  to  strengthen  that  repose  which  the  last  treaties  have 
restored  all  over  Europe. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON 

Cluirtres,  Soplembcr  4th,  1685. 

However  as  by  one  passage  of  your  letter  you  give  me 
to  understand  that  it  will  be  in  nny  power  to  renew  witli 
that  Prince  the  same  connexions  I  had  with  the  late  King 
his  brother,  and  to  render  them  still  more  firm  and  stable. 
I  dispatch  this  courier  to  you,  in  order  to  give  you  an 
early  w^arning  that  you  ought  to  be  sure  n(5l  to  engage  in 
any  negotiation  on  this  subject ;  and  that  as  I  sufficiently 
gave  you  to  understand  by  all  my  dispatches  and  now  gi\-c 
you  by  this,  that  I  have  no  other  design  than  to  maintain 
the  peace  which  all  Europe  now  enjoys  ;  I  have  also  ground 
for  believing  that  in  the  prosperous  condition  wherein  ] 
have  put  all  the  concerns  of  my  kingdom,  not  only  the  King 
of  England,  by  the  interest  he  likewise  has  in  the  preser- 
vation of  public  tranquillity,  but  also  all  the  other  Princes 
atid  states  in  Europe,  will  be  glad  that  it  is  not  distubed, 
and  that  nobody  will  be  daring  enough  to  renew,  against 
my  will,  a  war  that  would  only  turn  to  his  damage.  There- 
fore it  is  not  necessary  to  form  for  this  purpose  new  con- 
nexions with  England,  which  are  never  concluded  but  at 
my  expense,  nay,  by  subsidies  capable  of  seriously  injuring 
the  affairs  of  my  kingdom  ;  and  as  often  as  similar  propo- 
sals shall  be  made  to  you,  you  ought  only  to  answer  that 
I  am  sufficiently  persuaded  of  the  friendship  of  the  King 
of  England,  and  that  he  has  reason  enough  to  rely  secureiy 
upon  mine,  not  to  have  ossasion  for  assurances  us  thereoi 
bv  anv  treaty. 


APPENDIX.  clvii 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Chamford,  September  16th,  1685. 

iVI.  Barillon,  the  account  you  give  me  by  your  lettei-  of 
i\e  3d,  of  the  conversation  you  had  with  the  King  of  Eng- 
land concerning  the  treaty  he  renewed  with  the  States  Ge- 
neral, does  not  oblige  me  tu  give  you  any  other  orders  bat 
those  you  received  by  my  preceding  dispatches  ;  that  is,  not 
to  show  any  more  dissatisfaction  at  what  has  occurred,  but 
as  skilfully  as  you  can,  to  profit  by  the  embarrassment  under 
which  they  have  placed  you  by  their  having  concluded  that 
business  with  too  much  precipitation,  in  order  to  prevent 
them  from  forming  any  other  treaties  with  Spain,  or  with 
any  other  power. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  the  King  of  England  has  disco- 
vered the  new  conspiracy  which  was  forming  against  him^ 
and  it  seems  to  me  that  it  should  serve  to  give  him  to  un- 
derstand, that  new  and  similar  ones  might  be  formed  if  the 
apprehension  of  his  connexions  with  me  did  not  restrain 
those  who  without  that  consideration,  would  be  much  more 
daring  to  undertake  them. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  :M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

Windsor,    September  10th;  168J. 

The  King  of  England  read  to  me  from  the  original,  thc 
deposition  of  Mr.  Mathieu  equerry  to  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth. It  states  that  he  heard  from  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth, that  Baron  Freize  had  spoken  to  him  at  the  Hague 
on  the  part  of  the  French  Protestants,  and  communicated  to 
him  their  project,  which  was  to  take  up  arms  in  the  begin- 
ning of  this  summer,  and  to  revolt  in  several  parts  of 
France,  that  they  offered  to  rccej\-t;  the  Duke  of  Mon- 


clvlii  APPENDIX. 

mouth  at  their  head  ;  that  this  design  was  communicated 
to  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  the  Princess  of  the  house 
of  Brunswick,  and  the  Prince  of  Orange,  who  all  approved 
it;  that  this  Baron  of  Freize  had  made  several  journeys  in- 
to France  to  concert  with  the  Protestants  in  the  severed 
provinces.  This  is  all  that  the  declaration  rontains,  without 
specifying  any  particulars  with  respect  to  places  and  per- 
sons with  whom  this  Baron  of  Freize  treated.  He  is  a 
German  and  was  formerly  at  the  court  of  Saxony,  which 
he  left  in  consequence  of  a  quarrel  with  the  favourite  of 
the  Elector  of  Saxony. 

I  besought  the  King  of  England  to  tell  me  whether  he 
did  not  know  any  thing  farther  upon  this  matter ;  his  answer 
was,  that  he  only  knew  what  was  stated  in  the  declaration, 
and  would  conceal  nothing  from  ine,  upon  such  an  impor- 
tant matter,  if  he  had  the  least  knowledge  of  it ;  that  I  might 
assure  your  Majesty  that  nothing  was  dearer  to  him  than 
your  interests  and  he  should  lose  no  opportunity  to  give 
you  marks  of  his  friendship.  I  entreated  him  to  press 
once  more  the  other  confidants  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth 
and  Earl  of  Argyle,  to  discover  something  more  particular 
than  what  was  imparted  to  me.  His  Britannic  Majesty 
promised  to  do  so. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Chambord,  September,  20th,  1685. 

M.    Barrillon,  I  received  your  letters  of  the   6th  and 
10th  of  this  month,  Avhich  shew  me  that  the  court  whert 
you  reside,  has  not  hitherto  shown  any  disposition  to  con 
elude  a  treaty  with  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  nor  to  re  - 
ncAv  tKe  Spanish  one; 


APPENDIX.  clix 

You  ought  to  keep  all  things  in  this  situation,  and  persuade, 
as  much  as  you  can,  the  court  where  you  reside  to  keep 
tree  from  all  sorts  of  engagements  which  would  alter  the 
good  understanding  that  I  desire  to  maintain  with  the  King 
of  England ;  but  it  is  also  requisite  to  avoid  any  propo- 
sals for  a  closer  connexion  with  me,  which  would  be  so 
much  the  more  useless,  as  the  desire  I  have  to  maintain 
the  peace,  perfectly  agrees  with  the  King's  sentiments  ;  it  is 
very  likely  that,  our  interests  and  intentions  being  so  con- 
sentaneous, nothing  will  be  capable  of  altering  this  good 
union,  and  that  of  itself  it  will  be  better  kept  up  than  by  all 
the  treaties  that  could  be  concluded. 

The  King  of  England  is  right  when  he  says  that  it  is 
neither  mine  nor  his  interest,  that  the  commerce  of  the  In- 
dies should  be  disturbed,  nor  will  that  happen  with  my  con- 
sent, as  long  as  the  Spaniards  do  not  attempt  to  introduce 
new  arrangements  in  opposition  to  what  the  treaties  of 
peace  and  tiaice  impoi't. 

What  you  write  to  me  about  the  deposition  of  a  certain 
Mathieu  is  too  general  and  vao;ue  to  discover  b)-  this  means 
who  might  be  the  chief  and  the  accomplices  of  the  com- 
motions which  were  contemplated  to  be  excited  in  my 
kingdom,  under  a  pretence  of  the  would-be  refonned  re- 
ligion. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  the  King  of  England  daily  extin- 
guishes the  remains  of  the  rebellion,  and  I  hope  neither  my 
Lord  Macclesfield,  nor  any  other  will  be  bold  enough  to 
undertake  any  thing  against  his  authority. 

I  receive  at  this  very  moment  a  letter  of  tlie  4th  which 
infoi-ms  me  that  you  had  already  conducted  }  ourself  be- 
fore hand  according  to  the  orders  I  gave  you  by  my  dis- 
patch of  the  4th,  and  that  you  remained  still  more  reserved 


cr?£  APPENDIX. 

upon  the  overtures  that  might  be  made  to  you  about  new 
connexions. 

I  have  nothing  to  tell  you  upon  the  choice  the  King  of 
England  has  made,  of  Mr.  Trumbal,  to  supply  the  place  of 
Mr.  Preston  ;  but  it  appears  to  me  that  the  capacity  of  an 
English  civilian  is  not  the  most  suitable  to  keep  up  the  good 
understanding  between  me  and  the  King  of  England,  and 
that  it  often  only  serves  to  create  difficulties  where  there 
ought  to  be  none. 

As  to  the  request  which  is  made  to  you  by  the  King  of 
England,  for  the  reimbursement  of  some  rents  upon  the 
Guild-Hall,  in  which  he  is  concerned,  I  shall  cause  Mr. 
Coui*tin  to  lay  before  me  the  requisite  information  about 
this  business,  and  shall  then  let  you  know  my  determination. 

\BSTIIACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

Windsor,  September  17th,  1685. 

The  Prince  of  Mourbach  is  here  from  the  Elector  of  Co- 
logne ;  he  told  me  he  was  ordered  to  conduct  himself  in 
eveiy  thing  as  I  should  tell  him.  He  gave  me  an  account 
(jf  a  conversation  he  had  with  the  Count  of  Toun,  in  which 
that  Minister  explained  himself  upon  the  favourable  dispo- 
sitions which  he  thinks  the  King  of  England  entertains  to- 
ward the  house  of  Austria  ;  and  that  there  was  groimd  for 
hoping  that  all  would  re-unite  to  prevent  the  immense  great- 
ness of  France  from  farther  augmenting ;  that  the  King  of 
England  knew  well  how  necessary  it  was  to  establish  a  firm 
and  lasting  peace,  and  more  equitable  than  the  truce  in 
^vhich  France  gave  the  law,  and  found  every  kind  of  facilit) 
to  maintain  herself  in  her  usurpations.  The  Count  of  Toun 
appeared  to  be  full  of  hopes  for  the  time  to  come  ;  inad- 
vertently however,  he  said  that  the  King  of  England  had' 


APPENDIX.  clxi 

some  days  ago  expressed  himself  -with  warmth  upon  the 
continuation  of  the  truce  ;  bj^  saying  tliat  if  the  Spaniards 
v/ere  imprudent  enough  to  break  the  truce  and  commence 
war,  he  would  declare  against  them  and  openly  join  France. 
The  Count  of  Toun  seemed  to  be  offended  by  that  decla- 
ration of  the  King  of  England,  which  shows  little  disposi- 
tion on  his  side  to  accede  to  the  projects  of  the  house  of 
Austria. 

I  give  your  Majesty  an  account  of  these  particulai's  be- 
cause they  may  serve  to  show  you  that  the  hopes  these  Ati- 
strian  Ministers  flatter  themselves  with,  are  not  quite  so 
well-grounded  as  they  want  to  have  it  believed. 

The  Dutch  Ambassadors  speak  of  returning  home  im- 
mediately after  the  ratifications  which  are  expected  from 
Holland  shall  have  been  exchanged. 

Mr.  Skilton  wrote  that  M.  Fuches  had  besought  him  to 
write  to  the  King  his  master  to  persuade  him  to  agree  to 
the  treaty  he  made  with  the  states.  It  does  not  appear  that 
there  is  any  disposition  here  to  do  it. 

The  King  of  England  often  holds  conversations  quite 
aloud,  which  shew  how  much  he  thinks  the  Calvinists  Prin- 
ces to  be  opposed  to  his  interests,  and  in  general  hostile 
to  all  royalty,  and  principally  to  a  royalty  in  England. 
These  conversations  held  publicly  much  displease  the 
Dutch  Ambassadors,  who  know  well  that  it  is  concerning 
the  Dutch  people  his  Britannic  Majest}'  means  to  speak. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Fontaincbleau,  October  28tli,  16S5. 
I  hope  that  the  session  of  Parliament  which  is  to  be  con- 
vened on  the  19th  of  November,  will  not  be  less  advanta- 
geous to  the  King  of  England  than  the  preceding,  and 


dxii  APPENDIX. 

there  is  ground  for  believing  that  if  he  was  not  well  per- 
suaded hereof,  he  would  be  sure  not  so  often  to  assemble 
a  body  of  nien  who  share  with  him  the  sovereign  authori- 
ty. I  shall  not  have  any  other  order  to  give  you  on  this 
subject,  but  to  observe  exactly  what  will  occur  there,  and  to 
give  me  an  account  thereof. 


—  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Fontainebleau,  November  1st.  1685. 

I  showed  the  King,  sir,  the  letter  which  you  took  the 
trouble  to  write  to  me,  by  which  you  tell  me  that  since  the 
decease  of  the  late  King,  you  paid  to  the  King  now  reign- 
ing, the  sum  of  800,000  livres,  and  that  there  remains  in 
your  hands  only  the  sum  of  480,000  livres,  of  which  you 
ought  to  retain  on  one  side  200,000  livres,  and  62,000 
livres  on  the  other ;  but  as  his  Majesty  believes  that  the 
power  he  gave  you  by  his  dispatches,  was  always  confined 
to  the  sole  payment  of  the  subsidies  which  you  had  ver- 
bally promised  in  his  name  tq  the  late  King,  and  of  which 
at  his  decease,  only  470,000  livres  were  due,  he  command- 
ed me  to  signify,  that  if  in  all  his  dispatches,  there  was 
any  which  permitted  you  to  advance  these  330,000  livres 
besides,  and  as  among  all  those  I  have  here,  I  find  none  of 
that  description,  I  entreat  you,  sir,  to  inform  me  more  par- 
ticularly hereupon ;  nay,  to  send  me  the  abstract  of  his 
Majesty's  dispatch  which  gives  you  this  power. 

I  am,  sir,  8cc. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING 

London,  October  29Ui,  1685 

He  (the  King  of  England)  led  me  yesterday  morning 
into  his  closet,  and  told  me  that  he  had  several  things  to 


APPENDIX.  clxiii 

tell  me  to  be  made  known  to  your  Majesty ;  as  he  would 
not  that  any  thing  of  importance  and  consequence  which  he 
knew  should  not  be  communicated  to  you ;  that  the  first  was 
the  resolution  he  had  taken  not  to  suffer  any  longer  my 
LiOrd  Halifax  to  remain  in  the  ministry',  and  that  he  would 
take  from  him  his  place  of  President  of  the  Council ;  that 
I  knew  that  from  the  time  of  the  late  King  his  brother,  he 
had  entertained  a  bad  opinion  of  his  sentiments  and  con- 
duct, and  had  not  thought  him  sufficiently  attached  to  roy- 
alty ;  that  since  his  accession  to  the  crown,  he  had  at- 
tempted to  inspire  him  with  better  sentiments,  and  to 
oblige  him  to  hold  forth  maxims  conformiible  to  those 
which  the  minister  of  a  King^  na^,  every  good  subject 
ought  to  have  ;  that  he  had  seen  that  the  radical  disposi- 
tion of  my  Lord  Halifax  could  not  be  changed,  and  that 
therefore  his  resolution  was  taken  no  longer  to  employ 
him  ;  that  they  had  intended  to  dissuade  him  from  adopt- 
ing such  a  daring  measure  before  Parliament  met ;  that  he 
was  told  he  ought  to  employ  my  Lord  Halifax  in  that  as- 
sembly the  more  easily  to  obtain  those  things  he  desired  ; 
but  that  it  was  for  this  very  reason  he  would  turn  him  out 
of  his  council ;  that  his  example  would  spoil  many  per- 
sons, and  strengthen  the  party  of  those  disposed  to  resist 
him  ;  that  he  knew  the  inconveniences  of  a  divided  coun- 
cil, and  of  suffering  his  ministers  to  harbour  sentiments  op- 
posed to  his  own ;  that  the  late  King  his  brother  suffered 
much  thereby  ;  and  that  he  would  pursue  a  different  con- 
duct. He  added,  that  his  design  was  to  have  the  test  and 
habeas  corpus  acts  repealed  by  Parliament ;  one  of  which 
was  the  destruction  of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  the  other 
of  royal  authority  ;  that  he  hoped  to  bring  it  about ;  that 
my  Lord  Halifax  would  not  have  been  courageous  and 


cixiv  APPENDIX. 

firm  enough  to  support  the  good  party,  and  that  he  would 
cause  less  evil  having  no  longer  any  share  in  public  affairs 
and  being  disgraced. 

His  Britannic  Majesty  spoke  to  me  farther  of  another 
resolution  which  is  to  appear  before  Parliament  meet,  it  is 
to  send  an  extraordinary  Ambassador  to  Rome,  deeming 
that,  being  a  Catholic,  his  dig-nity  requires  he  should  do 
what  Kings  use  to  do  with  respect  to  the  Holy  See. 

I  thanked  the  King  of  England  for  all  he  had  done  mc 
the  honour  to  communicate  to  me ;  I  told  him,  I  would 
render  an  account  thereof  to  your  Majesty,  and  was  bold 
enough  to  wui  rant  him  beforehand  that  your  Majesty  would 
entirely  approve  of  his  resolutions,  and  feel  great  joy  to  see 
him  in  a  condition  to  undertake  measures  so  important  for 
the  advantage  of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  the  strengthen- 
ing of  his  authority.  His  Britannic  Majesty  told  me 
laughing,  "  I  do  not  think  the  King  your  master  will  be 
"  sorry  that  I  remove  my  Lord  Halifax  from  my  councils. 
*•'  I  know  well,  at  least,  that  the  Ministers  of  the  confede- 
"  rates  will  be  mortified  by  it,  and  that  they  had  a  great 
"'  opinion  of  his  credit." 

I  replied  hereto,  that  in  the  time  of  the  late  King  his 
brother,  I  had  acted  with  his  consent  in  promoting  the  re- 
moval of  my  Lord  Halifax  from  the  Ministry;  but  that 
I  had  not  believed  that  he  possessed  the  least  credit  since 
his  death ;  I  agreed  however  that  his  removal  from  a  con- 
cern in  public  affairs  would  produce  a  good  effect  in  Eng- 
land and  in  foreign  countries,  to  remove  the  opinion  which 
the  Ministers  of  the  House  of  Austria  endeavour  to  esta- 
blish there,  that  a  good  understanding  and  friendship  are 
very  much  diminished  between  your  Majesty  and  him  , 
that  I  even  knew  that  the  Dutch  Ambassadors  two  days 


APPENDIX.  clxv 

ago  had  departed,  well  persuaded  that  my  Lord  Halifax 
was  one  of  the  most  imfluential  Ministers,  and  on  whose 
friendship  the  Prince  of  Orange  could  most  rely.  I  said 
this  to  induce  the  King  of  England  to  speak  of  a  business 
which  concerns  the  Prince  of  Orange's  household,  and  has 
not  yet  blazed  out,  but  will  soon  become  public.  He  did 
not  speak  to  me  thereof,  and  I  did  not  deem  it  my  duty  to 
speak  of  it  first  to  him. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  has  discovered  that  the  Minister 
of  the  Princess  of  Orange,  her  nurse,  and  a  chamber-maid 
whom  she  likes  very  much,  had  an  intercourse  with  Skil- 
ton,  and  informed  him  of  everj'  the  most  secret  matter  that 
came  to  their  knowledge.  The  Prince  of  Orange  got  a 
knowledge  thereof  by  the  means  of  a  letter  which  passed 
through  the  hands  of  Dalonne,  the  Princess  of  Orange's  se- 
cretary. This  business  gave  the  Prince  of  Orange  so 
much  spleen  that  he  turned  out  of  doors  the  Minister, 
nurse,  and  chamber-maid,  and  sent  them  back  to  the 
Hague :  I  do  not  even  know  whether  they  have  not  already 
departed  for  England.  The  King  of  England,  on  his  side,  ap- 
pears to  me  much  exasperated,  and  believes  that  the  Prince 
of  Orange  cleai-ly  evinces  his  ill-wiU  against  him,  being  so 
much  disturbed  that  his  Minister  knows  what  occurs  in 
the  household  of  his  daughter  and  son-in-law. 

I  did  not  press  the  King  of  England  to  tell  me  the  name 
of  the  Ambassador  he  sends  to  Rome,  in  order  to  leave 
him  perfectly  at  his  ease  to  explain  himself  with  me  in  con- 
fidence, without  making  him  believe  that  I  want  to  know 
more  than  he  wishes  to  tell  me  ;  but  I  have  been  informed 
from  another  quarter  that  it  was  the  Earl  of  Castlemaine, 
husband  of  the  Dutchess  of  Cleveland.  I  do  not  doubt  but 
youi-  Majesty  will  indulge  the  same  reflection  which  I  knov/ 


cixvi  APPENDIX. 

has  been  made  here  by  those  who  heard  of  this  choice.  It 
seems  on  the  first  blush  to  be  somewhat  ridiculous  to  send 
a  man  so  little  known  by  himself,  and  so  well  known  to  my 
Lady  Cleveland.  The  King  of  England  did  not  stand 
upon  that,  and  chose  him  because  the  Catholics  place  great 
confidence  in  him  ;  because  he  made  several  journeys  into 
Italy ;  because  he  thinks  him  to  be  a  very  clever  man  and  a 
very  zealous  Catholic,  &c. 

I  am,  &c. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON 

November  6th,  1685. 

He  (the  King  of  England)  is  right  in  believing  that  my 
Lord  Halifax,  having  no  religion,  cannot  be  a  minister  veiy 
faithful  and  much  addicted  to  the  maintenance  of  the  King's 
authority. 

The  King  cannot  employ  his  cares  and  power  in  a  way 
more  useful  to  him  than  by  causing  Parliament  to  repeal 
what  is  called  the  test-act;  which  obliges  his  subjects  to 
take  oaths  so  horrible  and  contrary  to  what  they  owe  to 
God,  nay,  to  royalty.  Nor  is  it,  to  support  him,  less  im- 
portant to  free  him  from  the  embarrassment  in  which  he  is 
thrown  by  that  second  act  which  you  call  habeas  corpus, 
and  I  shall  always  be  overjoyed  to  hear  that  he  has  suc- 
ceeded in  those  two  projects. 

I  had  already  been  told  of  the  removal  of  the  Princess 
of  Orange's  domestics,  and  I  easily  conceived  that  the 
King  of  England  would  not  like  it  being  alleged  against 
them  as  a  crime  that  they  informed  him  by  his  minister  of 
his  daughter's  health  and  other  concerns. 


APPENDIX.  clxvii 

M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING. 

London,  November  5th,  1685. 

Many  various  reflections  arc  indulged  upon  my  Lord 
Halifax's  disgrace.  He  declared  to  his  friends  that  he 
would  not  engage  to  support  the  designs  which  his  Britan- 
nic Majesty  contemplates  for  the  next  session  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  that  he  had  rather  chosen  to  withdraw  from 
court,  than  remain  upon  the  condition  of  openly  declaring 
for  every  thing  that  may  be  undertaken  in  behalf  of  the 
Catholics,  and  to  augment  the  King's  authority.  Many 
people  say  the  King  of  England  had  done  better  insensibly 
to  engage  my  Lord  Halifax  to  second  his  designs  and  em- 
ploy him  to  manage  in  Parliament  what  he  desires  to  obtain 
of  them,  than  to  disgrace  him,  only  because  he  is  not  wil- 
ling to  enter  upon  measures  opposed  to  the  established 
laws,  and  to  every  thing  that  is  deepest  rooted  in  the  hearts 
of  Englishmen.  But  his  Britannic  Majesty  argues  quite 
differently,  and  thinks  nothing  v.-ould  be  more  dangerous 
to  the  well-being  of  his  concenis  than  the  preserving  of  a 
nainister  whose  sentiments  and  principles  are  opposed  to 
his  ovm ;  nay,  that  it  is  to  the  purpose  that  it  should  be 
known  that  the  only  means  to  be  well  at  court  and  to  pre- 
serve his  good  graces,  is,  implicitly  to  follow  his  will,  and  to 
have  such  an  attachment  to  his  interests  as  may  not  be  lia- 
ble to  any  misinterpretation  nor  reserve. 

This  incident  is  also  looked  upon  with  a  good  deal  oi 
attention  by  the  foreign  Ministers ;  those  who  are  the  best 
informed  here,  did  not  think  that  my  Lord  Halifax  had  a 
great  credit;  but  most  of  them  imagined  his  credit  would 
increase  in  proportion  as  the  King  of  England  should  adopt 


clxviii  APPENDIX. 

measures  opposed  to  those  which  the  late  King  his  Brother 
and  he  pursued  till  now. 

My  Lord  Halifax  took  great  care  to  flatter  the  hopes  of 
those  whom  he  knew  to  be  desirous  that  his  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty might  closely  unite  with  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  a 
little  relax  from  too  close  an  alliance  with  your  Majesty. 
They  meant  to  extend  that  hereafter  to  an  entire  separation 
of  your  and  his  concerns.  This  project  was  supported  by 
my  Lord  Halifax,  who  was  well  aware  that  as  long  as  your 
Majesty  and  the  King  his  master  should  keep  up  a  good 
understanding,  he  could  not  have  any  large  share  in  his 
confidence,  but  if  it  happened  to  change,  the  other  Minis- 
ters would  lose  something  of  their  credit,  while  his  must 
increase.  The  Ambassadors  of  Spain  and  Holland  consi- 
dered him  as  their  chief  counsel  for  some  years,  and  con- 
tributed to  strengthen  the  report  spread  in  foreign  countries 
that  my  Lord  Halifax  had  a  large  share  in  the  measures 
which  were  in  agitation.  The  Count  of  Toun's  secretary, 
who  remained  here  in  the  capacity  of  secretary  to  the  Em- 
peror, could  not  forbear  saying  to  several  persons,  that  it 
was  very  strange  that  the  King  of  England  turned  mv 
Lord  Halifax  out  of  his  council,  after  being  under  such 
great  obligations  to  him,  for  having  with  so  much  force 
supported  his  party,  or  rather  his  right  in  Parliament  when 
the  exclusion  bill  was  on  the  carpet. 

This  discourse  was  brought  to  the  King's  ears,  who 
found  fault  with  it.  The  truth  is  that  my  Lord  Halifax,  to 
gain  the  confidence  of  the  late  King  of  England,  stoutly  sup- 
ported the  succession  against  my  Lord  Shaftsbury,  and  was 
then  at  the  head  of  those  who  in  the  Upper  House  oppos- 
ed the  ImII  of  exclusion,  directed  against  the  Duke  of  York, 
and  which  had  already  passed  the  Lower  House ;  but  as 


APPENDIX.  clxix 

early  as  the  day  which  followed  that  on  which  the  exclu- 
sion-bill was  rejected,  my  Lord  Halifax  proposed  modifi- 
cations against  the  Duke  of  York,  more  ruinous  in  their 
tendency  to  him  than  the  exclusion.  The  principal  was  a 
perpetual  banishment  pending  the  life-time  of  the  late  King, 
and  such  great  restrictioub  upon  his  authority,  in  case  he 
should  come  to  the  crown,  that  those  conditions  were 
deemed  more  dangerous  and  less  admissible  than  the  ex- 
clusion. From  that  time,  my  Lord  Halifax  always  openly 
declared  against  the  Duke  of  York,  and  opposed  every 
thing  that  w^as  advantageous  to  him. 

I  have  been  assured  that  the  Queen  dowager  will  not 
retain  my  Lord  Halifax  in  his  office  of  Chancellor  to  her, 
and  he  himself  does  not  think  he  can  retain  it ;  he  is,  how- 
ever, on  pretty  good  terms  with  her,  and  caused  the  office  of 
Treasurer  of  her  household  to  be  bestowed  on  his  cousin 
Mr.  ThjTine. 

Now  that  the  meeting  of  Parliament  draws  near,  they 
begin  to  talk  in  London  of  those  mattei-s  which  are  to  be 
agitated  in  that  assembly.  It  is  difficult  to  judge  yet  what 
will  be  the  issue  thereof,  for  though  the  greatest  number 
of  the  members  seem  to  be  well  affected  towards  his  Bri- 
tannic Majesty,  the  test  and  habeas-corpus  acts  are  consi- 
dered by  all  Englishmen,  as  the  ramparts  of  the  Protestant 
religion,  and  the  privileges  of  the  nation.  The  King  of 
England  hopes  he  will  succeed  in  having  them  repealed; 
otherwise  it  would  be  an  imprudence  to  undertake  it,  and 
to  be  under  the  necessity  of  separating  Parliament  without 
having  obtained  from  them  what  he  deems  requisite  for 
the  strengthening  of  his  authority.  The  restoration  of  the 
Catholic  Peers  will  be  a  consequence  of  the  repeal  of  the 
test  act,  as  also  the  confirmation  of  the  officers  in  the  army 

y 


clxx  APPENDIX. 

and  those  in  his  household  who  are  CathoUcs.  All  this  is 
looked  upon  as  very  important,  and  almost  all  Englishmen 
see  with  great  grief  that  the  King's  authority  daily  obtains 
more  strength,  and  that  it  will  be  impossible  to  see  the  law§ 
established  against  the  Catholic  religion  executed,  under 
the  reign  of  a  King  who  openly  professes  it. 

The  Bishop  whom  the  Pope  sent  hither  is  arrived,  he 
will  not  yet  perform  any  public  function.  But  his  arrival 
is  no  secret.  The  King  of  England  seems  to  be  well  pleas- 
ed with  him.  All  the  secular  ecclesiastics  in  England  sub- 
mitted to  his  direction.     His  title  is  in  partibus. 

My  Lord  Preston  is  appointed  Chancellor  to  the  Queen 
dowager,  instead  of  my  Lord  Halifax.  The  office  of 
Chamberlain,  vacant  by  the  decease  of  the  Earl  of  Ayles- 
bury, was  bestowed  on  the  Earl  of  Mul grave  ;  and  the  of- 
fice of  Lord  of  the  Bed-Chamber,  which  was  held  by  my 
Lord  Mulgrave,  was  conferred  on  my  Lord  Bruce,  who 
is  now  Earl  of  Aylesbury  by  the  decease  of  his  father. 

Mr.  Comich  has  been  executed ;  and  a  woman  whose 
name  was  Gaunt,  and  who  was  sixty  years  old,  has  been 
burnt  for  having  given  shelter  to  some  rebels  in  her  house, 

I  send  your  Majesty  the  copy  of  the  memoir  which 
was  handed  to  my  Lord  Sunderland  by  the  Spanish  Am- 
bassador. 

I  am,  &c. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

November  16tli,  1685. 

M.  Barillon,  your  letter  of  the  5th  of  tliis  month,  informs 
me  of  the  various  reasonings  which  at  the  place  where  you 
reside  are  started  upon  my  Lord  Halifax's  disgrace ;  but 
whatever  effect  it  may  produce,  you  easily  perceive  that  it 
cannot  but  be  advantageous  to  my  concerns,  that  a  minister 


APPENDIX.  clxxi 

so  much  addicted  to  the  Spanish  interests  and  so  hostile  to 
the  Catholic  religion,  is  removed  from  the  councils  of  the 
King  of  England ;  and  I  also  hope  this  act  of  firmness  will 
still  augment  the  authority  of  the  King,  and  even  render 
Parliament  more  submissive  to  what  he  shall  desire  of  them. 
I  leave  it  with  your  prudence  to  inform  him  of  my  senti- 
ments on  this  subject  if  you  think  it  proper. 

Whatever  repugnancy  the  English  may  have  to  suffer 
any  alteration  to  be  made  in  the  two  points  which  they  deem 
so  essential  to  the  preservation  both  of  the  Protestant  reli- 
gion and  their  rights  and  privileges,  yet  they  are  on  the 
other  hand  of  so  great  consequence  to  the  success  of  the 
designs  the  King  has  formed,  that  he  is  perfectly  right  in 
using  his  whole  authority  to  obtain  them.  It  is  also  the 
much  more  likely  that  he  will  succeed  in  it,  as  the  peacea- 
ble situation  which  at  this  moment  all  Europe  is  in,  neither 
affords  to  the  factious  any  prospect  of  resource  nor  requires 
the  v/ell  affected  to  wish  for  a  more  favourable  conjuncture. 

The  memoir  which  the  Spanish  Ambassador  has  hand- 
ed to  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  only  concerns  what  is  due  to 
some  private  persons  by  the  states  of  Hainault,  and  is  inca- 
pable of  producing  new  disturbances.  But  the  continual 
contraventions  M'hich  the  Spaniards  commit  upon  the 
treaty  of  truce,  by  taking  the  vessels  of  my  subjects  and 
declaring  them  good  prizes,  might  draw  upon  them  more 
grievous  consequences  if  they  do  not  as  soon  as  possible 
give  back  what  they  have  taken. 

I  receive  at  this  very  moment  your  letter  of  the  8th, 
with  the  memoir  of  the  payments  you  have  made  since  the 
decease  of  the  late  King  of  England ;  and  after  I  shall  have 
ordered  is  to  be  examined  whether  it  agrees  with  the  reckon- 
ing which  you  formerly  sent  of  tlie  payments  made  by  youv 


clJcxii  APPENDIX. 

orders  until  the  decease  of  the  late  King  of  England,  I  shall 
let  you  know  ray  sentiments  upon  that  point. 

I  hear  from  all  sides  that  the  King  of  England  shows  a 
strong  disposition  to  enter  upon  all  sorts  of  engagements 
contrary  to  my  interests.  They  confirm  to  me  anew  the 
intelligence  I  already  gave  you,  that  the  Catholic  King 
sends  to  his  Afnbassador  in  England  the  power  to  conclude 
ii  league  with  the  Court  where  you  reside,  upon  the  as- 
surances that  Minister  gave  that  in  the  present  conjuncture 
he  would  meet  with  very  great  facilities  to  bring  it  about. 
You  ought  nevertheless  to  express  to  the  King  of  England, 
that  I  am  persuaded  he  will  so  far  reject  the  propositions 
for  a  league  which  that  Minister  might  make,  that  the 
Spanish  court  will  soon  be  put  out  of  conceit  with  the  hope 
it  has  entertained,  of  a  happy  issue  to  that  project. 

By  all  you  write  to  me  it  appears  to  me  that  the  King 
of  England  has  no  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the  Prince 
of  Orange ;  and  it  is  to  be  wished  for  the  maintenance  of 
peace  and  the  well-being  of  our  religion,  that  there  may  be 
Ijetween  them  no  better  understanding. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING 

London,  November  12th,  1685 

The  King  of  England  told  me  that  he  was  persuaded,  ana 
very  glad  of  it  [it  is  the  question  of  the  desire  which  Louis 
the  XIV.  expressed,  and  felt  to  strengthen  the  repose 
which  Europe  enjoyed  then]  that  I  saw  how  important  it 
was  to  him  that  no  rupture  should  take  place  between  your 
INIajesty  and  the  King  of  Spain,  and  that  I  knew  what  ad- 
vantages that  would  afford  to  those  who  intend  to  thwart 
his  designs  with  respect  to  the  Catholic  religion. 


APPENDIX.  dxxlii 

Mr.  Trumball  has  set  off  for  France.  The  King  of 
England  told  me,  that  he  had  given  him  precise  instruc- 
tions and  orders  to  take  all  possible  care  for  the  continuance 
of  a  good  understanding  with  your  Majesty.  I  besought 
his  Britannic  Majesty  he  would  particularly  command  him 
not  to  meddle  with  the  affairs  which  concern  those  who 
profess  the  reformed  religion.  I  have  no  doubt  but  this 
has  been  done,  and  as  far  as  I  may  judge  from  what  Mr. 
Trumball  told  me,  he  will  behave  himself  in  a  manner  with 
which  your  Majesty  will  have  cause  to  be  pleased. 

All  projects  and  plans  are  formed  with  respect  to  Par-  m 

liament.     It  is  certain  that  they  will  discuss  very  impor- 
tant matters.     It  is  impossible  to  judge  yet  of  the  i§sue. 
The  King  of  England  hopes  to  carry  most  of  the  things 
he  will  ask  for ;  and  he  seems  determined  upon  not  desist- 
ing from  what  he  desires  to  obtain  in  behalf  of  the  Catho- 
lics, and  for  strengthening  his  authority.    Distrust  is  great 
in  the  party  of  the  zealous  Protestants.     They  know  well 
that  upon  what  occurs  in  this  session,  depends  henceforth 
the  safety  of  the  Protestant  religion.  The  Catholics  do  not 
quite  agree  together,  the  most  dexterous  and  those  who 
have  the  largest  share  in  the  King  of  England's  confidence, 
know  well,  that  this  is   the  most   favourable  juncture  that 
may  be  hoped  for,  and  that  if  it  be  suffered  to  slip  off,  it 
may  for  a  long  while  not  be  so  favourable.     The  Jesuits 
are  of  this  opinion,  which,  no  doubt,  is  the  most  i-easona- 
ble ;  but  the  wealthy  and  settled  Catholics  fear  the  time  to 
come,    and  apprehend  a  turn  which  would  undo  them. 
Therefore  they  would  admit  all  possible  modifications,  and 
content  themselves  with  the    slightest  advantages  which 
might  be  granted  to  them,  such  as  the  repeal  of  the  penal 
laws,  without  being  wedded  to  the  repeal  of  the  test  act, 


clxxiv  APPENDIX. 

which  makes  the  Catholics  incapable  of  holding  offices  and 
employments. 

This  party  is  supported  by  all  the  persons  who  secretly 
favour  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  their  advice  would  pre- 
vail if  the  others  took  not  all  possible  care  to  give  the  King 
of  England  to  understand  that  if  he  does  not  take  hold  of 
the  opportunity  and  establish  now  what  he  intends  to  do 
for  the  Catholics  and  himself,  he  will  daily  see  new  ob- 
stacles arise  to  his  designs.  The  King  of  England's  tem- 
per inclines  him  to  pursue  a  firm  and  vigorous  conduct. 
Those  ministers  of  his  who  harbour  the  same  sentiments, 
seem  to  augment  their  credit.  The  example  of  my  Lord 
Halifax  inspires  those  with  fear  who  would  pursue  a  mode- 
rate conduct  and  look  only  for  modifications.  All  these 
things  produce  many  cabals  at  Court  and  in  Parliament. 
The  King  of  England  often  speaks  to  me  of  what  he  in- 
tends to  do,  and  appears  to  me  resolved  to  make  the  best 
of  the  present  conjuncture.  He  always  tells  me  that  the 
peace  abroad  is  absolutely  necessary  for  him,  and  charges 
me  to  represent  this  to  your  Majesty  as  a  decisive  point 
for  the  advantage  of  the  Catholic  religion.  I  keep  my- 
self within  the  bounds  your  Majesty  prescribed  to  me,  and 
without  taking  upon  myself  to  inspire  him  with  any  thing 
too  confidently,  I  strengthen  the  resolution  he  seems  to  be 
in,  to  profit  by  the  occasion.  I  shall  be  assiduous  to  pene- 
trate what  occurs,  and  to  give  your  Majesty  as  exact  an 
account  thereof  as  I  can.  For  a  long  while  there  has  been 
no  session  of  Parliament  more  important.  Nay,  I  fore- 
see, that  many  points  will  be  discussed  which  are  not  ex 
pected.     I  shall  omit  no  pains  to  be  well  informed. 

I  am,  &c. 


APPENDIX.  clxxv 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

VersiuUes,  19th  November,  1685. 

I  am  informed,  however,  by  the  last  letters  from  Mad- 
rid, that  what  retards  the  Spanish  council  from  giving  sa- 
tisfaction upon  the  just  complaints  of  my  subjects,  is  the 
hope  which  the  Spanish  Ministers  indulge,  soon  to  draw 
the  King  of  England  into  the  interests  of  the  house  of  Aus- 
tria, and  to  conclude  with  him  a  treaty  of  alliance.  It  is 
even  added  that  they  believe  that  Prince  only  delays  en- 
tering upon  it  till  he  has  obtained  from  his  Parliament 
what  he  has  resolved  to  ask  of  them  in  the  next  session. 
This  ought  to  oblige  you  to  renew  your  caie  and  applica- 
tion to  penetrate  the  real  designs  of  the  court  where  you 
reside,  and  to  examine  all  the  resolutions  which  shall  be 
proposed,  in  case  of  a  change,  for  the  well-being  of  my 
service ;  for,  as  I  shall  always  be  glad  to  contribute  to  the 
happy  issue  of  the  King  of  England's  designs  as  long  as 
they  shall  only  tend  to  the  encrease  of  our  religion,  the 
security  of  the  public  repose  and  of  his  authority  ;  I  am 
also  to  tell  you,  for  your  particular  instruction,  that  I  shall 
not  be  sorr}'  that  he  meets  in  his  Parliament  with  obsta- 
cles to  his  projects,  when  I  perceive  that  he  intends  to  take 
measures  with  my  foes,  in  order  thereby  to  give  them  the 
boldness  to  disturb  the  peace  which  I  restored  by  the  last 
treaties.  Therefore  you  ought  carefully  to  observe  what 
is  the  disposition  of  the  minds  of  the  principal  members 
of  Parliament,  and  which  way  those  incline  who  v/ill  have 
most  credit  in  this  session  ;  so  that,  without  affording  the 
King  of  England  any  pretence  for  going  off  from  the  sen- 
timents of  gratitude  which  he  thinks  he  owes  for  the  testi- 
monies of  i^iendship  which  I  have  given  him  before  and 


clxxvi  APPENDIX. 

after  his  accession  to  the  crown  j  you  may,  should  he  dc" 
viate  therefrom,  give  a  hint  to  those  members  of  Par- 
liament who  are  most  attached  to  the  preservation  of  their 
rights  and  privileges,  that  the  connexions  I  have  with  the 
King  their  master,  are  not  strong  enough  to  affect  them  j 
that  they  may  act  with  freedom  and  without  apprehending 
my  power.  But  as  you  easily  perceive  that  it  is  extreme- 
ly important  for  the  prosperity  of  my  service  that  your  de- 
portment should  be  so  circumspect,  so  wise,  so  prudent, 
that  it  may  not  in  the  least  expose  you,  you  ought,  above 
all,  to  apply  yourself  to  sound  the  business  before  you  at- 
tempt any  thing  which  might  hurt  my  interests.  You  ought 
even  not  to  take  any  step  in  so  nice  and  dangerous  a  nego- 
tiation, but  after  having  informed  me  of  what  you  may 
have  discovered  about  the  intentions  of  the  rourt  where 
you  reside,  and  after  I  shall  have  given  you  fresh  orders. 
It  is  to  the  purpose,  meanwhile,  that  you  will  make  use  of 
all  the  opportunities  which  present  themselves,  dexterously 
to  insinuate  to  the  King  of  England  the  interest  he  has  to 
employ  his  authority  in  the  restoration  of  the  Catholic  re- 
ligion, and  no  longer  to  suffer  it  to  be  exposed  to  all  the 
penal  laws  which  have  been  made  against  it  in  the  preced- 
ing reigns. 

ABSTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Versailles,  November  29th,  1685. 

M.  Barillon,  I  received  your  letter  of  the  1 9th  of  this 
month  with  the  copy  of  the  speech  which  the  King  of  Eng- 
land addressed  to  his  Parliament  requiring  them  to  supply 
him  with  the  necessary  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  troops 
which  he  means  to  obtain  from  them  and  to  inform  them 


APPENDIX.  clxxvii 

of  his  reasons  for  preserving  the  officers  who  faithfully  ser- 
ved him  in  the  last  rebellion. 

I  hope  he  will  not  have  much  ado  to  obtain  this  supply 
from  that  assembly.  They  will  rationally  think  they  have 
gained  an  important  point,  if  he  does  not  undertake  any 
thing  in  behalf  of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  leaves  it  in  the 
deplorable  condition  in  which  it  is  placed  at  present,  liable 
to  the  penal  laws  and  to  every  thing  which  the  rage  and 
passions  of  its  deadliest  foes  could  attempt  against  it  in  a 
more  favorable  conjuncture  for  them.  I  am  also  well  per- 
suaded that  that  Prince  is  sufficiently  aware  of  the  interest 
he  has  to  restore  it,  and  that,  moreover,  he  has  all  the  zeal 
that  can  be  desired,  so  that  he  will  not  fail  to  procure  and 
promote  its  advantages  ;  and  as  you  well  know  my  inten- 
tions about  the  conduct  which  you  are  to  pursue  pending 
the  session  of  this  Parliament,  I  have  no  doubt  but  you 
will  adhere  to  them  as  exactly  as  you  can,  and  inform  me 
of  every  thing  that  shall  occur  in  the  deliberations  of  botli 
houses,  ifnd  of  the  measures  the  King  of  England  will  take 
to  attain  his  ends. 

ABSTIIACT  OF  A  LETTER  OF  M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING 

It  is  said  my  Lord  Grey  has  deposed  that  several  Lords 
were  to  join  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  among  others  mv 
Lord  Devonshire,  he  is  the  Duke  of  Ormond's  son-in-Liw, 
and  the  wealthiest  English  Lord  in  lands  and  houses.  Ma- 
ny people  are  concerned  for  him  and  interpose  in  his  be- 
half; but  he  does  not  help  himself  as  much  as  he  should. 
This  begins  to  produce  the  usual  agitations  in  this  countr}- 
v.-hen  Parliament  are  assembled. 


tisxvni  APPENDIX. 

M.  BARILLON  TO  THE  KING 

London,  November  26th,  168i. 

I  received  tlie  day  before  yesterday  your  Majesty's  dis- 
patch of  the  19th  of  Nov.  by  an  express.  Before  I  answer 
it,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  give  your  Majesty  an  account  of 
>vhat  occurred  here  since  the  last  post.  The  deliberations  of 
the  House  of  Commons  on  the  22d  of  Nov.  was  warm  and 
boisterous,  yet  the  partisans  of  the  Court  carried  a  resolu- 
tion to  grant  a  supply  of  money.  Those  of  the  opposite  party 
had  been  so  cunning  as  to  add  to  the  proposition  to  grant 
money,  that  this  supply  should  be  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  army,  which:  it  was  expected  would  cause  the  proposi- 
tion to  be  rejected  by  a  large  majority  of  votes.  But  the 
Speaker  and  some  others  caused  simply  the  question  to  be 
put  to  grant  money,  without  specifying  to  what  use.  It 
passed  by  a  few  votes,  but  at  the  same  time  the  house  took 
the  resolution  to  represent  to  his  Britannic  Majesty  that 
the  true  force  of  the  country  lies  in  the  militia  ;  that  all  pos- 
sible care  should  be  taken  and  no  means  forgotten  to  ren- 
der it  useful  i  it  was  plainly  declaring  that  the  house  do  not 
mean  that  the  army  should  be  continued.  Many  members 
spoke  with  vehemence  against  the  army  and  the  Catholic 
officers,  and  maintained  that  the  King's  speech  did  not  a- 
gree  with  what  he  had  said  in  tho  preceding  session,  since  in 
this  he  openly  declared  against  the  established  laws  on  which 
the  safety  of  the  Protestant  religion  depends.  Mr.  Sey- 
mour spoke  with  much  asperity  ;  Mr.  Clergistoo;  a  certain 
Jennins,  a  creatvu'e  of  my  Lord  Danby,  and  a  new  member 
of  the  house,  whose  name  is  Tuesden,  spoke  likewise  with 
great  force  and  applause.  .  All  their  speeches  were  wholly 
btnt  upon  not  suffering  a  standing  army,  and  upon  not  per- 


APPENDIX.  clxxix 

mitting  that  there  should  be  any  Catholic  officers.  One  of 
the  members  said,  he  did  not  perceive  that  England  made 
any  considerable  figure  in  the  world  as  was  mentioned  in 
the  King's  speech.  My  Lord  Preston  replied  to  this,  that 
he  knew  and  was  well  informed  that,  last  summer,  your 
Majesty  would  have  attacked  Spain  in  some  quarter,  had 
not  the  King  of  England  impeded  you,  and  that  your  Ma- 
jesty had  merely  been  prevented  from  doing  so,  because 
you  had  thought  that  a  rupture  with  Spain  would  induce 
England  to  side  with  your  enemies.  There  were  yet  o- 
tliers  who  gave  it  to  be  understood  that  the  King  of  Eng- 
land alone  was  capable  of  preventing  the  progress  and 
encrease  of  that  power  which  makes  all  the  others  tremble, 
and  that  the  true  interest  of  the  English  nation  consists  in 
enabling  the  King  to  oppose  it,  which  cannot  be  done  if  he 
has  not  sufficient  and  well  prnviderl  forces  at  his  command. 
This  sentiment  war  indirectly  combated  by  some  other 
members  who  maintained  that  the  true  interest  of  the 
English  nation  is  to  live  in  repose  and  tranquillity  at  home, 
with  the  safety  of  their  laws  and  property  as  well  as  their 
conscience  in  the  exercise  of  their  religion ;  and  that  in 
such  a  case  England  will  enjoy  sufficient  consideration  a- 
broad.  This  deliberation  appeared  so  opposite  to  what 
his  Britannic  Majest}"  desired,  that  it  is  already  said  that 
Parliament  will  be  prorogued  or  dissolved.  Many  cabals 
were  formed  the  day  before.  The  old  members  of  Parlia- 
ment who  are  not  members  of  the  present  had  given  lessons 
to  the  new  members. 

The  house  met  again  on  the  23d.  The  debate  was  still 
warmer  ;  and  the  party  opposed  to  the  court  carried  by 
tUree  votes  the  question  that  had  been  put  whether  they 
•should  deliberate  on  the  supply  of  money,  or  consider  of  tlie 


dxxx  APPENDIX. 

King's  speech.  The  latter  poifit  was  carried,  because  ma- 
ny members  attached  to,  or  dependant  upon  the  court  were 
absent,  nay  there  were  some  of  them  who  were  for  it,  among 
others  Mr.  Fox,  who  is  Commissioner  for  the  payment  of 
the  troops  ;  his  father  is  an  officer  of  the  household,  and  had 
the  office  of  Paymaster  of  the  troops  in  which  he  grew  rich. 
A  Lieutenant  of  the  Horse  Guards  whose  name  is  Dagge, 
a  man  of  quality  voted  also  against  the  court.  They  spoke 
with  still  far  more  warmth  against  the  army  and  Catholic 
officers  than  the  day  before,  and  the  almost  unanimous 
sentiment  of  the  house  seemed  to  be  not  to  grant  money  for 
the  subsistence  of  the  army,  and  not  to  suffer  that  there 
should  be  any  Catholic  officers. 

The  house  met  again  the  day  before  yesterday  24th  No- 
vember, and  deliberated  upon  the  King's  speech.  It  was 
expected  that  the  heat  and  hastiness  would  yet  be  greater 
than  on  the  preceding  days,  but  the  moderation  was  far 
greater  than  it  had  been  expected.  Merely  one  or  two 
members  repeated  what  had  been  said  on  the  foregoing 
da)'s  ;  but  the  ground  of  the  deliberation  was  very  firm,  and 
the  house  seemed  absolutely  determined  on  not  permitting 
the  King  to  exploy  Catholic  officers,  since  the  laws  are  di- 
rectly opposed  thereto.  Diverse  expedients  were  proposed 
to  reconcile  this  difficulty  ;  that  of  allowing  those  who  have 
got  offices  to  retain  them,  and  of  inducing  the  King  to  pro- 
mise that  he  would  not  appoint  any  others,  was  rejected  by 
the  house,  and  the  conclusion  was  to  present  an  address 
praying  his  Britannic  Majesty  to  remove  the  suspicions  and 
jealousy  in  which  the  nation  was  involved  by  the  inexecu- 
tion  of  the  laws.  The  moderation  which  appeared  in  this 
latter  deliberation  is  ascribed  to  tlie  fear  they  were  in,  of 
giving  an  occasion  for  dissolving  Parliament  ;  others  say. 


APPENDIX.  clxxxi 

that  it  is  an  advice  of  the  old  members  of  Parliament,  who 
inspired  the  new  members  with  firmness  and  perseverance 
with  respect  to  the  main  question,  by  sho\v'ing  an  outward 
moderation. 

Yesterday  was  Sunday.  They  debate  to-day  on  the  sup- 
plies of  money.  The  whole  question  amounts  to  this,  whe- 
ther the  house  of  Commons  will  grant  money  without  mix- 
ing therewith  any  condition,  or  whether  they  will  content 
themselves  with  having  shown  how  odious  the  subsistence 
of  the  army  and  the  employment  of  the  Catholics  are  to 
them,  without  insisting  any  more  on  a  previous  satisfaction. 
In  the  first  case  the  King  of  England  will  have  obtained  the 
most  essential  points  ;  for  the  general  discontent  will  not 
prevent  him  from  having  troops  on  foot  and  money  to  pay 
them.  The  debates  of  to-day  will  decide  how  long  the  ses- 
sion of  Parliament  is  to  last ;  for  the  King  of  England 
seems  determined  on  not  yielding  in  any  point,  and  his 
firmness  astonishes  those  who  thought  that  what  occurred 
in  the  house  of  Commons  would  bring  him  to  the  resolution 
to  admit  some  modifications  and  not  to  be  absolutely  bent 
on  carrying  in  this  session  every  thing  he  desires. 

From  all  I  have  the  honour  to  inform  your  Majesty  of, 
you  see  that  affairs  in  this  country  have  undergone  a  great 
change  within  a  few  days ;  but  they  may  receive  some  mi- 
tigations and  alterations.  I  know  that  money  is  employed 
to  inspire  those  who  are  most  opposed  to  the  Court  with 
more  moderate  sentiments  ;  but  it  is  not  an  easy  matter  to 
restore  perfect  harmony,  and  to  effect  a  cessation  of  suspi- 
cions on  both  sides. 

The  party  opposed  to  the  Court  is  that  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  which  many  people  secretly  countenance  ;  nav,  the 
Court  itself  is  divided.  I  shall  explain  this  to  your  Majes- 


cixxxii  APPENDIX. 

ty  as  well  as  I  can  in  the  sequel  of  this  letter.  It  appears 
to  me,  however,  that  to  execute  the  orders  imparted  by 
your  Majesty's  last  dispatch,  I  have  nothing  to  do  but  to 
take  all  possible  care  to  be  well  informed,  and  to  give  you 
an  exact  account  of  all  occurrences. 

I  preserved  some  connexions  with  persons  who  had  a 
great  deal  of  credit  in  former  Parliaments,  and  it  would 
not  be  impossible  to  augment,  if  necessary,  the  divisions 
which  seem  to  arise  ;  it  would  not  be  useless  for  your  Ma- 
jesty's service  to  have  always  some  persons  depending  on 
your  Majesty;  nay,  occasionally,  that  might  prove  useful 
to  the  King  of  England  and  the  well-being  of  religion.  I 
See  no  urgency  now:  It  seems  that  affairs  take  of  them- 
selves the  road  which  may  be  the  most  advantageous  for 
your  Majesty.  At  least  this  is  the  light  in  which  matters 
stand  to-day.  It  is,  however,  difficult  to  foresee  the  revolu- 
tions and  unexpected  changes  which  occur  in  this  country, 
and  your  Majesty  sees  well  enough  that  affairs  are  begun 
and  terminated  before  I  have  time  to  receive  new  orders. 

I  have  been  informed  of  the  steps  the  Spanish  Ambassa- 
dor has  taken  since  the  beginning  of  the  session  of  Parlia- 
ment. It  was  also  made  known  to  me  that  a  few  days  be- 
fore, he  had  hard  pressed  the  King  of  England  to  i-enew 
the  treaty  of  1680.  His  Britannic  Majesty's  answer  was 
rather  a  delay  than  an  absolute  denial.  The  Ambassador 
showed  that  he  was  surprised  at  it,  and  the  King  of  Eng- 
land clearly  perceived  by  what  Mr.  Ronquille  said,  that  he 
Iiad  given  hopes  at  Madrid  that  the  treaty  could  be  renew- 
ed, I  did  not  think,  pending  these  last  days  past,  I  ought 
to  speak  to  the  King  of  England  about  this  renewal  of  the 
Spanish  treaty,  as  I  knew  that  there  was  nothing  to  fear 
nov.',  and  deemed  it  to  be  more  proper  that  he  should  speak 


APPENDIX.  dxxxiii 

to  me  of  it  first,  which  I  believe  he  will  do  as  soon  as  he 
shall  have  a  little  less  business. 

The  Spanish  Ambassador  foimded  great  hopes  on  this 
session  of  Parliament.  I  have  been  apprized  that  his  par- 
ti zans  hinted  at  an  alliance  with  the  States  General  and 
Sweden,  or  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  to  hold  the  place 
of  which  the  tripple  league  formerly  held.  Nay,  I  kiiow 
that  to  those  projects  of  alli:uiccs  were  to  be  joined  offers 
of  considerable  sums  to  engage  his  Britannic  Majesty  to 
enter  upon  them.  All  this  is  overturaed,  or  at  least  re- 
moved by  all  that  occured  until  this  day. 

I  had  still  another  reason  for  not  hastening  to  s^jeak  of 
the  Spanish  treaty  to  his  Britannic  Majesty,  it  is  to  avoid 
all  propositions  for  a  supply  of  money  which  might  be 
made  to  me,  whicli  would  the  easier  happen  if  I  looked  as 
if  I  apprehended  the  renewal  of  an  alliance  with  Spain, 
and  spoke  to  prevent  it.  It  is  not  my  business  to  present 
an  opportunit)^  for  it.  Nay,  I  shall  be  veiy  cautious  in 
what  I  am  to  say  to  the  King  of  England  if  he  dissolv^ea 
Parliament,  and  every  hope  of  reconciliation  is  destroyed, 
that  your  Majesty,  may  be  at  full  liberty  to  prescribe  to 
me  what  I  shall  say,  and  what  conduct  I  shall  have  to 
pursue. 

After  having  given  your  Majesty  an  account  of  Parlia- 
mentary  matters,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  inform  \ou  as  well 
as  I  can  of  what  concerns  the  interior  of  the  court.  Since 
my  Lord  Sunderland  came  again  into  business,  he  took  a 
great  deal  of  pains  to  convince  me  of  his  attachment  to  the 
interests  of  your  Majesty,  I  shall  only  mention  what  oc- 
curred since  the  decease  of  the  late  Kmg.  But  this  mi- 
nister clearly  perceived  that  the  Lord  High  Treasurer  had 
a  connexion  with  the  Prince  of  Orange,  founded  upwi  un- 


clxxxiv  APPENDIX. 

alterable  interests,  and  that  therefore  his  credit  would  in«< 
sensibly  diminish  near  the  King  of  England,  or  that  he 
would  be  constrained  to  act  in  opposition  to  his  sentiments 
and  maxims,  which  it  is  very  difficult  to  do  long.  This 
has  happened,  and  my  Lord  Sunderland  is  now  so  fully 
possessed  of  his  master's  confidence  and  has  supported  the 
projects  which  that  Prince  is  wedded  to  so  earnestly,  that 
even  to  persons  of  the  least  penetration  he  appears  to  pos- 
sess the  principal  place  in  the  administration.  The  Catho- 
lics openly  side  with  him ;  and  are  on  the  contrary  very 
much  discontented  with  my  Lord  Rochester,  whom  they 
believe  to  be  very  zealous  for  the  Protestant  religion,  and 
opposed  to  every  thing  that  might  benefit  the  Catholic  reli- 
gion. This  causes  a  great  division  at  court ;  and  though 
there  have  been  explanations,  and  reconciliations,  between 
the  two  Ministers,  yet  it  is  clearly  perceptible  that  their 
conduct  and  interests  are  very  opposite.  Their  friends 
form  parties.  The  King  of  England  sees  all  this,  and 
knows  what  occurs-.  He  employs  the  Lord  High  Trea- 
surer in  the  direction  of  the  finances ;  but  he  does  not  al- 
low him  the  power  to  dispose  of  any  considerable  sum,  and 
pretends  himself  to  descend  to  particulars,  which  much 
lessens  the  authority  and  credit  of  my  Lord  Rochester.  It 
is  from  my  Lord  Sunderland  I  received  the  intelligence  of 
what  occurred  upon  tlie  renewal  of  the  treaty  with  the 
Spanish  Ambassador.  He  earnestly  assured  me  that  the 
King  of  England  felt  no  desire  at  present  to  renew  this 
treat}',  and  that  I  should  be  informed  whene\er  he  should 
perceive  him  in  the  least  disposed  thereto. 

INIy  Lord  Sunderland  has  for  a  short  time  past  entrust- 
ed to  me  very  secret  matters  which  concern  him ;  he  told 
me  that  the  King  of  Englrtnd  positively  promised  to  appoim. 


APPENDIX.  clxxxv 

him  President  of  the  Council,  after  the  session  of  Parlia- 
ment. This  dignity,  joined  to  the  function  of  Secretaiy  of 
State,  will  yet  much  cncrease  the  opinion  of  his  ciedii. 
His  Britannic  IMajcsty  has  been  determined  to  promise 
this  office  to  him  by  a  Jesuit,  called  Father  Petre,  who  has 
a  great  share  in  his  confidence.  He  is  a  man  of  condition 
imd  the  late  Lord  Petre's  brother ;  he  strongly  represent- 
ed to  the  King  how  important  it  was  to  bestow  credit  and 
rewards  upon  a  Minister  who  ser\es  him  more  faithfully 
imd  courageously  than  the  others.  The  Chancellor,  who 
is  strongly  united  with  my  Lord  Sunderland,  and  pursues 
the  same  conduct,  had  pressed  the  King  of  England  to  con- 
fer upon  him  the  office  of  President  of  the  Council,  when 
iny  Lord  Halifax  was  dismissed,  but  he  had  not  been 
able  to  bring  it  about,  because  his  Britannic  jMajesty  had 
declared  to  many  persons  that  this  office  would  be  given 
to  nobody. 

■  My  Lord  Sunderland  told  me  another  circumstance  of 
vast  importance,  and  which,  if  it  be  true,  and  made  known 
to  the  King  of  England,  will  much  lessen  Lord  Roches- 
ter's credit,  it  is  this,  when  IMr.  Sidney  went  to  Holland, 
Lord  Rochester  requested  him  to  see  him  last,  and  only  a 
moment  before  he  embarked  with  Bentem  ;  in  this  inter- 
■\  iew.  Lord  Rochester  said  to  Mr.  Sidney,  that  the  advice 
he  had  to  give  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  was  to  come  to 
England  at  any  rate,  na}-,  in  spite  of  the  King  of  England  ; 
that  this  was  the  sole  and  only  means  to  put  matters  in  the 
right  way,  which  were  brought  to  such  a  situation  as  it 
would  be  Impossible  to  remedy  hereafter.  INIr.  Sidney 
discharged  his  commission,  and  said  that  the  Prince  of 
Orange  was  moved,  but  was  not  bold  enough  to  venture 
on  a  passage.     He  spoke  of  it  to   Bentem,  to  whom  Mr. 

a  a 


clxxxvi 


APPENDIX. 


Sidney  had   said  nothing  about  it,  and  who  was  pretty 
much  for  the  Prince  of  Orange's  passing  into  England. 
I  clearly  perceive  that  the  motive  which  induced  my  Lord 
Sunderland  to  tell  me  so  important  a  thing,  was  to  prevent 
me  from  placing  any  sort  of  confidence  in  Lord  Roches^ 
ter,  and  to  induce  me  to  look  upon  him  as  a  man  entirely 
opposed  to  the  interests  of  your  Majesty,  and  attached  to 
those  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.     I  can  scarcely  believe  this 
to  be  a  story  ;  I  know  well  that  my  Lord  Sunderland  can, 
through  Mr.  Sidney,  keep  up  connexions  with  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  which  might  blaze  out  in  other  times  ;  but  mean^ 
while  he  pursues  a  conduct  entirely  favourable  to  the  Catho- 
lics, and  which  removes  the  King  his  master  from  any  other 
attachment  but  to  the  interests   of  your  Majesty.     The 
orders  your  Majesty  has  given  me  for  some  time  past,  im? 
port  that  I  shall  carefully  avoid  entering  upon  any  treaty  that 
might  engage  you  to  furnish  the  King  of  England  with 
supplies  ;  however,  your  Majesty  desires  at  the  same  time 
that  this  Prince   should  form  no  new  connexions  with  the 
other  powers  in  Europe,  to  which  I  have  applied,  and  still 
apply  myself  as  I  am  bound  to  do.     My  Lord  Sunderland 
can  aid  a  great  deal  herein ;  and  has  done  so  by  giving  me 
notice  of  what  occurs  ;  but  his  zeal  and  attachment  to  your 
Majesty's  interests  may  grow  cold  ;  especially  if  his  favour 
augments.  I  think  it  would  be  conducive  to  your  Majesty's 
service  to  bring  him  completely  over  to  your  interests  bij 
some  gratuity  xvhich  xuoidd  entirely  engage  him,     I  am  per- 
suaded that  he  will  not  shrink  from   receivhig  tokens  of 
your  Majesty's  good  will;  he  belives  he  has  deserved  them 
and  shows  that  he  will  deserve  them  from  this  time  for- 
ward.    My   Lord   Sunderland's   actual  standing,  and  the 
likelihood  that  his  cre^lit  will  still  encrease,  make  me  think 


APPENDIX.  clxxxvli 

that,  if  your  Majesty  deems  it  proper  wholly  to  engage 
him,  he  ought  not  to  be  offered  a  slight  gratuity,  and  iX 
would  be  better  not  to  give  him  any  thing,  than  to  offer 
him  less  than  6,000  pieces,  and  give  him  to  understand  at 
the  same  time,  that  this  gratuity  will  be  given  every  yean 
Your  Majesty  will  always  have  it  in  your  power  to  judge 
whether  it  shall  be  continued  or  not.  I  do  not  think  any 
money  can  be  better  employed  in  this  country  than  this^ 
especially  as  your  Majesty  designs  not  to  give  any  supplies 
to  the  King  of  England  ;  and  yet  to  prevent  him  from  en- 
tering  upon  new  connexions.  I  have  long  been  hesitating 
to  make  this  proposal  to  your  Majesty  ;  I  am  aware  that  I 
do  not  chuse  exactly  the  best  time  to  suggest  this,  since 
your  Majesty  seems  to  be  inclined  rather  to  manage  the 
most  influential  members  of  Parliament  j  but  I  consider 
that,  for  the  well  being  of  your  Majesty's  service,  I  am 
obliged  to  propose  what  appears  to  me  to  be  the  most  ad- 
vantageous and  solid  ;  and  it  is  possible  that  we  shall  not 
find  the  occasion  so  favourable  if  we  suffer  it  to  slip  away. 
It  is  your  Majesty's  part  to  judge  how  much  it  concerns 
you  that  England  should  not  become  attached  to  hostile 
interests  and  adopt  different  measures.  Your  Majesty  has 
well  perceived  that  the  refusal  of  supplies  has  produced  the 
renewal  of  the  treaty  with  the  States  General.  Your  Ma- 
jesty can  say,  whether  the  renewal  of  this  treaty  has  not 
been  prejudicial  to  your  interests,  arid  what  advantages  the 
enemies  of  your  greatness  have  derived  from  it,  and 
among  others,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  who  at  least,  has  been 
induced  to  indulge  great  hopes  for  a  future  time.  I  shall 
be  sure  never  to  venture  upon  saying  or  doing  any  thing  of 
my  Okvn  suggestion,  I  shall  merely  keep  myself  in  rcadi' 
ness,  literally  to  execute  the  orders  of  your  Majesty. 


dxxxviii 


APPENDIX. 


The  house  of  Commons  opened  this  morning  with  rea- 
ding the  address  which  is  to  be  presented  to  his  Britannic 
Majesty.  I  have  been  assured  that  it  is  conceived  in  terms 
extremely  strong  and  determined  against  the  Catholic  offi- 
cers. A  resolution  was  then  brought  in  to  request  the  up- 
per house  to  join  in  this  address  with  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. The  proposition  was  rejected  and  the  party  of  the 
court  prevailed.  They  debated  upon  the  supplies,  and 
after  a  long  contest  it  was  agreed  to  grant  700,000  pounds 
sterling.  The  King  of  England  looked  for  1,400,000,  but 
I  think  yet  he  will  be  pretty  well  satisfied  provided  the 
fund  of  that  amount  be  well  established  and  the  Lower 
House  do  not  insist  upon  the  address  they  are  to  present 
as  a  previous  condition.  This  point  is  yet  uncertain.  Pa- 
tience is  necessary  to  discover  whether  there  will  not  occur 
some  incident  to  defeat  the  resolution  that  has  been  passed. 
If  the  money  matter  can  be  entirely  separated  from  the  o- 
tlier  points  which  are  agitated,  the  King  of  England  will 
find  his  account  in  it,  and  will  be  able  to  do  without  Par- 
liament at  least  for  some  time.  My  Lord  Sunderland  ha$ 
just  told  me  that  he  does  not  believe  that  the  King  and 
Parliament  can  agree,  because  on  each  side  they  contend 
for  entirely  opposite  things. 

I  am  &:c. 


M.  BAIMLI.ON  TO  THE  KING. 

London,  Xovembcr  oOth,  1685. 

Parliament  have  been  prorogued  this  morning  to  the 
20th  of  Februaiy.  Tlie  King  of  England  perceived  well 
fey  what  occurred  yesterday  in  the  house  that  the  party  oi 
the  factious  encrcased  and  was  strengthened  every  day, 
and  that  there  resulted  man%-  Inconveniencies  from  suffer- 


APPENDIX.  clxxxix 

lUg  them  to  remain  longer  together.  I  am  told  tlieir  surprise 
was  great,  and  that  it  was  not  expected  that  Parliament 
xvas  to  separate  before  the  act  for  supplies  hud  passed.  The 
prorogation  renders  void  whatever  was  proposed  and  begun 
witliout  being  terminated.  The  grant  therefore  of  a  subsidy 
completely  falls  to  the  ground  as  if  it  had  not  been  men- 
tioned. There  is  no  likelihood  that  the  prorogation  of  Par- 
liament will  produce  any  other  effect  than  that  of  augmen- 
ting the  discontent  of  those  people  who  arc  already 
exasperated.  This  causes  a  great  change  in  the  affairs  of 
England.  I  shall  duly  apply  myself  to  give  your  Majesty 
•an  exact  account  thereof  in  order  to  receive  your  orders 
upon  the  conduct  I  should  pursue. 

I  am  Sec. 

THE  KING  TO  M.  BARILLON. 

Versailles,  December  Gth,  lG8j. 

M.  Barillon,  I  have  received  these  three  days,  both  by 
the  return  of  the  courier  I  had  dispatched  to  you,  and  by 
the  post,  five  of  your  letters,  of  the  22d,  25th,  26th,  29th  and 
30th  of  November,  with  the  remonstrances  made  by  both 
Houses  of  Parliament  to  the  King  their  master,  that 
Prince's  answers,  and  the  journal  of  what  occurred  in  the 
last  sessions  until  the  prorogation. 

It  is  ver)'  likely  that  the  mortification  which  the  King 
has  just  offered  that  assembly,  will  render  those  who  com- 
pose it  more  submissive  to  his  will,  and  that  at  their  retun: 
he  will  much  easier  obtain  what  the  peevishness  of  some 
private  persons  alone  could  have  rendered  doubtful  in  this 
conjuncture.  At  any  rate  his  firmness  in  supporting  the 
Catholic  officers,  and  not  to  suffer  that  the  religion  he  pro- 
fesses, should  be  any  longer  subjected  to  the  penal  laws. 


cxc 


APPENDIX. 


must  necessarily  produce  happy  effects  for  his  repufation' 
and  the  safety  of  his  government. 

I  hope  however  he  will  not  be  in  a  hurry  to  renew  an 
alliance  with  Spain,  and  that  the  little  help  he  could  derive 
from  that  crown  will  prevent  him  from  taking  any  step 
which  might  be  calculated  to  break  off  the  connexions  of 
friendship  and  good  understanding  which  subsists  between 
me  and  him.  Since  you  deem  that  the  minister  of  whom 
you  write  to  me  can  much  contribute  to  maintain  it,  I 
consent  that  you  more  closely  engage  him  by  a  gratuity 
that  may  satisfy  him  and  strongly  attach  him  to  my  inter- 
ests. To  this  effect  I  agree  that  you  may  carry  it  to  20, 
nay  25  thousand  crowns,  and  I  shall  continue  to  order  the 
same  sum  to  be  paid  to  him  from  year  to  year,  as  long  as 
he  shall  contribute,  in  every  matter  which  depends  on  him 
to  the  maintenance  of  a  good  understanding  between  me 
and  the  King  his  master,  and  to  remove  every  engagement 
that  might  be  contrary  to  my  interests.  I  leave  it  with 
your  prudence  to  make  the  first  payments  of  this  sum  wheri 
you  shall  deem  it  necessary  for  the  good  of  my  service. 

The  explanation  you  give  me  of  the  employment  of  the 
money  which  passed  through  your  hands,  makes  me  be- 
lieve that  you  have,  in  fact,  paid  only  the  sum  of  100,000 
livres  beyond  my  orders,  and  as  I  am  fully  persuaded  that 
you  have  merely  done  it  because  you  deemed  it  necessar}' 
for  tlie  good  of  my  service,  there  is  no  ground  of  discon* 
tent  left  to  me  about  the  matter. 


APPENDIX.  cxci 

II.  CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  THE  EARL  OF  SUNDER. 
l.AXD  AND  THE  BISHOP  OF  OXFORD,  RESPECTING  MR. 
LOCKE. 

[In  the  hands  of  the  late  Anthony  Collins,  Esq.] 

^rom   BirclCs   Papers  in  the  British  JlTuscinn — Copies  in  Birch's  hand- 

■writing. 

TO  THE  LORD  BISHOP  OF  OXFORD. 

Whitehall,  Novembei-  Gth,  1684. 
My  Lord, 
The  King  being  given  to  understand  that  one  Mr.  Locke, 
who  belonged  to  the  late  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  and  has,  up- 
on several  occasions,  behaved  himself  very  factiously  and 
undutifully  to  the  Government,  is  a  student  of  Christ- 
church;  his  Majesty  commands  me  to  signify  to  )'our 
Lordship,  that  he  would  have  him  removed  from  being  a 
student,  and  that  in  order  thereunto,  your  Lordship  would 
let  me  know  the  method  of  doing  it. 

I  am,  my  Lord,  &c. 

SUNDERLAND. 

TO  THE  RIGHT  HONOURABLE  THE  EARL  OF  SUNDERLAND, 
PRINCIPAL  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

November  8th,  1684. 

Right  Hox. 
I  have  received  the  honour  of  your  Lordship's  letter, 
wherein  you  are  pleased  to  enquire  concerning  Mr.  Locke's 
being  a  student  of  this  House,  of  which  I  have  this  ac- 
count to  render ;  that  he  being,  as  your  Lordship  is  truly 
informed,  a  person  who  was  much  trusted  by  the  late  Earl 
of  Shaftesbury,  and  who  is  suspected  to  be  ill  affected  to 
the  Government,  I  have  for  divers  years  had  an  eye  upon 
Jijm,  but  so  close  has  his  guard  been  on  himself,  that  after 


cxcu  APPENDIX. 

several  strict  enquiries,  I  may  confidently  affirm,  there  is 
^ot  any  one  in  the  College,  however  familiar  with  him, 
who  had  heard  him  speak  a  word  either  against,  or  so 
much  as  concerning,  the  Government.  And  although 
very  frequently,  both  in  public  and  private,  discourses  have 
purposely  been  introduced,  to  the  disparagement  of  his 
master,  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  his  party,  and  designs,  he 
could  never  be  provoked  to  take  any  notice,  or  discover  in 
word  or  look,  the  least  concern  ;  so  that  I  believe  there  is 
not  in  the  world  such  a  master  of  taciturnity  and  passion. 
He  has  here  a  physician's  place,  which  frees  him  from  the 
exercises  of  the  college,  and  the  obligation  which  others 
have  to  residence  in  it,  and  he  is  now  abroad  upon  want 
of  health ;  but  notwithstanding  that,  I  have  summoned 
him  to  return  home,  which  is  done  with  this  prospect,  that 
if  he  comes  not  back,  he  will  be  liable  to  expulsion  for  con- 
tumacy, and  if  he  does  he  will  be  answerable  to  your  Lord- 
ship for  what  he  shall  be  found  to  have  done  amiss  ;  it  be- 
ing probable,  that  though  he  may  have  been  thus  cautious 
here,  where  he  knew  himself  to  be  suspected,  he  has  laid 
himself  more  open  in  London,  where  a  general  liberty  of 
speaking  was  used,  and  where  the  execrable  designs  against 
his  Majesty,  and  his  Government,  were  managed  and  pur- 
sued. If  he  does  not  return  by  the  first  day  of  Januar\ 
next,  which  is  the  time  limitted  to  him,  I  shall  be  enabled 
of  course  to  proceed  against  him  to  expulsion.  But  if  this 
method  seem  not  effectual,  or  speedy  enough,  and  his  Ma- 
jesty, our  founder  and  visitor,  shall  please  to  command  his 
immediate  remove,  upon  the  receipt  thereof,  directed  to 
the  Dean  and  Chapt'jr,  it  shall  accordingly  be  executed  b\-. 

My  Lord, 
Your  Lordship's  most  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

J.  OXON.. 


APPENDIX.  cxcHi 

TO  THE  BISHOP  OF  OXON. 

AVhitehall,  November  10th,  1684 

Mr  Lord, 

Having  communicated  your  Lordship's  of  the  8th  to  his 
Majesty,  he  has  thought  fit  to  direct  me  to  send  you  the 
enclosed,  concerning  his  commands  for  the  immediate  ex- 
pulsion of  Mr.  Locke. 

SUNDERLAND. 

TO  THE  RIGHT  REVEREND  FATHER  IN  GOD,  JOHN  LORD 
BISHOP  OF  OXON,  DEAN  OF  CHRIST-CHURCH,  AND  TO  OUR 
TRUSTY  AND  WELL-EEI.OYED,  THE  CHAPTER  THERE. 

Right  Rev.  Father  in  God,  and  trusty  and  well  beloved, 
We  greet  you  well.  Whereas  we  have  received  informa- 
tion of  the  factious  and  disloyal  behaviour  of  Locke,  one 
of  the  students  of  that  our  College,  We  have  thought  fit 
hereby  to  signify  our  will  and  pleasure  to  you,  that  you 
forthwith  remove  him  from  his  student's  place  ;  and  de- 
prive him  of  all  the  rights  and  advantages  thereunto  be- 
longing, for  which  this  shall  be  your  warrant ;  and  so  we 
bid  you  heartily  farewell.  Given  at  our  Court  at  White- 
hall, the  11th  day  of  November,  1684. 

By  his  Majesty's  command, 

SUNDERLAND. 

TO  THE  RIGHT  HONORABLE  THE  EARL  OF  SUNDERLAND, 
PRINCIPAL  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

November  16th,  1684. 

Right  Hon. 

I  hold  myself  bound  in  dut\-  to  signify  to  your  Lordship, 
that  his  Majesty's  commands  for  the  expulsion  of  Mr. 
Locke  from  this  College,  is  fully  executed. 

b  b  J.  OXON, 


«xciv  APPENDIX. 

TO  THE  BISHOP  OF  OXOIS 

My  Lord,  < 

I  have  your  Lordships  of  the  16th  and  have  acquainted 
his  Majesty  therewith,  who  is  well  satisfied  with  the  Col- 
lege's ready  obedience  to  his  commands  for  the  expulsion 
of  Mr,  Locke, 

SUNDERLAND. 

III.  THE  BILL  FOR  THE  PRESERVATION  OF  THE  KING'S 
PERSON. 

.2  Bill  for  the  Preservation  of  the  Person  and  Governmenl  of  his  Gracicns 
JMajestie  King  James  the  Second. 

Whereas  impudent,  Scandalous,  and  seditious  Speeches 
and  Pamiletts  have  oft,  (by  sad  Experience,)  produced  In- 
surrection and  Rebellion  within  this  Kingdom,  and  great 
contempt  of  the  sacred  Person  of  the  King  and  the  best  of 
Governm<s.  both  in  Church  and  State,  now  establis't  in 
this  Realm  ;  which  audacious  Mischief,  seldom  heard  of  in 
other  Kingdoms,  is  now  more  frequently  practised  in  this 
Kingdom  than  formerly.  An  horrid  Effect  whereof  appear- 
ed very  lately  in  the  barbarous  Assassination  and  hellish 
Plott,  designed  upon  and  against  our  late  merciful  and  bles- 
sed Soveraine,  King  Charles  the  second,  and  his  dearest 
brother  and  undoubted  Successor,  our  most  gracious  Sove- 
raigne,  King  James  the  second,  (v»'hom  God  long  pre- 
serve) ;  and  whereas  it  is  still  plain,  that  the  same  or  the 
like  damnable  plotts  are  yet  designed  and  carrying  on  by 
the  same  means  and  by  Persons  of  the  same  mallicious  and 
jrreconcileable  Spirit  against  the  happy  Peace  and  Settle- 
ment of  these  three  Kingdoms  ;  we  therefore,  the  Lords 
sind  Commons,  iji  Parliament  assembled,  having  duly  consir 


APPENDIX.  cxcv 

tiered  the  Premises;  and  rcmembring  that  in  the  thirteenth 
Year  of  the  Queen  Ehzabeth,  (of  ever  blessed  Memory) 
a  right  good  and  proffitable  Law  was  made  for  the  preser- 
vation of  her  Majesty's  person,  and  that  in  the  thirteenth 
Year  of  the  Reigne  of  King  Charles  the  second,  of  happy  and 
glorious  jVIcmory,)  another  right  good  and  profitable  I^aw 
was  made  for  the  Safety  of  his  INIaj^ies.  Person  and  Go- 
vernment, against  treasonable  and  seditious  Practices  and 
Attempt?,  Doe  most  humbly  beseech  yof  most  excellent 
Majestic  that  it  may  be  enacted,  and  be  it  enacted  by  the 
King's  most  excellent  Majestic,  by  and  with  the  Advice  and 
Consent  of  the  Lords  Spirituall  and  Tcmporall  and  Com- 
mons in  this  p<-sent  Parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  Au- 
thority of  the  same,  that  if  any  Person  or  Persons  what- 
soever, after  the  first  day  of  July,  in  the  Year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-fi'/e,  during  the  na- 
turall  life  of  our  most  Gracious  Sovraigne  Lord  the  King 
(whom  Almighty  God  preserve  and  bless  with  a  long  and 
prosperous  reign,)  shall  within  the  Realm,  or  without,  com- 
pass, imagine,  invent,  devise,  or  intend  Death,  or  Destruc' 
tion,  or  any  bodily  Harme  tending  to  the  Death  or  Des- 
truction, maim,  or  wounding  Imprisonmente,  or  Restraint 
of  the  Person  of  the  same  our  Soveraigne  Lord  the  King, 
or  to  deprive  or  depose  him  from  the  Stile,  Honour  and 
Kingly  Name  of  the  Imperiall  Crowne  of  this  Realm,  or 
of  any  other  his  Maji^ics.  Dominions  or  Countries  ,  or  to 
levy  Warr  against  his  Majestic  within  his  Realme,  or 
v/ithout :  or  move  or  stirr  any  Forreigner  or  Strangers  with 
Force  to  invade  this  Realm,  or  any  others  his  jNIajesties 
Dominions  or  Countries  being  under  his  Majesties  Obe\ - 
sance  :  And  such  Compassings,  Imaginac'ons,  Inventions^ 
Devices,  or  Intentions,  or  any  of  them,  shall  express,  utter  of 


I 


cxcvi  APPENDIX. 

declare,  by  any  Printing,  Writing,  Preachii>g,  or  maliciout- 
and  advised  Speaking,  being  legally  convicted  thereof,  upon 
the  Oaths  of  two  lawful  and  credible  Witnesses,  upon 
Tryal,  or  otherwise  convicted  or  attainted  by  due  Course  of 
Law,  then  every  such  Person  or  Persons,  so  as  aforesaid 
offending,  shall  be  deemed,  and  declared,  and  adjudged  to 
be  a  Traitor  or  Traytors,  and  shall  suffer  Pains  of  Death, 
and  also  lose  aivd  forfeit  as  in  Cases  of  High  Treason. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  Authority  aforesaid, 
that  if  any  Person  or  Persons  at  any  Tiine,  after  the  first 
Day  of  July  aforesaid,  shall  by  any  Printing,  Writing, 
Preaching,  or  other  malicious  or  advised  Speaking,  de- 
clare or  assert  that  James  late  Duke  of  Monmouth  is  the 
legitimate  Sonn  of  our  late  Blessed  Soveraigne  King 
Charles  the  Second,  or  that  the  said  James  hath  a  Tj^le  or 
good  Claime  to  the  Imperial  Crowne  of  this  Realm,  or  of 
any  other  his  Majties,  Dominions  and  Countries ;  that 
then  every  such  Person  or  Persons  so  offending,  and  upon 
the  Oaths  of  two  lawful  and  credible  Witnesses,  upon 
Tryal,  or  otherwise  convicted  or  attainted  by  clue  course 
in  Law ;  then  every  such  Person  or  Persons  shall  be 
deemed  declared  and  adjudged  to  be  a  Traytor  or  Tray- 
tors,  and  shall  suffer  Pains  of  Death,  and  also  lose  or  For- 
feit as  in  Cases  of  High  Treason. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  Authority  aforesaid, 
■that  if  any  Person  or  Persons  at  any  time  after  the  first 
Day  of  July,  in  the  Yeare  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  eighty-five,  during  his  Majties.  Life  shall 
maliciously  and  advisedly,  by  Writing,  Printing,  Preach- 
ing, or  other  Speaking,  express,  publish,  utter,  or  declare 
any  Words,  Sentences,  or  other  Thing  or  Things,  to  incite 
or  stir  up  the  People  to  Hatred  or  Dislike  of  the  Person 


APPENDIX.  cxcvii 

of  his  Majtic  or  the  cstablish't  Government,  then  every 
such  Person  and  Persons  being  thereof  legally  convicted, 
shall  be  disabled  to  have  or  enjoy,  and  is  liereby  disabled 
and  made  incapable  of  having,  holding,  enjoying,  or  exer- 
cising any  Place,  Office,  or  Promotion,  ecclesiastical,  civil, 
or  military,  or  any  other  Employment  in  Church  and 
State,  and  shall  likewise  be  liable  to  such  further  and  other 
Punishments  as  b}-  the  Common  Lawe  and  Statutes  of  this 
Realm  may  be  inflicted  in  such  cases. 

Provided  always,  and  be  it  declared,  that  the  asserting 
and  maintaining  by  any  Writing,  Printing,  Preaching,  or 
other  Speaking,  the  Doctrine,  Discipline,  Divine  Worship 
or  Governmt.  of  the  Church  of  England,  as  it  is  now  by 
law  established,  against  Popery,  or  any  other  different  or 
dissenting  Opinions,  is  not  intended  and  shall  not  be  inter- 
preted or  construed  to  be  any  offence  wthin  ye  Words  or 
Meaning  of  this  Act. 

Provided  always, that  no  Person  be  prosecuted  upon  this" 
act,  for  any  of  the  Offences  in  this  Act  mentioned,  unlesse  the 
Information  thereof  be  given  upon  Oath,  before  some  Jus- 
tice of  the  Peace,  and  taken  in  Writing  within  forty-eight 
Houres  after  the  Words  see  spoken,  or  the  Fact  discovered, 
and  unless  it  be  by  Order  of  the  King's  Majestie,  his  Heirs 
or  Successors,  under  his  or  their  Sign  oVIanuid  ;  or  by  Or- 
der of  the  Councell  Table  of  his  Majestie,  his  Heirs  or 
Successors,  directed  unto  the  Attorney  General  for  the 
time  being,  or  some  other  of  the  Councell  learned  to  his 
Majestie,  his  Heirs  or  Successors,  for  the  Time  being,  nor 
shall  any  Person  or  Persons  by  vertue  of  this  present  Act, 
incurr  any  of  the  Penalties  herein  before  menc'oned ;  unless 
He  or  They  be  prosecuted  within  six  ]Months  next  after 
the  Offence  committed,  aud  indicted  thereupon  within  three 


cxcviii  APPENDIX. 

Months  after  such  Prosecution,  any  thing  herein  contevned 
to  the  Contrary  notwithstanding* 

Provided  always,  and  be  it  enacted,  that  no  Person  ox 
Persons  shall  be  indicted,  arraigned,  or  condemned,  con- 
victed or  attainted  for  any  of  the  Treasons  or  Offences 
aforesaid,  unless  the  same  Offender  or  Offenders  be  thereof 
accused  by  the  Testimony  and  Deposition  of  two  lawful  and 
credible  Witnesses,  upon  Oath,  which  Witnesses,  at  the 
Time  of  the  said  Offender  or  Offenders  Arraignment,  shall 
be  brought  in  Person  before  him  or  them.  Face  to  Face, 
and  shall  openly  avow  and  maintain  upon  Oath  what  they 
have  to  say  against  him  or  them  concerning  the  Treason  or 
Offences  conteyned  in  the  said  Indictment,  unless  the  Par- 
ty or  Parties  arraigned  shall  willingly  without  violeuce  con- 
fess the  same. 

Provided  always,  and  "be  it  enacted,  that  this  Act,  or  any 
thing  therein  conteyned,  shall  not  extend  to  deprive  either 
of  the  Houses  of  Parliament,  or  any  of  their  Members,  of 
their  just  ancient  Freedom  and  Priviledge  of  debating  any 
Matters  or  Business  which  shall  be  propounded  or  debated 
in  either  of  the  said  Houses,  or  at  any  Conferrences  or 
Committees  of  both,  or  either  of  the  said  Houses  of  Par- 
liament, or  touching  the  Repeal  or  Alterac'ion  of  any  oldy 
or  preparing  any  new  Laws,  or  the  redressing  of  any  pub- 
lic Grievance.  But  that  the  said  Members  of  either  of  the 
said  Houses  and  the  Assistants  of  the  House  of  Peers  and 
every  of  them  shall  have  the  same  Freedom  of  Speech,  and 
all  other  Priviledges  whatsoever,  as  they  had  before  the 
making  of  this  Act:  any  Thing  in  this  Act  to  the  Contrary 
thereof  in  any  wise  notwithstanding. 

Provided  alwayes,  and  bee  it  further  enacted,  that  if  anv 
Peer  of  this  Realme,  or  Member  of  the  House  of  Com- 


APPENDIX.  cxcix 

mons  shall  move  or  propose  in  either  House  of  Parliamt. 
the  Disherision  of  the  rightfuU  and  true  Heir  of  the  Crown, 
or  to  alter  or  Change  the  Descent  or  Succession  of  the 
Crown  in  the  right  Line ;  such  Offence  shall  be  deemed 
and  adjudged  High  Treason,  and  every  Person  being  in- 
dicted and  convicted  of  such  Treason,  shall  be  proceeded 
against,  and  shall  suffer  and  forfeite,  as  in  other  Cases  of 
High  Treason  menc'oned  in  this  Act. 

Provided  always,  and  be  it  ordained  and  enacted,  that  no 
Peer  of  this  Reiilm  shall  be  tried  for  any  Offence  against 
this  Act  but  by  his  Peers :  and  if  his  Majestic  shall  grant 
his  Pardon  to  any  Peer  of  this  Realm  or  Commoner  con- 
victed of  any  Offence  against  this  Act  after  such  Pardon 
granted,  the  Peer  or  Commoner  so  pardoned  shall  be  re- 
stored to  all  intents  and  Purposes,  as  if  he  had  never  been 
convicted  :  any  thing  in  this  law  to  the  contrary  in  any  wise 
notwithstanding. 

IV.  ACCOUNT  OF  RUMBOLD,  FROM  LORD  FOUNTAINHALL'S 
MS.  MEMOIRS 

Colonel  Richard  Rumbold,  another  Englishman,  was  also 
taken  at  Lasmahago,  by  Hamilton  of  Raploch  and  his  mi- 
litia-men. He  was  flying  into  England,  being  conducted 
by  one  TumbuU,  a  man  of  Polwart,  (for  Polwart  had  se- 
cured himself  by  flight  sooner  than  the  rest  had  done.)  He 
was  bold,  answerable  to  his  name,  and  killed  one,  and 
wounded  two,  in  the  taking,  and  if  one  had  not  been  some 
wiser  than  the  rest,  by  causing  shoot  his  horse  under  him, 
he  might  have  escaped  them  all ;  however,  he  undci-valued 
much  our  Scotch  soldiers,  as  wanting  both  courage  and 
skill.  What  had  unfortunately  engaged  him  in  this  enter- 
prise, was,  that  he  had  been  from  his  infancy  bred  up  in 


cc 


APPENDIX. 


the  republican  and  antimonarchic  principles  ;  and  he  owned 
he  had  been  fighting  against  these  idols  of  monarchy  and 
prelacy,  since  he  was  nineteen  years  of  age ;  (for  he  was 
now  past  sixty-three,)  and  was  a  lieutenant  in  Oliver 
Cromwell's  army,  and  at  Dundee,  and  sundry  of  the  Scots 
battles  ;  and  by  the  discovery  of  the  English  fanatick  plot 
in  1683,  it  was  proved  and  deponed  against  him,  that  this 
Rumbold  had  undertaken  to  kill  the  late  King  in  April, 
1683,  as  he  should  return  from  Newmarket  to  London,  at 
his  own  house,  at  the  Rye  in  Hogsdown,  in  the  county  of 
Hertford,  where  he  had  married  a  maltster's  relict,  and  so 
was  designed  the  Malster ;  and  intended  to  have  a  cart 
overturned  in  that  narrow  place,  to  facilitate  their  assassi- 
nation. But  God  disappointed  them,  by  sending  the  acci- 
dental fire  at  Newmarket,  Avhich  forced  the  King  to  return 
a  week  sooner  to  London  than  he  designed :  see  all  this  in 
the  King's  printed  declaration.  But  Rumbold  absolutely  de- 
nied any  knoxvledge  of  that  designed  murder ;  though  on  the 
breaking  out  of  that  plot  he  fled  with  others  to  Holland, 
and  there  made  acquaintance  with  Argyle. 

FOUNT AINHALL'S  DECISIONS.VOL.  1,  P.  :}>^5. 

On  the  28th  (June,  1685,)  the  said  Richard  Rumbold, 
malster,  was.  brought  to  his  trial.  His  indictment  bore, 
that  he  had  designed  to  kill  the  late  King,  at  the  Rye  or 
Hogsdown,  in  his  return  from  Newmarket  to  London,  in 
April,  1683.  But  in  regard  he  positively  denied  the  truth  of 
this^  (though  sundry  had  sworn  it  against  him  in  England,) 
the  King's  advocate  passed  from  that  part,  lest  it  should 
have  disparaged  or  impaired  the  credit  of  the  said  English 
plot ;  therefore  he  insisted  singly  on  the  point,  that  he  had 
associated  himself  with  the  late  Argyle,  a  forfeited  traitor, 


*  APPENDIX.  cci 

and  invaded  Scotland,  &c.  All  this  he  confessed  and 
signed  ;  and  being  interrogated  if  he  was  one  of  the  mask- 
ed executioners  on  King  Charles  the  first's  scaffold,  he  de- 
clared he  was  not,  but  that  he  was  one  of  Oliver  Cromwell's 
regiment  then,  and  was  on  horseback  at  Whitehall  that  day, 
as  one  of  the  guard  about  the  scaffold ;  and  that  he  was  at 
Dunbar,  Worcester,  and  Dundee,  a  lieutenant  in  Cromwell's 
army.  He  said  that  James  Stewart,  advocate,  told  them 
Argyle  ^v'ould  ruin  all  their  affair,  by  lingering  in  the  Isles 
and  Highlands,  and  not  presently  marching  into  the  inland 
country ;  wherein  he  had  proved  a  true  prophet,  but  might 
see  it  without  a  spirit  of  divination.  And  being  asked  if 
he  owned  the  present  King's  authority,  he  craved  leave  to 
be  excused,  seeing  he  needed  neither  offend  them,  nor 
grate  his  own  conscience,  for  they  had  enough  whereon  to 
take  his  life  beside.  He  was  certainly  a  man  of  much  na- 
tural courage.  His  rooted  ingrained  opinion  was,  for  a  re- 
public against  monarchy,  to  pull  which  do^v^l,  he  thought  a 
duty,  and  no  sin.  And  on  the  scaffold  he  began  to  pray 
for  that  party  which  he  had  been  owning,  and  to  keep  the 
three  metropolitan  cities  of  the  three  kingdoms  right ;  and 
if  every  hair  of  his  head  were  a  man^  he  would  venture 
them  all  in  that  cause.  But  the  drums  were  then  com- 
manded to  beat,  otherwise  he  carried  discreetly  enough, 
and  heard  the  ministers,  but  took  none  of  them  to  the  scaf- 
fold with  him. 


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